Gaborone

s, So g UB Peri-urban Bot ass ﬂue lopi t. T is t y an � 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. ndersta e. One succe tially loped w on of ‘s where attempts at reconciling tradition and modernity are played out (Balbo, 1993). And in addition, ‘While it is well known that urbanization is affected by several factors, the driving functions of the exploitation of resources should not be neglected’ (Shen, Cheng, Gunson, & Wan, 2005, p. 289). Gaborone in context When Botswana gained independence in 1966, it was one of the poorest countries in the world, with the nation’s budget ﬁnanced by foreign grants, particularly from the UK. The agricultural sector contributed over 50% of GDP and beef was the leading foreign exchange earner. Only 4% of the population lived in urban settlements (Kalabamu, 2004). However, the deﬁning economic moment of the new nation was the opening in 1967 of a diamond ⇑ Corresponding author. Tel.: +61 3 99253823, mobile: +61 040 794 6963; fax: +61 3 99251855. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Kent), IKGOPOLE@mopipi. Cities 28 (2011) 478–494 Contents lists availab Citie .e l ub.bw (H. Ikgopoleng). sible through a number of avenues: cultural capital and diversity (Florida, 2002), communicative and participatory decision-making (Healey, 1997) and an interactive, innovative complex of industrial clusters drawing on a range of economic sectors (Porter, 1990). Other approaches focus more on the developing world and not so much on success, as on coping, in the face of conditions that are sometimes extraordinarily difﬁcult. Mechanisms emerge either formally or informally, legally or extra-legally, in the face of transitional and contradictory cultural and economic conditions. ‘Coping’ is explored through perspectives such as the extended metropolitan region (McGee, 1991) and a view of the city as a site Gaborone, we have what is a fairly rare situation: a city that seems a model both in terms of development and governance. In this proﬁle, the ideas on urbanisation noted above are touchstones to guide an examination, from a planning perspective, of Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. Attention will focus on the growth of the capital. In order to approach an understanding and to draw out the implications of this growth, we further reﬁne the examina- tion by considering housing provision, rights to land ownership and public participation – undoubtedly recurring concerns for studies in democracy and development in urban settings. Tribal land Housing Civil society Introduction There are a number of ways to u are by no means mutually exclusiv the beneﬁts of cohesion afforded by internal dynamics. This angle is essen successful cities, usually in the deve global economy being the sine qua n 0264-2751/$ - see front matter � 2010 Elsevier Ltd. A doi:10.1016/j.cities.2010.11.004 nd urbanisation which approach emphasises ssful management and interested in explaining orld, with links to the uccess’. Success is pos- Gaborone is both engaged with the global economy through the urban-based administration of massive diamond exports, and is successful, particularly in comparison with other African cities, in terms of its orderly civil society, lack of obvious slums, relatively high levels of income and education and, if it were not for the rav- ages of HIV/AIDS, the general health of its population. Thus it pro- vides an opportunity to reconsider the range of contemporary ideas on cities in the context of the developing world. For in Gaborone Botswana throws up a number of issues, including the inconsistent way in which planning authorities have managed this ‘balancing act’. City proﬁle Gaborone Anthony Kent a,⇑, Horatius Ikgopoleng b a International Urban and Environmental Management Program, School of Global Studie Melbourne, Victoria 3001, Australia bDepartment of Architecture and Planning, Faculty of Engineering and Technology, P Ba a r t i c l e i n f o Article history: Received 22 December 2009 Received in revised form 8 October 2010 Accepted 10 November 2010 Available online 7 January 2011 Keywords: a b s t r a c t The city of Gaborone, like Here is a city lacking in m appearances, an orderly, af ning authorities in a deve other African cities have no A key issue which emerges both within Gaborone Cit journal homepage: www ll rights reserved. cial Science and Planning, RMIT University, GPO Box 2476, 0061, Gaborone, Botswana swana, the nation of which it is capital, is extraordinary in African terms. poverty, extensive squatter settlements or recurrent civil strife: for all nt urban area. For these reasons, it is an important example of how plan- ng nation have managed urban growth. Gaborone has had opportunities hus it invites questions as to how these have been managed and expressed. he co-location of informal, traditional and modern forms of land allocation d the peri-urban regions with which it is increasingly connected. This le at ScienceDirect s sevier .com/locate /c i t ies mine at Orapa in the central area of the country by De Beers, the giant South African mining company. About 5 years later, De Beers agreed to the Botswana Government taking a 50% share in the company. In 1991, it was renamed Debswana and a headquarters Independence and the founding of Gaborone With plans for a railway and telegraph line to Rhodesia being for- mulated and with the continuing threat of Boer incursions, in 1890 a police fort was established near the village of Moshaweng, in the country’s south east. Fort Gaborones, named after the European term for Moshaweng, was thus established. As independence drew A. Kent, H. Ikgopolen / Citi in Gaborone was established. Diamonds have come to represent 70% of exports. 