Culture Maintenance: An Ojibwe Case Study

Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes,Vol 6, No 1, Spring-Summer 1999 Culture Maintenance: An Ojibwe Case Study Mary H. Pulford Lake Superior College Page 23 Duluth, MN My interest in Ojibwe unifying sym- bols stems from living and working in Ojibwe country since 1983. What be- gan as a casual interest in Ojibwe his- tory developed into an on-going study of how one band of Ojibwe maintained their culture at the end of the twentieth century. The question of cultural maintenance is a concern of anthropologists. Re- cently Richard B. Lee,, noted for his studies of the IKung, writes about the cultural change facing the !Kung: ... a number of key institutions— language, kinship, ritual prac- tices—[were found] intact, while other institutions—land tenure, dispute settlement, political dy- namics—were clearly in a state of flux. Why did these institutions persist?* They should not be seen simply as holdover or survivals from the past kept in place by the weight of tradition. This trivializes their significance. These institutions are essential elements of cultural survival and they must be repro- duced anew in each generation. Their presence is as good an in- dex as any of the cultural viabil- ity and vitality of peoples like the !Kung. [1992:40] Can this model be applied to other cul- tures as an explanation for how a cul- ture has maintained itself in face of change or external pressures? This pa- per proposes to investigate how the Fond du Lac Band of Ojibwe [Cloquet, Minnesota] uses visual symbols as a tool of cultural maintenance. Historical Perspective The oral traditions of the Fond du Lac Band of Ojibwe indicate that they once may have lived in the northeastern part of the United States. At some point in their history they began a migration westward through the St. Lawrence Seaway into the Great Lakes region. Their first encounter with Europeans is believed to have occurred in the Sault St. Marie region around 1620. Some- time between 1620—1650 the French began trading with the Ojibwe. During the 17th Century some of the Ojibwe who had settled in the Sault St. Marie area began to migrate west into Wisconsin and Minnesota and north into Ontario. In these regions the Ojibwe found abundant game, ample water, timber and enough natural re- sources to thrive as a Woodland People. Around 1780 some of the Ojibwe once again began a movement west and north into the Great Plains of the United States and Canada. On the Plains these Ojibwe adopted a life style more suitable to the open grass areas that the plains region offered. The Ojibwe groups that remained in the North Woods of Canada, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Michigan continued to thrive in this woodland environment. During contact period, the Ojibwe had relatively friendly relations with the French. This was not, however, the case with the British. Nor in the years to come would it necessarily be with the United States government. Having encountered and survived the Iroquois, Dakota, Cheyenne, French and British, they would endure some of their hardest times through encounters with the United States government. Between 1781 and 1866 the Ojibwe began their Treaty Signing Period. During this time the Ojibwe saw their traditional land base erode and reser- vation life commence. Evening Today in the 1990's the Ojibwe num- ber over 100,000 members in the United States. The Ojibwe of Canada and the United States together comprise the largest groups of indigenous peoples north of Mexico. Ojibwe Narratives The following information was told to me by numerous Ojibwe during field work that has been ongoing since 1992. These Ojibwe represent a diverse geo- graphical area spanning across north- ern Wisconsin, Minnesota, North Da- kota and Ontario. Their ages ranged from the mid-thirties to mid-seventies1 The Circle of Life: The Ojibwe's place in the universe can be seen in the Circle of Life. Several variations were ex- plained to me by Ojibwe elders and adults. All contained the following el- ements (see Figure 1). Added to this circle was the sun's ro- Easi Bifih Morn.ng Figur* $ 1 Orel* Of lif* tation starting at the east and proceed- ing in a clockwise movement with the center of the circle representing the earth or Turtle Island. This central dia- gram will be the focus of comparison for the other symbols to be discussed. The Circle: For the Ojibwe, the circle takes on significant symbolism. The Ojibwe Pow-wow and other dances take the form of a circle within which all dancing proceeds in a clockwise fash- ion, just as the sun proceeds around the Circle of life. Within the framework of the Pow-Wow, proper etiquette re- quires that upon entering or dancing in the area, one should always proceed in a clockwise fashion. Page 24 Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes, Vol 