Le Panthéon de l'Arabie centrale à la veille de l'hégire by Toufic Fahd Review by: Albert Jamme Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 92, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1972), pp. 111-112 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/599658 . Accessed: 17/06/2014 15:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
[email protected]. . American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Oriental Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 62.122.77.28 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 15:47:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aos http://www.jstor.org/stable/599658?origin=JSTOR-pdf http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp REVIEWS OF BOOKS Le pantheon de l'Arabie centrale a la veille de l'hegire. By TOUFIC FAHD (Institut frangais d'arch6ologie de Beyrouth. Bibliotheque arch6ologique et historique, Tome LXXXVIII). Pp. xvi + 321; one map. Paris: LIBRAIRIE ORIENTALISTE PAUL GEUTHNER, 1968. After a short foreword (pp. vii-ix), a chart indicating his system of transliteration (p. xi), and the list of ab- breviations (pp. xiii-xv), the author devotes his first chapter to the religious ideas of ancient Arabia (pp. 1-35). This section plays the role of introduction to the second (pp. 37-201) and third (pp. 203-47) chapters which actually are the matter dealt with in the book, viz. the divine names and sanctuaries respectively. The book ends with the conclusion (pp. 249-60), the bibliog- raphy (pp. 261-75), five indexes, viz. the proper names (pp. 277-96), the divine names and epithetons and the names of the sanctuaries (pp. 297-302), the Oriental, Latin and Greek words (pp. 303-14), the Biblical (pp. 314-16) and Koranic (pp. 316-17) quotations, and finally the contents (pp. 319-22). A map of ancient Arabia "during the sixth century" is added at the end of the book. The purpose of the book is to remedy the situation described as follows: "rien n'a ete fait en vue de l'ex- ploitation des resultats archeologiques dans le but d'dclairer le pantheon archaique de l'Arabie paienne" (p. viii). As it stands, this statement is a gross error which cannot be justified or excused. The reading of the book and especially of the conclusion suggests that the clich6 "resultats archeologiques" is used in the wrong place instead of "the Arabic culture and language", although it is almost unbelievable that such a switch can happen. The author's thesis is explained in the following words: "la langue et la culture arabes v6hi- culent un heritage antique qu'il est impossible de ne pas prendre en consideration dans 1'etude du patrimoine semitique" (p. 258), and the work must be done "en remontant de l'arabe a l'accadien, l'hebreu, l'arameen, l'arabe du sud, le tamrideen, le lihyanite . . . En l'absence de donnees archeologiques et epigraphiques, c'est la seule chance qui nous reste pour tenter de rendre a la tradition arabe son prestige perdu" (p. 259). In their sweeping form, these statements are confusing and inac- curate. The question at stake is not the existence of an ancient heritage carried by a language and a culture, but rather its objective value and interpretation. The pri- mary and most important information about any popula- tion is their writings and artifacts and, therefore, the information contained in another population's tradition and culture is not accepted as being truly authentic unless and until confirmed by the genuine information. In other words, it is one thing to attempt the description of the deities of ancient Arabia on the basis of the Arabic literature, but quite another thing to claim that such an attempt represents the true description of the reality. Furthermore, the recourse to other Semitic languages is not explained although it can take many different forms. Which of them is or are meant by the author? When is the recourse to be applied? These questions are un- answered. Finally, the affirmation stating the absence of archaeological and epigraphical data contradicts the author's opening statement reproduced above and is another inaccurate oversimplification of the facts. The reviewer apologizes for failing to understand the exact meaning of many of the author's statements. The more he reads them, the stronger grows the impression that the author pays too much attention to the wording of the phrases and not enough to the actual meaning of the words. It is the author's privilege to include the whole Arabian peninsula in a study dedicated to "l'Arabie centrale." But then the reader cannot but wonder where southern and northern Arabia actually lie. Indeed, the author studies several deities (e.g., 'm'ns, pp. 45-46) belonging to the south (Yemen and H.ad.ramawt) and a Safaitic deity, "SAY' al-QAWM" (pp. 153-54), from the far north. It is true that the author points out that the Safaitic deity remains unknown in the pantheon of central Arabia. However, not only the reader has to go through more than 152 pages to find that out, but also the same remark is not made in the case of the southern deities (e.g., 'm'ns, pp. 45-46). Besides, if the author wanted to remain logical with himself, he should at least have mentioned the presence of s' in both Thamudic and Lihyanite. Therefore, the adjective "centrale" must be removed from the title of the book. Furthermore, the mention of the Safaitic deity brings up the question of the Safaitic chronology, which the author does not even mention. For him, the sole presence of the Arabic name "Say' Allah" in Tdj al-'Aris is all that he needs to place the Safaitic deity s'hqm "a la veille de l'hegire," although the common opinion ascribes the end of Safaitic to the fourth century AD. The vagueness and imprecision of the author's ideas may suggest the possibility that the fourth century AD. is identified with the sixth because these two periods are rather close to each other. How- ever, it seems more probable, in my opinion, that the author is not interested