75% of diamond proﬁts go directly to the state. Lar- gely as a result of this, between 1975 and 2005, Botswana achieved an average annual growth per capita GDP of 5.9% (UNDP, 2008). This positive result is matched by rare civil strife and low rates of corruption – at least by African standards.1 It has a two-tiered system of government, with democratic elections since indepen- dence, although only one party, the conservative Botswana Demo- cratic Party (BDP), has held power. The government is aware of the potential danger of having all its eggs in the one ‘diamond basket’ and has attempted to diversify the economy. These measures have had some success, with mining’s share of GDP declining from 47% in 1986 to 35% in 2003 (CSO, 2009a). Dependence on diamond ex- ports created problems during the Global Financial Crisis, when their value plummeted by 72% in the second half of 2008. In 2009, the country saw a negative growth in GDP of �5.2% (CIA, 2010c). A concern is the level of poverty, unemployment and inequality, given Botswana’s impressive overall socio-economic ﬁgures. For example, on the latest available ﬁgures, between 1993/4 and 2003/4, the gini-coefﬁcient rose from 0.537 to 0.573 (CSO, 2009a). As with developing nations with far more problematic so- cial, political and economic proﬁles, rural poverty is a strong incen- tive to migrate to urban areas: by 1975, 12% of Botswana’s population lived in urban areas in 1975. In 2005, this had grown to 57% (UNDP, 2008). This shift is exempliﬁed in Table 1, which shows the population growth of Gaborone compared with the na- tion as a whole. While levelling off after 1991, population levels within the ofﬁ- cial boundaries of Gaborone City need to be contextualised within the growth of its peri-urban regions, an argument we develop later in the paper. At this point it is worth noting that in 1981, 50% of the country’s population lived within a radius of 200 km of the capital; by 1991, 50% lived within 100 km (Kalabamu, 2004). Natural environment and physical geography The arid conditions pertaining to two-thirds of Botswana ensure a concentration of population along the comparatively amenable eastern border area (Fig. 1). Gaborone lies just 15 km from the South African border to the east, within the Notwane catchment. The Notwane River itself ﬂows to the east of the capital. The Segoditshane River traverses the northern part of the city. The dominant topographical feature for the city is Kgale Hill, which lies on the city’s southern outskirts, and the general topography in the surrounding region is undulating. In the Gaborone area, there is one sustained rainy season, between October and April. In Septem- ber and October, temperatures can reach 30–35� or more. Humid- ity is generally low. Soils are generally stony and shallow. Surrounding vegetation is of non-descript shrub savannah, partic- ular acacia. Vegetation loss around Gaborone has been consider- able, a result of long periods of exploitation for cattle-kraals, buildings, mine pits and railway sleepers. Other major changes have been the loss of grassland through overgrazing and its replacement by thorn scrub and the destruction of wetlands that once provided habitat for a variety of fauna. Local extinctions in 1 Transparency International (2008) record Botswana as the 36th least corrupt nation and the least corrupt in all of Africa. If the proviso of African standards is put to one side, the picture is not so clear. Bank (2010a) shows, for example, a ﬁgure of around 25% of ﬁrms in Botswana expected to pay informal payments to public ofﬁcials, to give gifts to secure a government contract and identiﬁed corruption as a major constraint, a ﬁgure that is in fact higher than several other African nations. g the last 150 years include springbok, buffalo, rhinoceros, giraffe, zebra and lion (Campbell & Main, 2003). Early history Australopithecines were present in Botswana around 4 million years ago. Relics from the activities of homo erectus at around 500,000 bp and homo sapiens 200,000 bp have been found in the Gaborone region. The Basarwa people made their appearance in the area around 4500 years ago. The ﬁfth century saw the arrival of farmers, probably frommodern day Zimbabwe. A subsequent in- ﬂux of farmers, also probably from Zimbabwe, arrived 1000 AD. Possibly around 600 years later, the ﬁrst ancestral Batswana ar- rived from South Africa (Campbell & Main, 2003). The land tenure system which developed in pre-colonial times was patrilineal and communal. Ownership of tribal land was vested in the tribe itself, but in practice, ‘The allocation and use of land were both in the hands of the chiefs, and commoners performed for the leader al- most any task he required.’ (Good, 1999, p. 187). Chiefs dominated cattle ownership; serfdom was also practiced. The colonial period From around the 1830s, a number of incursions by Boers com- menced. This pattern continued until the 1880s, when the British intervened, expelled Boer settlers and declared a Protectorate over southern Botswana. Hence, Bechuanaland Protectorate was formed and this territory is generally contiguous with modern day Botswa- na. The British also controlled the adjacent northern area of South Africa at that time and it was from here, at Mafeking, that the Pro- tectorate was administered until independence (Fig. 1). Although more stable and prosperous in per capita terms than its dominant southern neighbour, Botswana’s economic proﬁle was, and in many respects, still is, in the shadow of South Africa. The British encouraged labour migration to work in the extensive South African mining industry so that ‘Botswana functioned as a reserve of cheap labour’ (Molebatsi, 2004, p. 73). This policy was self-reinforcing in that lack of indigenous economic activity gave male workers little choice but to continue to migrate to South Afri- ca, temporarily or permanently. Thus, ‘[I]n the terms of the avail- ability of local skills, Botswana was less well equipped for independence than any other ex-British colony in Africa.’ (Mogalakwe, 2008a, p. 428). As elsewhere in Africa, the colonial power introduced a European-style urban land administration system to protect European property. A tripartite land ownership system comprised of tribal land, Crown (now State) land and freehold land was thus established and remains intact today (Kalabamu, 2004). Table 1 Population increase, Gaborone and Botswana. Source: (City Population, 2009). 1981 1991 2001 2006 Gaborone 59,657 133,468 186,007 191,776 Botswana 941,027 1326,796 1680,863 1773,240 Gaborone’s share (%) 6 10 11 11 es 28 (2011) 478–494 479 near, the decision was made to locate the post-colonial administra- tive capital at this site. Its attractionwasmainly due to security rea- sons, both external and internal. A degree of security against Citi 480 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / external threat, particularly from the aggressive apartheid regime in South Africa, was provided by the fort. Further, in order to build the railway, the land had been ceded to the British several years be- fore. As it was no longer tribal land, it was anticipated, correctly, that tribal politics would not interfere with the government and management of the capital. And ﬁnally, this site provided an alter- native to Lobatse near the South African border (Fig. 1). Although Lobatse was well established, it was assumed by the British that its proximity to South Africa exposed its population to the militant inﬂuence of South African freedom ﬁghters (Maudeni, 2004). The character of modern-day Gaborone Urban form As a city that was literally created in the 1960s, Gaborone lacks heritage architecture. The oldest colonial buildings around the site of the original Fort Gaborones are in a state of disrepair, ignored Fig. 1. Gaborone es 28 (2011) 478–494 by authorities and tourists alike. But Gaborone also lacks obvious African architectural ‘motifs’ that might distinguish it. It is then in appearance, the quintessential ‘modern city’ and, it has to be said, quintessentially bland.With the exception of OldNaledi, the orginal squatters’ camp, Gaborone is mostly a well-ordered series of neigh- bourhoods, traversed by ring roads: ‘. . .a combination of concentric, linear and gridiron patterns.’ (Cavric, Mohsa, & Keiner, 2004). Detached, single storey housing on large plots (with an average of 760 m2) predominate. This, combined with heavily subsidised land and housing, contributes to Gaborone’s outward growth (Bührer, 2002). A central spine forms the commercial and industrial core. Gaborone InternationalCommercePark, the central industrial estate and the Central Business District all lie within this enclave (Fig. 2). The nation’s sole railway service runs directly through this central area. Always a regional and not a suburban service, it ceased passen- ger services altogether in 2009, ostensibly due to operational costs. Pedestrian permeability is poor, with few overhead pedestrian bridges. Bicycle riders are a rarity. There is no state-owned urban , Botswana. ines A. Kent, H. Ikgopolen / Citi Fig. 2. Gaborone’s low-key Central Bus transport. Public transport is not mentioned in the most recent National Development Plan (Government of Botswana, 2002) and there is no dedicated transport plan. Hence there is no integrated transport and land use planning. Public transport within the capita and between the capital and peri-urban areas is frequent, but over- crowded. Car dependency is encouraged by the development of large shopping complexes on peripheral sites, in particular, Game City, on land owned by the Roman Catholic Church and Riverwalk a controversial development located on a ﬂood plain adjacent to the municipal tip and a sewage pond.2 New ofﬁce parks are simi- larly located on the periphery. The ‘cultural capital’ of the city is largely concealed. Music and other entertainment venues, such as they are, are often located on the outskirts, accessible only by car. Gaborone lacks a centra entertainment or restaurant precinct as such. The liveliest street scenes are provided by the city’s open air malls, in particular, the less than imaginatively named ‘The Mall’, where crowds gather to enjoy open air markets and other shops and services (Fig. 3). A lively ‘urban signature’ is provided by the activities of the informal sector: food vendors, welders, carpenters and the ubiqui- tous road side hair dressers ply their trade in non-commercial or industrial zones, in the open, by roadsides, open spaces and town squares, their ramshackle structures of corrugated iron or other makeshift material a common sight (Fig. 4). Environmental issues To date, the city does not suffer from serious air pollution from cars (due to a low population) or factories (due to a weak manufac- 2 In 2007, the former Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Local Government Lands and Housing was jailed for corruption over preferential treatment which resulted in allocation of the Riverwalk site to its eventual developer (Botswana Press Agency, 2009). g l , l , s District. Photo: H. Ikgopoleng, 2010. es 28 (2011) 478–494 481 turing sector). The burning of rubbish is the most obvious contrib- utor to air pollution. There are however several prominent loca- tions that are of concern due to either past or present waste disposal practices. Ninety-three percent of the residents of Old Naledi, which slopes down towards the adjacent Gaborone Dam, use pit latrines (Gwebu, 2003). The municipal tip itself is located only 1 km from Gaborone Dam, and it too is a leachate threat to the water supply (Rankokwane & Gwebu, 2006). Sewage discharge into the River Notwane, destruction of surrounding woodlands for fuel wood supply (the burning of which also contributes to air pollution) and conversion of arable land to residential uses in peri-urban areas are the other major environmental issues (Bührer, 2002; Molebatsi, 1996). Fig. 5 displays the close proximity of con- ﬂicting land uses. Open space in the capital is poorly maintained and in some cases is a refuge for criminal activity. Planning authorities have ap- proved conversion to other land uses. A substantial park typical of Western cities is lacking, although a substantial botanical garden is planned. Public access is allowed to the Kgale Hill area, owned by the Catholic Church, but is discouraged, by criminal activity, real or imagined. Similarly, the area surrounding the picturesque Gaborone Dam has a dangerous reputation. Gaborone Game Reserve, to the northeast of the city, offers ﬁve square kilometres of protected habitat and has picnic facilities. The city economy Botswana has adopted an economic path thatmight be described as ‘command capitalism’. The late 1980s saw the nation follow the policies of many others in deregulating the economy (Hermans, 1997;Molebatsi, 1996). These policies have resulted in foreign own- ership of the major productive capacity of exports and industry (Siwawa-Ndai, 1997). The national development philosophy and rhetoric is undoubtedly free enterprise/market economy, however Fig. 3. The Mall. Photo: A. Kent, 2010. Fig. 4. Road side hairdresser. Photo: H. Ikgopoleng, 2010. 482 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / Cities 28 (2011) 478–494 / Citi A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng in reality the situation ismore complex. The state plays a central role through partnership in Debswana, the provision of various sorts of housing supply and the prominent role of numerous parastatals, including the Botswana Development Corporation, which partners both domestic and foreign investors (Mogalakwe & Siphambe, 2001). The inﬂuence and expression of the state’s role forms the basis of the city economy of Gaborone. It is in Gaborone that the head- quarters of national and multinational corporation branches can Fig. 5. Gaborone: Key Features, 2006. Sou es 28 (2011) 478–494 483 be found. This explains the increasing proportion of ﬁnancial and business services workers who administer the country’s diamond exports (Table 2). The indigenous political elite express political power through management of these transnational capital ﬂows, and economic power through domination of the rural-based cattle industry. Thus, they have a vested interest in the status quo (Good, 1992). Gaborone is home not only to Debswana, but also the Southern African Development Corporation (SADC) Secretariat and of course, rce: Rankokwane and Gwebu (2006). Citi Gaborone International Airport. The capital, therefore, has been moulded ‘. . .in the image of the global system of metropolitan centers increase[ing] the divergence within the national urban sys- tem. . . the primate city bears closer resemblance to global centers than to the rest of the country’ (Molebatsi, 1996, p. 130). In 2005/6, Gaborone, with 11% of the nation’s population had 13% of the jobs. Table 2, above, shows that public administration and education is the main employer, a reﬂection of the prominent place of parasta- tals in the city economy. In contrast, the share of manufacturing and construction has fallen over time. The development of manu- facturing exports is one of the national government’s strategies to diversify the economy (CSO, 2009d). The African Development Bank, in reference to Africa generally, has also recently acknowl- edged its potential (Smith & Elliot, 2010). Clearly, however, govern- ment policy is yet to make an impact on manufacturing’s share of employment in the capital. Indeed, based on the available ﬁgures, since 2005, Botswana would appear to lag behind other SADC na- tions average for high technology exports as a proportion of man- ufacturing exports and is on par with much poorer SADC nations for research and development expenditure as a proportion of GDP (The World Bank, 2010b, 2010c). Conversely, Table 2 shows the importance of New Economy jobs (ﬁnancial and business ser- vices) and the continuing strength of trade-sector employment, an indication of the strength of diamond exports. A decline in the fortune of diamonds, then, is a decline in the fortunes of a signiﬁ- cant part of the city’s economy. From these ﬁgures, it would appear that the trend for Gaborone, in line with capitals and other major cities in the developed world, is one of decline of ‘old economy’ sectors, that is, manufacturing, in favour of the New Economy classiﬁcations. The enduring distinc- tion, however, is the extent of informal employment. Batswana Scholars have drawn a direct relationship between a weak manu- facturing sector and a growing informal sector, with the latter pro- viding employment ‘in lieu’ (Keiner, Salmeron, Schmid, & Poduje, 2004). According to ofﬁcial ﬁgures (CSO, 2008), in 2005/6, 11.5% Table 2 Employment by industry, Gaborone, percentages, 1995/06 and 2005/06. Source: CSO, 1998, 2008. 1995/06 (%) 2005/06 (%) Public admin and education 26.7 23.7 Financial and business services 10.1 19.3 Trade 17.4 17.0 Manufacturing 10.8 7.6 Construction 10.6 6.6 Transport 4.3 5.8 Health, Social Work, Community Serv. 6.6 5.9 Other 13.9 13.4 Total 100.00 100.00 484 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / of employment in Gaborone was informal compared with 7.5% nationally, although these ofﬁcial ﬁgures are regarded as an under- estimation (Mosha, 1996, cited in Keiner et al., 2004). Ofﬁcial unemployment ﬁgures in Gaborone have declined over time but are still high: in 2005/6 the unemployment rate was 14.5% (compared with 17.5% nationally) (CSO, 2008). The causes of unemployment in the capital come from divergent directions. First, a disproportionate number of high income jobs are occupied by a ‘foreign labour aristocracy’ of expatriates (Mogalakwe, 2008a). Expatriates earn on average three times that of the native-born and are granted a number of beneﬁts denied to local workers, including a generous gratuity on local salary, with the greatest discrepancy in the ﬁnancial services sector, which is almost entirely based in Gaborone. Second, there is anecdotal evidence that a signiﬁcant proportion of low skilled positions are occupied by immigrant la- bour from Zimbabwe. Third, as noted, a weak manufacturing sector encourages informal (and therefore precarious) employment. And settlements of Mogaditshane and Gabane, to the west, and Tlokweng, to the east were now well established towns within commuting distance of the capital. Table 3 shows the rates of population growth of these key peri- fourth, the local skill proﬁle has been slow to develop given the historical reason of large-scale labour migration to South Africa. Urban growth in an African city: From Gaborone to ‘Greater Gaborone’ The built-up area of Gaborone is almost entirely state-owned land. Gaborone’s expansion has been curtailed to the east by Gaborone Dam and the South African border. This has left sur- rounding freehold farms and tribal lands lying in other directions as the area where urban expansion has occurred. This has created special problems, in the form of alienation of productive farmland and an at times confusing co-location of traditional and modern land rights. The original development plan for Gaborone was devised by the colonial Public Works Department in 1962 in the original capital of Maﬁkeng (Cavric et al., 2004). It had a 20-year time frame and envisaged a population of 20,000 mostly civil servants. It made no allowances for possible in-migration and was based on a mas- ter-planned Garden City concept of predetermined population, set boundaries and single-use land use zones (DTRP and Swedeplan, 1997). Fig. 6 shows the early signs of development of Gaborone: the train station and rail line, the government camp and fort to the east and the road network that would form the layout of the Central Business District. Surrounding the site of Gaborone were freehold farms owned mainly by Europeans. The ‘patch’ of land north of the station is Broadhurst Farm. Fig. 7 shows that by 1979/80, settlement was still conﬁned to the eastern side of the railway. Gaborone Dam is at the southern edge of the ﬁgure and Botswana Agricultural College is displayed as the built-up area to the north. Broadhurst Farm, to the north west and Bonnington Farm, to the west, were still intact. Gabo- rone’s urban form still reﬂected the original Garden City-inﬂu- enced plan – hence the orderly street pattern. The exception was (and still is) is the spaghetti-like street pattern and irregular plots of Old Naledi, Gaborone’s original squatters’ camp (‘Naledi’ means ‘star’, reﬂecting perhaps the fact that to begin