6, No 1, Spring-Summer 1999 The east to west movement is associ- ated both with the origin legends of the megis shell, as well as the path of the soul after death into the Land of the Souls. Many elders described how the Ojibwe had originated on the Atlantic Coast and moved westward to their cur- re ni location guided always by the megis shell As the Circle of Life represents earth and life, so the drum in the Pow-wow with its circular design represents a liv- ing force. The drums are often situated in the center area of the Pow-wow. Occasionally a drum may be placed on the periphery of the ring, but always in the confines of the Pow-wow circle. Ojibwe elderly explained that the drum is spirit. It has a life of its own and should always be treated with respect and care. The drum is sacred and there- fore an offering of tobacco should be made to its spirit. The drum is alive and the dances of the Pow-wow are alive. Colors: Within the Circle of Life four main colors dominate: yellow, red, black and white. Each color is associ- ated with one of the four cardinal di- rections. Each directional point is as- sociated with a life stage. Several varia- tions of the color-direction placement are known among the Ojibwe (see Fig- ure 2): In interviews, these color placements of a girl's menstrual cycle and the age when a young boy becomes a man af- ter the kill of his first hunt. Red was also seen to represent both east and west in some versions. Black represented west, adulthood, setting sun and evening, as well as south and noon. White represented north, winter, snow cold wisdom of old age, gray hair and cleansing. None of the Ojibwe, with whom I spoke had any difficulty either acknowledging or accepting the various versions of The Circle of Life. Whit Noun •tack [ ) Rod Had ( ) Volte- WMI V V EM w»fi V^^y Cm Hod Seuih Yellow South earth and life, so the drum in the Pow-wow with its circular design represents a living force. In this section I will integrate the uni- fying symbols found in the literature, in the Ojibwe narratives and from my own observations. The Circle: The Circle of Life is some- times referred to as the Path of Life [Densmore,1929:89; Kohl,1860:151; Johnston, 1976:137; Warren, 1885:6]. This clockwise circular motion found in the Circle of Life is also present in other Ojibwe ceremonies. Vennum [1982:71] discusses this movement in the Ojibwe Pow-wow. The circular context of the Pow-wow also has its place in Ojibwe oral tradi- tion. The legend of North Tailfeather Woman's pre- sentat ion 2 o f the D r u m from the Lakota to the Ojibwe inc ludes precise description for the ceremo- nial area: Figure * 2 Vitiations of U* Circto of Life were discussed with me as representa- tions of the four seasons, the four stages of life as well as the four different races: American Indian [red], Oriental [yel- low], European [white] and African [black]. Yellow was said to represent spring, east birth, childhood, rising sun and morning. It could also represent south, warmth, adolescence. Red re- flected the heat and warmth of the south winds, summer, youth, noon, the onset Do you see the sky, how it is round. go then, and tell your people to make a circle on the ground, just like the round sky. Call that holy ground. Go there, and with a big drum in the center, sing and dance and pray to me and speak my voice. [Vennum, 1982:116] Vennum also describes John Bisonette's path of the drum movement from group to group in a clockwise direction be- ginning with the Lakota people in the west moving northeast to the Ojibwe, Menominee. and Potawatomi, then south to the Winnebego, and then west- ward to the other tribes [71]. Ojibwe ceremonies, rituals and sym- bols move in circles as an affirmation of the Circle of Life. This symbolic movement is seen in the Midewiwin and reflected in both the drum and dance [Barnouw, 1960; Landes, 1968; Paap, 1985; Dewdney, 1975). The Ojibwe dance outfits for the Pow- wows can be tied to the circle well [Pulford.1992, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997]. Men often carry round-shaped shields or turtle shells. In particular, some traditional male dancers wear feather bustles. At the center of these bustles, particular designs all shaped within a circle bring the magnitude of the feathers to a focal point. Within each of these circles a design may be present such as an eagle/thunderbird, turtle, etc. The circle as a unifying symbol can be seen in the contemporary Ojibwe press. Ojibwe affiliated colleges use the concept of the circle in their logos. Ojibwe reservations frequently employ the circle in their brochures for services. The circle becomes a unifying ele- ment that ties the Ojibwe together through time and space. Always en- compassing, the concept of the circle allows the Ojibwe to be one with each other, in traditional modes of dance or ceremony as well as in contemporary life. Colors: The four primary colors of the Circle of Life [red, yellow, black and white] are also the primary colors of the Midewiwin (the Ojibwe Grand Medi- cine Society) [Landes: 1968:98-99,180- 81 ;Paap,l 985:248-50]. Landes specu- lates why the Ojibwe use these colors, and proposes that they may have been the only colors available at the Hudson Bay Store!! Victor Barnouw [1955:347] reviews the primary colors found in the Ojibwe legends of culture hero Winebozo3. Barnouw finds black, white and red as Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes,Vol 6, No 1, Spring-Summer 1999 Page 25 The concept of the circle allows the Ojibwe to be one with each other whether in traditional modes of dance or ceremony as well as in contemporary life. the only colors mentioned, with red appearing most often. Carrie Lynford, in her survey works of Ojibwe craft tra- ditions, finds the colors red, yellow, green and blue predominating. Lynford finds that black was not used as often until black velveteen was introduced [1982:151]. Perhaps one of the most lucid descrip- tions of Ojibwe color use and its rela- tionship to symbol systems can be found in Vennum s work on the Ojibwe drum [1982]. Vennum describes how traditional thought again finds Tailfeather Woman prescribing the original decoration of the Drum when it was given to the Ojibwe. In this work Vennum describes tradi- tional dance drums among the Wiscon- sin Ojibwe. This traditional drum had a yellow stripe running across the di- ameter of the drum head in an east to west alignment. Black and red on the drum's top represented north and south [203]. The drums, when not in use, were always placed so that the yellow stripe was in alignment with the cardi- nal directional points. Vennum finds that the east-west drum alignment con- forms to the east-west configuration of the medicine lodge [203]. The yellow stripe represents not .only the path of the sun, but also the particular teaching of the Midewiwin. Barret describes the same color symbolism on the dance drum [1911:262-64]. Vennum gives a detailed description of the origin of colors in connection with the Drum, citing various discrep- ancies in pattern. He proposes that painting the drum replaced face and body painting [1982:206-07]. Basil Johnston makes note of the use of red and black in face paints by the Ojibwe in the Traditional War Dance (1976:146). Other decorations (tassels, bead work, etc.) on the traditional drum, as noted by Vennum, reflected the four Ojibwe colors [1982:202]. Vivian Rohrl found that during the 1960s, the tobacco offerings to the Drum were made in the form of Velvet pipe tobacco, Copenhagen snuff or Pall Mall ciga- rettes, all of which have red wrappings [1968:184]. The four color connections can also be seen in the application of dance out- fits: The repetition of these colors may be noted in yarn tassels ribbon and beadwork on skirts and tabs, decor on drum legs and tobacco boxes, and appli- que designs on drum covers. [Vennum, 1982:202] Fred Blessing's work on Ojibwe dance outfits from the Red Lake area in the 1950s reflects the following color patterns among women jingle dancers: Black is still the favorite color, but blue, red, green and maroon dresses are popu- lar [1956:6]. Blessing notes the pres- ence of many black velvet outfits among the male traditional dancers [2- 4]. Ojibwe Drums and Colors in the 1990s I began fieldwork in Ojibwe culture maintenance in 1992. Since then, I have attended Ojibwe Pow-wows in order to make comparisons to earlier research observations. My notes on pow-wow drums are as follows: I noted that tra- ditional drums (those made out of raw- hide versus non-traditional drums such as the big bass drums used in marching bands) did not have painting on the head of the drum. Several of these drums had their sides painted red, green or white. Non-traditional drums lacked painting on the heads as well. Their side colors were usually white, maroon or black. Other decorations [tassels, bead work, etc.] on the traditional drum as noted by Vennum reflected the four Ojibwe colors [1982:202]. Vivian Rohrl found that during the 1960's the tobacco of- ferings to the Drum were in the form of Velvet pipe tobacco, Copenhagen snuff or Pall Mall Cigarettes, all of which have red wrappings [1968:184]. My field notes from Ojibwe Pow- wows in northeastern Minnesota and northwestern Wisconsin, beginning in 1992, reveal the following observations about dance outfits and colors. 1. Women Traditional Dancers: There were only a few of these dancers in comparison to the others. They are dressed in material that gives the appearance of buckskin. The colors on their outfits are on their tobacco pouches or shawls. 2. Women Jingle Dancers:: A variety of colors exist as the predominate dress color such as blue, maroon, red, white, green, purple. All jingle dance outfits have at least one of the four primary Ojibwe colors as trim or border or accent colors [red, yellow, white or black]. 3. Women Fancy Dancers:: These outfits had an array of color, but all contained at least one of the four primary colors. 4. Male Traditional Dancers: Here we find a variety of dress forms. Some men were dressed in black velvet vests, leggings and breech cloths, all decorated in exquisite bead work. Beads were white, yellow, red and blue in color. Other men wore buckskin tradi- tional outfits., often containing beadwork. Attached to some part of the buckskin was a traditional color. The buckskin outfits often included a feather bustle as described previously. The center of the feather bustle contained one or several of the four primary colors. 5. Male Fancy Dancers: I observed only a few of these dancers. These outfits were yellow, blue, white or red. 6. Male Grass Dancers: The colors on these outfits were yellow, blue, red and black. Another Ojibwe symbol represented at their Pow-wows is their flag or staff. Here again we find the circle of life color symbolism. During the opening ceremony of the pow-wow, flags lead the Grand Entry. The Ojibwe flags Page 26 Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes,Vol 6, No 1, Spring-Summer 1999 LJ Figure * 3: Ofibv»m Staff* tFlags) come first, followed by the American and Canadian flags. Several Ojibwe bands were represented by their staffs as shown below (see Figure 3): The colors of the Circle of Life have been demonstrated to carry over into various Ojibwe rituals. As I mentioned before, several color schemes were as- sociated with the cardinal points in the Circle of Life concept. This is not in- congruent in Ojibwe culture. Their tra- ditional social and political organization stressed small individual groups over extensively large settlements. Many of the elders feel that it is not inconsistent with the Ojibwe to have variations in legends, color associations or other parts of their culture due to the vary large geographical area that the Ojibwe people encompass. Usage of the Circle of Life in a Non- ritual Setting: The Fond du Lac Res- ervation The Fond du Lac Reservation, home to the Fond du Lac Band of Ojibwe, is located close to Cloquet, Minnesota, approximately a thirty-minute drive southwest of Lake Superior. The Res- ervation is bounded on the southwest by a state forest. The St. Louis River, a major waterway, creates the northern and much of the eastern reservation border. Within the reservation there is farmland, forests and small towns. Two major roadways cross the reservation (State Road 210 and US Highway 21). Except for the state highway sign, a visitor driving through might not ob- serve much difference between the res- ervation and the rest of this part of Min- nesota. The keen observer, however, might start to detect how this band of Ojibwe use visual symbols to identify their reservation. Reservation mem- bers can purchase special Minnesota license plates that are yellow and black in color and have the words "Fond du Lac Res- ervation" printed on the license plate. The plate also in- clude a circle with attached feathers design. Thus colors, words and circles—all elements of the Circle of Life—are a visual reminder of cultural identity. If you venture off the main roads you might arrive at the reservation's administrative offices, health center or senior center. To greet you at each of these locations is a cir- cular sign painted with the traditional colors. Many of these signs are done in wood. The signs on glass doors are also circular and use the traditional col- ors. All of these are visual reminders of cultural symbols still intact at the end of the twentieth century. Two other physical structures are solid representations of visual symbols for this band of Ojibwe. The Fond du Lac Tribal and Community College con- structed its main building in the form of a circle with the exterior of each wing painted in the appropriate color/cardi- nal point association. The Fond du Lac Band of Ojibwe also operates the Black Bear Casino, which has the Ojibwe pri- mary colors painted on the building as well as included in the neon sign wel- coming you to the casino. In Duluth, a thirty minute drive north- east of the reservation, reside many of the members of the Fond du Lac Band. For a variety of reasons they have cho- sen to live in Duluth and surrounding communities rather than on the reser- vation. Located close to where many , • * • » • 350 years after their first contact with Europeans, their symbols are clearly retained in ritual and, with this band of Ojibwe, theire physical environment of reservation's members reside are so- cial services provided for the urban In- dian population. Except for their sign, the buildings look like any other in the neighborhood. The sign, designating the Indian social service site, is con- structed of wood and painted with the traditional colors and floral designs. Regardless of where they reside or visit, cultural identity for the Fond du Lac Band of Ojibwe is re-enforced by visual symbols in their physical struc- tures, press publications, dance outfits and other day-to-day activities. Three hundred and seventy years after their first contact with Europeans, their sym- bols are clearly retained in ritual, and with this band of Ojibwe, in their physi- cal environment. The sacred and the profane on the banks of Kic hi-Garni. Notes 'Information for this section was gathered from the Ojibwe representing adults and el- ders from Wisconsin, Minnesota and North Dakota. Even though some of them were currently residing in Duluth. MN and Su- perior, WI, they saw themselves as repre- senting the following areas: Minnesota res- ervations (Leech Lake, Mille Lacs, Fond du Lac, Grand Portage, Nett Lake); Wisconsin reservations (Lac Courte Oreilles, Lac du Flambeau); North Dakota reservations (Turtle Mountain). Estimated dates and locations of drum pre- sentation to the Ojibwe by the Lakota: Rohrl (1973:1968) 1885 at Mille Lacs Vennum (1973) 1870-1880.. Central Minnesota Rynkiewich(1980) 1860-1880 'Various spellings for the Ojibwe legendary hero include Wenabozhoo, Winebozho, Winabojo, Nanabush, Menaboju and Manabozho. References Allen, P.A. 1986 the Sacred Hoop. Boston, Beacon Press. continued on page 32 Page 32 Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes,Vol 6, No L Spring-Summer 1999 Practice of Anthropology. Williamsburg, VA: College of William and Mary Press. Stocking, G., Jr. 1988 Guardians of the Sacred Bundle: The American Anthropo- logical Association and the Representation of the Holistic Anthropology. 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TA Cultural Maintenance continued from page 26 Barnouw, V. 1950 "Acculturation and Personal- ity Among the Wisconsin Chippewa" in American Anthro- pologist, Vol. 52, No. 4 (October), Part 2. 1955a, b,c "A Psychological Interpretation of a Chippewa Origin Legend." Journal of American Folklore, 68:73-85,211- 23, 341-55. 1960 "A Chippewa Mide Priest's Description of the Medicine Dance," Wisconsin Archeologist, 41:4:77-79. 1963 (ed.) Culture and Personality Studies. Homewood, IL, the Dorsey Press. 1977 Wisconsin Chippewa Myths and Tales and their Relation to Chippewa Life. Madison, WI, University of Wisconsin Press. 1978 "An Interpretation of Wiscon- sin Ojibwa Culture and Personal- ity: A Review." In the Making of Psychological Anthropology. Edited by G.D. Spindler. Berkeley, University of California Press, pp 62-86. Barrett, S.A. 1911 The Dream Dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians of Northern Wisconsin. Originally published in 1911, Vol 1 of the Bulletin, Public Museum, Milwau- kee. Republished 1979. New York, Garland Publishing, Inc. Blessing, F.K. 1953 "Contemporary Costuming of Minnesota Chippewa Indians." Minnesota Archeologist, 20:4:1 -8. Culkin, W.E. 1915 "Tribal Dance of the Ojibway Indians." Minnesota History Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 3, pp 83-93. Densmore, F. 1929 Chippewa Customs, originally published in 1929 by the Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 86. Republished in 1979 at St. Paul, MN, Minnesota Historical Press. Dewdney, S. 1975 the Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. toronto, University of Toronto Press. Gennep, A.V. 1960 The Rites of Passage. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Gluckman, M. 1954 Rituals of Rebellion in South- East Africa. Manchester, Manchester University Press. Johnston, B. 1976 Ojibwa Heritage. New York, Columbia University Press. Kohl, J.G. 1860 Kitchi-Gami. Life Among the Lake Superior Ojibway. Originally published in Germany. Repub- lished in 1985 at St. Paul, MN, Minnesota Historical Press. Kroeber, A.L. 1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. Berkeley, University of California Press. Landes, R. 1937 Ojibwa Sociology. New York, Columbia University Press. 1968 Ojibwa Religion and the Midewiwin. Madison, WI, University of Wisconsin Press. Lee, R.B. 1992 "Art, Science or Politics? The Crisis in Hinter-Gatherer Studies." in American Anthropolo- gist, Vol. 94, No. 1 (March), pp 31- 54. Levi, M.C. 1956 Chippewa Indians of Yester- day and Today. New York, Pageant Press, Inc. Longfellow, H.W. 1854 The Song of Hiawatha. New York, E.P. Dutton and Co. Lynford, CA. 1982 Ojibwa Crafts. Stevens Point, WI. R. Schneider, Pub- lisher. Manson, B.S. 1944 Dances and Stories of the American Indian. New York, The Ronald Press Co. Paap, H.D. 1985 The Ojibwe Midewiwin. Unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to the Graduate School in Anthropology at the University of Minnesota. Pulford, M.H. 1992 Observations recorded at Ojibwe Pow-Wows during the spring and summer of 1992, as well as conversations with Ojibwe elders and adults from Minnesota, Wisconsin and North Dakota during the same time frame. Ritzenthaler, R. and P. 1983 The Woodland Indians of the Western Great Lakes. Prospect Heights, IL, The Waveland Press, Teaching Anthropology: SACC Notes, Vol 6, No /> Spring-Summer 1999 Page 33 Inc. Rohrl,VJ. 1967 "A Chippewa Funeral" in Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 48, No. 2 (June), pp. 137-40. 