in Safaitic chronology, taking for granted that he knows that the question exists. The case of the two names mentioned above is an opportunity, as good as any, to take a close look at the author's actual work. I will limit myself to the very first statements, which read as follows: "Le th6ophore arabe Say' Allah pourrait apporter une precision a ce nom 111 This content downloaded from 62.122.77.28 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 15:47:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92.1 (1972) Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92.1 (1972) divin [ = the Safaitic one]. En effet, say' designe le lionceau ou meme le lion... Say' al-Qawm devait etre une divinite tribale representee sous la forme d'un lionceau ou lion" (p. 153). These statements call for the following remarks. (1) The unjustified reasoning from the hypothetical premise of "pourrait" to the un- conditional certainty of "devait 6tre" must be de- nounced. (2) The two names have in common as first component the root sy', but this common link does not imply the necessary dependence of one name on the other. (3) It is an error to claim that the Safaitic name is "SAY' al-QAWM." Safaitic h- is the counterpart of the Arabic article al-. But this equivalence does not justify at all the substitution of any of them for the other. (4) In his interpretation of s', the author arbi- trarily chooses a secondary meaning of Arabic say' without any consideration for the second element of the original Safaitic name which is the object of the study. (5) The discarding of the second element of the original name is also condemned by the author's second state- ment of his thesis, viz. the necessity of having recourse to other Semitic languages, which means Safaitic in the present case. Yet no justification is given for making an exception. (6) The representation of the Safaitic deity is categorically defined on the basis of the preceding etymology without inquiring whether or not such an opinion fits into the Safaitic material. If the author had confined himself to simply stating what the Arabic literature has to say about pre-Islamic deities and religious customs and to presenting it as such, provided that the divine names and epithetons would have carefully distinguished from each other, he would have rendered a service to pre-Islamic studies. Un- fortunately, the author imposes the contents of Arabic literature on the past as if it were the authentic account of the reality, and he deals with ancient deities and religious practices (cf. the first chapter) for which he is unprepared. He even ignores M. Hofner's substantial study of 1962 relating to the subject. The result of the author's method is an eclectic book containing an unusual embroilment of the data, and many of them are erroneous. ALBERT JAMME THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Arabs, Islam and the Caliphate in the Early Middle Ages. By E. A. BELYAEV. Translated from the Russian under the auspices of Israel Program for Scientific Translations by ADOLPHE GOUREVITCH. Pp. 264 + maps. New York: FREDERICK A. PRAEGER, 1969. $10.00. Those of us who are not familiar with Islamic scholar- ship in the Soviet Union would receive an English trans- divin [ = the Safaitic one]. En effet, say' designe le lionceau ou meme le lion... Say' al-Qawm devait etre une divinite tribale representee sous la forme d'un lionceau ou lion" (p. 153). These statements call for the following remarks. (1) The unjustified reasoning from the hypothetical premise of "pourrait" to the un- conditional certainty of "devait 6tre" must be de- nounced. (2) The two names have in common as first component the root sy', but this common link does not imply the necessary dependence of one name on the other. (3) It is an error to claim that the Safaitic name is "SAY' al-QAWM." Safaitic h- is the counterpart of the Arabic article al-. But this equivalence does not justify at all the substitution of any of them for the other. (4) In his interpretation of s', the author arbi- trarily chooses a secondary meaning of Arabic say' without any consideration for the second element of the original Safaitic name which is the object of the study. (5) The discarding of the second element of the original name is also condemned by the author's second state- ment of his thesis, viz. the necessity of having recourse to other Semitic languages, which means Safaitic in the present case. Yet no justification is given for making an exception. (6) The representation of the Safaitic deity is categorically defined on the basis of the preceding etymology without inquiring whether or not such an opinion fits into the Safaitic material. If the author had confined himself to simply stating what the Arabic literature has to say about pre-Islamic deities and religious customs and to presenting it as such, provided that the divine names and epithetons would have carefully distinguished from each other, he would have rendered a service to pre-Islamic studies. Un- fortunately, the author imposes the contents of Arabic literature on the past as if it were the authentic account of the reality, and he deals with ancient deities and religious practices (cf. the first chapter) for which he is unprepared. He even ignores M. Hofner's substantial study of 1962 relating to the subject. The result of the author's method is an eclectic book containing an unusual embroilment of the data, and many of them are erroneous. ALBERT JAMME THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Arabs, Islam and the Caliphate in the Early Middle Ages. By E. A. BELYAEV. Translated from the Russian under the auspices of Israel Program for Scientific Translations by ADOLPHE GOUREVITCH. Pp. 264 + maps. New York: FREDERICK A. PRAEGER, 1969. $10.00. Those of us who are not familiar with Islamic scholar- ship in the Soviet Union would receive an English trans- lation from the pen of a Russian scholar with great in- terest and expectation. Professor