with, squatters liter- ally slept ‘under the stars’ [Molebatsi, 2004]). Old Naledi was tolerated as a ‘temporary’ squatters camp for the builders and labourers from rural areas who constructed the city. As construction was so rapid, so too was the inﬂux of builders and labourers and this was not allowed for in the original plan. The manner in which the national government subsequently dealt with Old Naledi is an issue we return to. Fig. 8 contrasts the urban form of Old Naledi, in the bottom left of the ﬁgure, with that of ‘conventional’ suburbs which conform with the 1964 plan, to the top right. The area to the top left shows industrial estates. As the population continued to increase well beyond that orig- inally foreseen, the city continued to expand beyond the original 1962 plan, with the government purchasing some of the surround- ing farms. Fig. 9 shows that by 1999, the industrial ‘spine’ had been established and Gaborone had now extended west across the rail- way. Bonnington Farm was now fully converted to urban use and renamed GaboroneWest; much of Broadhurst Farm now had street layouts, awaiting housing and industrial construction. Glen Valley to the north east was (and still is) one of the remaining private farms in the immediate vicinity of Gaborone. Seretse Kharma Airport, opened in 1985, can be seen to the north. Key peri-urban es 28 (2011) 478–494 urban settlements compared with Gaborone City. The subsequent growth of Mogaditshane and other peri-urban towns is partly the result of ‘spillover’ from Gaborone, with / Citi A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng residents of these towns commuting to the capital. Gaborone and these peri-urban towns combined are increasingly referred to in the media, amongst the public and by practioners as ‘Greater Gaborone’. Further aﬁeld again are settlements that are increas- ingly a source of commuters to the capital, including Ramotswa (32 kms distant), Molepolole (51 kms) and Kanye (120 kms) (Fig. 1 above refers). In light of this peri-urban growth, Gaborone’s planning and environment issues need to be understood at two geographical scales. First there is the City of Gaborone itself. But increasingly linked with the city are these surrounding peri-urban settlements, where a mixture of ‘modern’, ‘traditional’ and ‘infor- mal’ planning and land allocation practices are apparent. The following sections will draw out the implications of this transition to ‘Greater Gaborone’. Fig. 6. Aerial shot, Gaborone 196 es 28 (2011) 478–494 485 Planning and growth: Explaining the course of urban expansion Overview The overarching planning document in Botswana is the National Development Plan. There have been ten such plans since 1968, and they are in force for 6 years (Molebatsi, 2004). More speciﬁcally, the basis of land use decisions in Gaborone is the Town and Country Planning Act (1977). Gaborone is almost entirely State Land and as such, is administered by the Town and Country Planning Board (TCPB). Development of the legislation was greatly inﬂuenced by reports of foreign experts visiting intermittently (in 1968 and 1974). It follows the British regulatory model (Molebatsi, 2004) rather than the more laissez-faire American approach. After 3. Source: Kalabamu (2004). Citi 486 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / independence, ‘planning areas’, designated by the Minister of Local Government, Lands and Housing were declared in Gaborone and towns such as Francistown, where European property was prevalent. To control development, within two years of declaration of a planning area, a development plan must be prepared and imple- mented by an Urban Development Committee (UDC). UDCs are comprised of national and local government representatives who are appointed by the Minister of Lands and Housing in consultation with Gaborone City Council. They are chaired by a District Commissioner, a position which is a relic of the colonial era (Molebatsi, 2004). As for ‘villages’ where the indigenous population Fig. 7. Gaborone 1979/80. So es 28 (2011) 478–494 predominated, in thewords of the one of the visiting foreign experts at the time, they were not yet ‘ripe for planning control. . .(until) time passes and understanding of. . .the essential need to have it. . .becomes more and more understood’ (Heap, 1974, cited in Molebatsi, 2004, p. 80). Tribal land, then,was declared in those areas where European inﬂuence was minimal It is administered by Tribal Land Boards (TLBs). No development plans are required. The third category is freehold land, generally, large-scale farms. At the time of independence, Europeans dominated ownership of freehold land. To understand the dynamics and conﬂicts involved in Gaborone’s evolution into ‘Greater Gaborone’, we now focus on housing policy, rights to land development, and public participation. urce: Kalabamu (2004). / Citi A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng The evolution of housing policy For many years after independence, the government continued the colonial policy of ‘. . .the development of high and medium housing cost dwellings for occupants who had steady jobs’ (Datta, 1996, p. 239) in spite of the fact most new arrivals were of low income. In 1970, the government created the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC), initially to supply such housing (Fig. 10). Low income groups were assisted through rent subsidies. As the decade progressed, it became apparent that the govern- ment did not have the means to both satisfy demand for BHC hous- ing and subsidise the increasing number of new low-income arrivals requiring rental assistance (Datta, 1996). Therefore, in 1972 it established the Self-Help Housing Agency (SHHA), which provided squatter upgrading and sites-and-services schemes on state land. By the end of 1989, SSHA homes accounted for over 50% of residential plots in the major urban centres of Botswana. However, due to requirements of minimum periods of urban residence and formal employment, ‘the poorest of the poor’, Fig. 8. Aerial shot, Old Naledi, bottom left, and surrounds, 2010. Source: ‘Gaborone.’ Attribution: Image� 2010 Digital Globe. es 28 (2011) 478–494 487 particularly female headed households, were excluded (Datta, 1996; Kalabamu, 2004). In 1975, the government introduced Certiﬁcate of Rights (CoRs), which applied to State land (Molebatsi, 2004). As most of Gaborone is State land, CoRs predominate. They provide security of tenure, rights of inheritance and mortgage entitlements. Conversely, the development of tribal land by individuals requires the issue of Cus- tomary Grants, which are not pledgable as collateral (Molebatsi, 2004). CoRs have been partly successful in allocating plots to low income groups, as conveyancing and surveying are provided by the government and the payment of rates is not required. Occu- pants of Old Naledi were issued with CoRs from the 1970s onwards in recognition of the inevitable, namely, that so-called temporary squatters had established there permanently (Gwebu, 2003). In the 1980s, the national government belatedly directed the BHC to extend the range of housing provision to low income groups. This period also saw the introduction of the Accelerated Land Servicing Program (ALSP) (Kalabamu, 2004). ALSP plots were purchased by individuals from the government, which provided 24� 40049.2800S and 25� 54030.4900E. Google Earth. July 12 2006. 20 August 2010. Fig. 9. Gaborone, 1999. Sou Table 3 Population increase, Gaborone and key peri-urban settlements. Source: CSO, 2009b, 2009c. 1991 2001 Incr. (%) Gaborone City 133,500 186,000 28 Mogaditshane 14,246 32,843 57 Tlokweng 12,501 21,133 41 Gabane 5975 10,399 43 Total 166,222 250,375 51 488 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / Citi es 28 (2011) 478–494 private water connections and piped sewerage systems. However, by the end of the decade, half of the plots allocated under this scheme were still undeveloped, and the purchases of many others were in arrears. The ALSP scheme has similar requirements to the SSHA, hence again excluding those in informal employment. In 1999, the National Policy on Housing introduced close to a free market situation. The national government now provided major roads, water and sewer lines for new urban development, but the land itself was allocated to the private sector. rce: Kalabamu (2004). abor / Citi Fig. 10. BHC housing in G A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng Clearly, the national government has attempted to reﬁne hous- ing policy over time in an attempt to accommodate demand for housing by low income groups. The fact remains, however, that this series of interventions has been only partially successful. 40% of BHC housing is allocated back to government departments to house its own employees (Datta, 1996). As noted, those in infor- mal employment are denied access to ostensibly low-income schemes. And there is not enough housing: in 2001, the waiting list for BHC residential plots in Gaborone was 23,506, or 14% of the ci- ty’s population (Kalabamu, 2004). By 2009, it was reported that waiting lists for Triabl Land Board housing in peri-urban areas was also growing, and that this was partly a result of ‘spillover’ applications from Gaborone residents, rather than from locals (UN-Habitat, 2010). These outcomes reﬂect a system where high and middle income groups ﬁnd their housing subsidised by the government, thus allowing them access to state-assisted programs, crowding out those on lower incomes, who in any event ﬁnd their eligibility restricted. Subsequently, low income groups continue to turn to rental accommodation provided in rooms or additional dwellings constructed without Council approval on SHHA proper- ties, particularly in Old Naledi. Gaborone City Council is in a difﬁ- cult position: to strictly enforce planning regulations may encourage new squatter settlements. It has been argued the Coun- cil therefore turns a ‘blind eye’ to such illegal development (Datta, 1996). However, in Old Naledi, the result is overcrowding, with per capita provision of garbage collection and potable water supplies well below ofﬁcial standards and use of pit latrines well above (Gwebu, 2003). In summary, the government has over time moved more and more to achieve cost-recovery in order to more closely align the costs of housing supply types with the ability to pay, but this has not resulted in a satisfactory level of provision of appropriate housing. one. Photo: A. Kent, 2010. es 28 (2011) 478–494 489 Land disputes in peri-urban areas Given the foregoing discussion, it is not surprising that rapid peri-urban growth has been attributed to ‘. . .the inability of formal institutions to satisfy the demand for land, housing and other ser- vices. . .and (conversely) strict monitoring of ‘squatter’ housing within Gaborone’ (Kalabamu, 2004, p. 18, 26). The alternative to cramming into illegal constructions on properties in Old Naledi is to settle in the adjacent peri-urban areas (Gwebu, 2003). The man- ner in which this has been dealt with by the national government deserves scrutiny. Planning authority in these peri-urban areas is a mixture of ‘planning area’ and ‘tribal’ jurisdiction. Fig. 11 presents an overview of land title allocations in Greater Gaborone. Rights to develop and use land are unclear due to a number of reasons: lack of public knowledge of planning requirements and land ownership, poor or non-existent record keeping by TLBs and the fact that for many of those living in peri-urban areas, plots had been allocated by tribal chiefs – perhaps to families genera- tions ago – without certiﬁcates of entitlement. Ofﬁcial conﬁrma- tion of these grants, and their subsequent sale, requires the consent of the TLB. However, administrative inefﬁciency ensures delays (Molebatsi, 2004; UN-Habitat, 2010). Individuals who be- lieve they are entitled to plots occupy, change use of, sub-divide and sell land to which their entitlements are tenuous at best. This state of affairs is a recipe for conﬂict and inappropriate land use and development. Examples include housing construction across rights of way, beneath high-voltage power lines and overcrowding through sub-division. As we have seen, ultimately the residents of Old Naledi, which had unambiguously been State Land, were accorded Certiﬁcate of Rights and, therefore, security of tenure. However, when it comes to peri-urban areas, the national government has adopted ‘zero tit Citi 28 (2011) 478–494 tolerance’ in dealing with ‘illegal’ settlements (Molebatsi, 2004). This approach stems from the Mogaditshane ‘land crisis’ of the early 1990s, where there were many instances of illegal land exchanges and which resulted in a Presidential Commission of Inquiry. There were a number of features of the Mogaditshane situation which Fig. 11. Greater Gaborone, land 490 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / might explain the emergence of ‘zero tolerance’ vis a vis the more benevolent approach to Old Naledi and which do not reﬂect partic- ularly well on the national government’s ability to deal with what is clearly an ongoing problem of land and housing shortages. First, the national government was unlikely to take a sanguine view of undocumented claims to land ownership provided by chiefs that had not gone through the TLB process – which it had established, partly as a means to remove power from those same chiefs. Second, Mogaditshane (and other peri-urban locations) are well outside the city limits, whereas Old Naledi is not. State action (sometimes resulting in conﬂict) against illegal land transactions was, therefore, less likely in the more visible Old Naledi. Third, the Mogaditshane land crisis was embarrassing for the govern- ment. Not only were government ministers and other high ofﬁcials involved in illegal transactions, when one of these ﬁgures was rein- stated to a senior position, student protests ensued in the capital, a rare public display of political dissent (see Good, 1996). And ﬁnally, the land crisis in the early 1990s, and since, has proven more intractable than was the case in the 1980s, when the granting of CoRs seemed to provide a solution. While peri-urban towns provide, within commuting distance, a place of residence for those who cannot ﬁnd or afford housing in Gaborone, uncertainty and conﬂict over rights to land, over- crowded, slow, privately owned public transport and sub-standard housing ensure that standards are signiﬁcantly poorer than those in Gaborone. ‘Greater Gaborone’, then, is an extended metropolitan region where spatial inequality is manifest. Nonetheless, the national government has responded. In recognition of the rapid increase in population and the pressure for development, it has effectively excised towns lying within tribal areas surrounding Gaborone from the jurisdiction of the Tribal Land Act and declared them ‘planning areas’. Mogaditshane, Gabane and Phakalane (the latter a former freehold farm), have been so declared, as have remaining freehold farms, in anticipation of future urban develop- ment (Kalabamu, 2004). Together with Gaborone itself, these des- ignated planning areas constitute the ‘Gaborone Planning Area’, otherwise known as Greater Gaborone. In 1994, the Greater le. Source: Cavric et al. (2004). es Gaborone Structure Plan was developed. It anticipated a popula- tion in the Greater Gaborone area of half a million by 2014 (Keiner and Cavric n.d.). In the light of the ﬁgures presented above in Table 3, this seems a more realistic prediction than that of the original plan of 1962. However, the Plan has never been promulgated. The reasons for this are unclear, but it does reﬂect a recurrent pattern in environmental and planning legislation of slow, or no, legislative response in a context of rapid urban growth (Keiner et al., 2004).3 And of course, the ‘rural’ areas surrounding planning areas, which are in fact also subject to considerable development pressures, remain subject to the Tribal Land Act and the TLB. Further, designation of planning areas in peri-urban areas has not resulted in equitable outcomes. Phakalane, as an entirely new settlement, is a case of ‘leap frog’ development beyond the city limits. It follows, in a number of respects, the private ‘New Town’- style development found elsewhere in the developing world’s cities. As such, it reﬂects the weakness of a structure plan still awaiting ratiﬁcation. Not only do we see leap frog develop- ment, it caters disproportionately to afﬂuent ethnic minorities (in this case, Eastern Europeans) and is distinct in style from the rest of the city (Molebatsi, 1996). The contrast with other areas across Greater Gaborone could not be starker. The high standard of hous- ing and amenity of Phakalane is shown in Fig. 12 and is compared with that of Old Naledi (Fig. 13) and Mogaditshane (Fig. 14). Public participation in the planning process The ‘logic’ of planning law since independence has undoubtedly been to assert the authority of the centre in the name of nation- 3 For example, environmental impact assessment legislation was not enacted until 2005, 42 years after independence (EnviroBotswana, 2005c). / Citi A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng building. This is seen, for example, in the centralisation of power at the expense of the authority of tribal chiefs through the Tribal Land Fig. 12. Gaborone rich: Phakalane Estate, a northe Fig. 13. Gaborone Poor: Old Naled es 28 (2011) 478–494 491 Act and its reallocation to Tribal Land Boards. Half of the members of TLBs are appointed by the Minister and half are elected at the rn suburb of Gaborone. Photo: A. Kent, 2008. i. Photo: H. Ikgopoleng, 2010. tsha 492 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / Citi Fig. 14. Gaborone poor: Mogadi (usually poorly attended) Kgotla, the traditional village assembly (United Nations Development Program (UNDP), 2002). Another centralising force is that the national government appoints as its representative the District Commissioner, who through chairing the Urban Development Committee, coordinates local develop- ment and dominates policy-making processes. Further, although two-thirds of council revenues are derived from rates, local author- ities depend substantially on the national government for develop- ment and recurrent budgets and local government ofﬁcials are hired and ﬁred by the central authority (Cavric & Mosha, 2001; Molebatsi, 1996). Requests for development in designated plan- ning areas such as Gaborone are decided by democratically elected local councils. However, their powers do not extend to amend- ments to land use, sub-divisions, large development proposals, and applications that the local authorities in fact reject. These are referred back to the central authority in the Town and Country Planning Board (TCPB), which is comprised of senior national gov- ernment appointments. 4 The Town and Country Planning Act requires local authorities to consult ‘. . .the public or other authorities in relation to a proposed development when it feels such a development is likely to have some impact on the region’ (DTRP and Swedeplan, 1997, pp. 103–104). However, observers have cast doubt on the propensity of Batswana citizens to actively engage in participatory processes, such as they are: ‘controversial issues are not openly debated, but reduced to partisan politics, making it more difﬁcult to ﬁnd alter- native and perhaps innovative policy interventions in land issues’ (Molebatsi, 2004, p. 94). Similarly, involvement in environmental decision-making processes ‘remains marginal. . . [to] minimal if 4 Speciﬁcally, the Director of the Department of Town and Regional Planning (as Chair), ﬁve representatives of ministries with a concern in land development (although not the Ministry of Environment, which shares its portfolio with Wildlife and Tourism) and three Ministerial appointees (Kalabamu, 2004). ne. Photo: H. Ikgopoleng, 2010. es 28 (2011) 478–494 not nil’ (Molebatsi, 1998, cited in Toteng, 2001, p. 27). Indigenous NGOs ‘. . .are still relatively few in number, partly because of the tendency for international NGOs to work directly with government agencies, and partly because of cooption by state agencies’ (Thomas, Carr, & Humphreys, 2001, p. 8). While in isolation, these characteristics may seem innocuous, they need to be considered in the context of a recurring theme in the scholarly literature, namely, a culture of subservience to authority instilled during the long per- iod of rule by tribal chieftains (Good, 1999; Mogalakwe, 2008b; Molebatsi, 2004). Notwithstanding the ironic point that centralisa- tion of power has taken power away from chieftains, it has placed it in the hands of unelected ofﬁcials, thus, it can be argued, conﬁrming historical cultural trends, not to mention running counter to the recent trends of decentralisation elsewhere in the developing world. Conclusion: Future prospects Diamond revenue has been at the centre of the political and economic ‘miracle’ of Botswana and the relatively prosperous con- ditions in the capital. It can play a role in addressing Gaborone’s outstanding urban issues if the beneﬁts are directed into particular areas that have hitherto been neglected. These include research and development, manufacturing, public transport, and public housing which is accessible to all low income groups. Relatedly, the city economy should be diversiﬁed, so that the reliance on the income and jobs created by the administration of diamond revenue is, in fact, further reduced. On this note, our thinking aligns with Cavric et al. (2004) in that Gaborone could play the central role in the future economic development of Botswana, and an important role in the development of sub-Saharan Africa more generally, by acting as a ﬁnancial hub for the region. Its central location, political stabil- ity and high standard of health and education services suggests this / Citi idea is worth pursuing. However, as we have seen, ﬁnancial sector jobs, growing in number, are disproportionately held by expatriates and this would need to be addressed.We are also in agreementwith Keiner et al. (2004) when they argue that the entire Greater Gaborone area should be declared a planning area, thus requiring development plans. The administration of Customary Land Grants by TLBs also requires reform, if not the TLBs overall. This would most likely entail more staff with greater skills. As we have seen, legality of these Grants are sometimes disputed due to lack of written proof of issue. Such measures may bring a more orderly development regime and reduce the incentive for extra-legal land sales. However, the situation is complex and even these measures may not resolve the underlying problem: scarcity of affordable housing. There is, then, still some unravelling to be done to understand the unequal outcomes pertaining to housing, and for that matter, employment and planning decision-making in such a relatively stable, prosper- ous African city of low population. We believe there is something to the idea that deep historical roots, which apportion a cultural legitimacy to political and economic inequality, are still inﬂuential (Good, 1999). This might explain, for example, the preferential treatment accorded expatriates, the extent of informal employ- ment and the lack of opportunity, and it would seem willingness, of citizens to participate in the planning process in a sustained way. If we were to apply this understanding to the problem of accessibility to adequate housing, it may be that an improvement lies not in housing policy per se, but in addressing the broader con- tours of inequality, so that broader participation in both politics and the economy – including participation in the housing market – is possible. We see the restructuring of the city economy and more broadly, enhancing the potential of Gaborone as a Sub- Saharan ‘regional city’ as potentially accompanying this process. In this proﬁle we have critically evaluated Gaborone as an example of urban planning in the developing world. To conclude on a positive note, the very fact we can realistically canvass room for improvement is an indication that there are foundations for better outcomes. These foundations include ‘soft’ infrastructure such as education and other services, and ‘hard’ infrastructure such as roads, schools and hospitals. To be sure, problems that are all too familiar in cities in the developing world – poor governance, inequality, inappropriate land use and other issues, are also pres- ent in Gaborone. But a series of measures, with of course, mixed re- sults, distinguish Gaborone from more problematic cases. Examples are the evolution of policy in response to housing and land shortages, the designation of planning areas in the face of peri-urban growth and diversiﬁcation of the economy away from the diamond sector. Partial responses, perhaps, but responses none the less. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Professor Kenneth Good and Associate Professor Dave Mercer of RMIT University, Melbourne, the editor of Cities and an anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments in the writing of this article and Chandra Jayasuriya of The University of Melbourne for providing cartographic services. References Balbo, M. (1993). Urban planning and the fragmented city of developing countries. 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Local governance for poverty reduction: The case of Botswana. The Fifth Africa Governance Forum: AGF-V, Maputo. UNDP (2008). Human development report – Botswana. UNDP, Gaborone. 494 A. Kent, H. Ikgopoleng / Cities 28 (2011) 478–494 Gaborone Introduction Gaborone in context Natural environment and physical geography Early history The colonial period Independence and the founding of Gaborone The character of modern-day Gaborone Urban form Environmental issues The city economy Urban growth in an African city: From Gaborone to ‘Greater Gaborone’ Planning and growth: Explaining the course of urban expansion Overview The evolution of housing policy Land disputes in peri-urban areas Public participation in the planning process Conclusion: Future prospects Acknowledgements References

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