1968 "The Drum Societies in a Southwestern Chippewa Commu- nity" in Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Sept), pp. 131-37. 1972 VSome Observations on the Drum Society of chippewa Indians" in Ethnohistory, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Summer), pp. 219-25. Rynikiewich, M.A. 1980 "Chippewa Pow-Wows." in Anishinabe: Six Studies of Modern Chippewa, edited by J.A. Paredes. Tallahassee, University Presses of Florida, PP. 31-100. Turner, V.W. 1961 Ndembu Divination: Its Symbolism and Techniques. Manchester, Manchester Univer- sity Press. 1967 The Forest of Symbols. Ithica, NY, Cornell University Press. 1968 The Drums of Affliction. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1969 The Ritual Process. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Co. Vennum, T. 1973 "Constructing the Ojibwa Dance Drum" in Wisconsin Archeologist, Vol. 54, No. 4 (December), pp. 162-74. 1982 The Ojibwa Dance Drum: Its History and Construction. Smithsonian Folklife Studies No 2. Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press. Warren, W.W. 1885 History of the Ojibway People. St. Paul, Minnesota Historical Society. Wilson, M. 1954 "Nyakyusa Ritual and Symbolism." in American Anthropologist, Vol. 567, No. 2. (Quoted from turner's The Ritual Process, 1969). 1957 Rituals of Kinship Among the Nkayusa. London, Oxford University Press. (Quoted from timer's The Ritual Process, 1969 TA Daral Islam . . continued from page 28 poem or song. Several of us went to the Maria Benitez Flamenco Theater. A full free day was spent hiking and ex- ploring Chaco Canyon. Even respect- able teachers get a little crazy when on field trips! Instead of camp songs, mu- sic by the Rolling Stones blared from the tape player as we danced in our seats, only stopping only long enough to enjoy Mexican cuisine at a small, out- of-the-way cantina. One afternoon was long enough to visit the Spanish-Ameri- can village of Chimayo with its Roman Catholic spring, shrine and traditional weavers. On the final evening of the two weeks, each of us presented our research project at what became termed "the mosquerade." The theme was, A Me- dieval Banquet in the Alhambra Palace, which is an all-inclusive teaching unit used at schools by both Ms. Alavi and Ms. Walker. Each student researched and wrote a brief biography of a his- torical figure who could have been present at Alhambra Palace from the 7th century to the 16th century. Presenta- tions ranged from mystics, poets, edu- cators, politicians, religious leaders, early anthropologists (Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun) to dancers. Yes, I man- aged to find a dancer, Mut'ah, the stu- dent and concubine of Ziryab ('Ali Ibn Nafi, 789-857), who performed from the courts of Baghdad to the palaces of Andalusia. Each of us wore costumes which were brought along or created from towels, curtains and bathrobes. We feasted on traditional foods and en- joyed one last evening with our fellow students and teachers. It's been a year now since I first heard about and applied to the Dar al Islam Teachers' Institute. I went there with, I thought, a fair amount of knowledge regarding the World of Islam. I came home with "increased knowledge" from lectures, fellow students, books, bro- chures, new networks and quiet contem- plation. My learning through immer- sion has made me better able to explain Islam to my students on the prairie. It has made me more aware of the special needs of muslim students who come to the University of South Dakota, a place where Catholics and Lutherans heatedly discuss religious differences. Some people have asked me if there was any pressure on the students to convert to Islam. The answer is an emphatic "no" There was no attempt to alienate any- one from their beliefs be they Jew, Catholic, Protestant, Agnostic or Athe- ist. However, several of the teacher/stu- dents talked about our experiences at Dar al Islam and agreed that if conver- sion was brought to mind, it was be- cause of the examples set by the people teaching and living at Dar al Islam who were willing to share their lives, their knowledge and their faith with us. I have two regrets about Dar al Islam: 1) I couldn't get up and out early enough in the morning to enjoy the sunrise hikes every morning, and 2) I've attended once, and future grants for study are reserved for others. TA * ' SACC Annual Conference in Seattle April 5-8, 2000