Belyaev is a member of the Institute of Asian Peoples of the Academy of Sciences of the U. S. S. R. and a specialist on Arab history. The work under review is not a definitive work on the Arabs and Islam in the early Middle Ages. Rather, it is a sketchy history of socio-political and economic condi- tions. In fact, it does not offer new data except his read- ing too much into already-known material. As such, the work could-if taken seriously-engender a heated controversy depending on one's views and understanding of history. The work is interesting in its approach to Islamic history and in its emphasis on socio-economic aspects. Professor Belyaev attempts to substantiate his views through the use of Arabic, Russian and Western sources which he introduces and discusses at the begin- ning of each chapter. In order to make his point, he often criticizes "bourgeois Western historians" and, in the process, indulges in Marxist cliches such as the prole- tariat being exploited or triumphing over the "slave holding" regimes. The work consists of an introduction and five uneven chapters: Arabia and the Arabs in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries; The Origins of Islam; The Formation of the Caliphate; The Umayyad Caliphate; and The Baghdad Caliphate in the Eighth to Tenth Centuries. In the Introduction, Professor Belyaev starts with the premise that rural freeholders played an important role in Byzantine economy at first, but subsequently were displaced by the Byzantine Emperor and his army, thereby contributing to the establishment of the rule of an aristocracy and to a slave-holding regime (p. 2). The Church, which was subservient to the Emperor, managed to have large landed estates. As it turned out, the Em- peror emerged as the biggest landowner and was sur- rounded by parasitic nobles and big landowners, prin- cipal among whom was the Higher Orthodox Clergy who exploited the "lowly and ignorant faith of the common people" (p. 3). In the process, free tenants or coloni were exploited with excessive taxes. In the cities, the lot of the common people was not much better (p. 4); slave labor was used in handicrafts, trade and industry. This exploitation of the people led to revolts and weakened the empire, thus facilitating the coming of the Arabs. For one, "the Monophysitic preachers, who condemned the cupidity, the riches and the loose life of the Orthodox upper clergy and castigated the hypocrisy, avarice, and shameless behavior of the monks, found many listeners among the masses of the people" (p. 11). The Sassanids, the mortal enemies of the Byzantines, had identical avocations and displayed similar features: slave-labor and a landed aristocracy which was often allied with the clergy in the exploitation of the masses, resulting in the decline of production and intolerable suffering. The Mazdakite movement rose as a result of lation from the pen of a Russian scholar with great in- terest and expectation. Professor Belyaev is a member of the Institute of Asian Peoples of the Academy of Sciences of the U. S. S. R. and a specialist on Arab history. The work under review is not a definitive work on the Arabs and Islam in the early Middle Ages. Rather, it is a sketchy history of socio-political and economic condi- tions. In fact, it does not offer new data except his read- ing too much into already-known material. As such, the work could-if taken seriously-engender a heated controversy depending on one's views and understanding of history. The work is interesting in its approach to Islamic history and in its emphasis on socio-economic aspects. Professor Belyaev attempts to substantiate his views through the use of Arabic, Russian and Western sources which he introduces and discusses at the begin- ning of each chapter. In order to make his point, he often criticizes "bourgeois Western historians" and, in the process, indulges in Marxist cliches such as the prole- tariat being exploited or triumphing over the "slave holding" regimes. The work consists of an introduction and five uneven chapters: Arabia and the Arabs in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries; The Origins of Islam; The Formation of the Caliphate; The Umayyad Caliphate; and The Baghdad Caliphate in the Eighth to Tenth Centuries. In the Introduction, Professor Belyaev starts with the premise that rural freeholders played an important role in Byzantine economy at first, but subsequently were displaced by the Byzantine Emperor and his army, thereby contributing to the establishment of the rule of an aristocracy and to a slave-holding regime (p. 2). The Church, which was subservient to the Emperor, managed to have large landed estates. As it turned out, the Em- peror emerged as the biggest landowner and was sur- rounded by parasitic nobles and big landowners, prin- cipal among whom was the Higher Orthodox Clergy who exploited the "lowly and ignorant faith of the common people" (p. 3). In the process, free tenants or coloni were exploited with excessive taxes. In the cities, the lot of the common people was not much better (p. 4); slave labor was used in handicrafts, trade and industry. This exploitation of the people led to revolts and weakened the empire, thus facilitating the coming of the Arabs. For one, "the Monophysitic preachers, who condemned the cupidity, the riches and the loose life of the Orthodox upper clergy and castigated the hypocrisy, avarice, and shameless behavior of the monks, found many listeners among the masses of the people" (p. 11). The Sassanids, the mortal enemies of the Byzantines, had identical avocations and displayed similar features: slave-labor and a landed aristocracy which was often allied with the clergy in the exploitation of the masses, resulting in the decline of production and intolerable suffering. The Mazdakite movement rose as a result of 112 112 This content downloaded from 62.122.77.28 on Tue, 17 Jun 2014 15:47:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp