Betwixt spaces: student accounts of turning point experiences in the first‐year transition

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This article was downloaded by: [Harvard Library] On: 05 October 2014, At: 18:18 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Studies in Higher Education Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cshe20 Betwixt spaces: student accounts of turning point experiences in the first‐year transition Mark Palmer a , Paula O'Kane b & Martin Owens c a Aston Business School , Aston University , Birmingham, UK b University of Ulster , Northern Ireland, UK c University of Bradford , UK Published online: 29 Jan 2009. To cite this article: Mark Palmer , Paula O'Kane & Martin Owens (2009) Betwixt spaces: student accounts of turning point experiences in the first‐year transition, Studies in Higher Education, 34:1, 37-54, DOI: 10.1080/03075070802601929 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03075070802601929 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. 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Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cshe20 http://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCitFormats?doi=10.1080/03075070802601929 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03075070802601929 http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions Studies in Higher Education Vol. 34, No. 1, February 2009, 37–54 ISSN 0307-5079 print/ISSN 1470-174X online © 2009 Society for Research into Higher Education DOI: 10.1080/03075070802601929 http://www.informaworld.com Betwixt spaces: student accounts of turning point experiences in the first-year transition Mark Palmera*, Paula O’Kaneb and Martin Owensc aAston Business School, Aston University, Birmingham, UK; bUniversity of Ulster, Northern Ireland, UK; cUniversity of Bradford, UK Taylor and Francis LtdCSHE_A_360360.sgm10.1080/03075070802601929Studies in Higher Education0307-5079 (print)/1470-174X (online)Original Article2008Society for Research into Higher [email protected] ‘Not belonging’ is becoming a prevalent theme within accounts of the first-year student experience at university. In this study the notion of not belonging is extended by assuming a more active role for the idea of liminality in a student’s transition into the university environments of academic and student life. In doing so, the article suggests that the transition between one place (home) and another (university) can result in an ‘in-between-ness’ – a betwixt space. Through an interpretative methodology, the study explores how students begin to move from this betwixt space into feeling like fully-fledged members of university life. It is concluded that there is a wide range of turning points associated with the students’ betwixt transition, which shapes, alters or indeed accentuates the ways in which they make meaningful connections with university life. Moreover, transitional turning point experiences reveal a cast of characters and symbolic objects; capture contrasting motivations and evolving relationships; display multiple trajectories of interpersonal tensions and conflicts; highlight discontinuities as well as continuities; and together, simultaneously liberate and constrain the students’ transition into university life. Introduction The first-year experience is now seen as one of the high-priority research areas, not least because of the significant consequences of student attrition and failure upon university reputations and finances (Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld 2005). Indeed most, if not all, universities adopt some deliberate form or method of intervention to help embed students, and enhance the learning and retention during the transitional period (Gardner, Siegel, and Cutright 2001; Schnell, Louis, and Doetkott 2003; Lovitts 2005; Auburn 2007; Skyrme 2007). It is clear that there exists, among those studying pedagogy, a demand for research into the first-year transition process. Devel- opments within the field have resulted in both an international conference and US journals devoted exclusively to the first-year experience. In the UK, this was reflected in the commissioning of several government-funded projects designed to highlight the special academic programmes required to help first-year students adjust to the social and academic demands of university life (see Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld [2005] for an overview). Furthermore, a recent study by Harvey, Drew, and Smith (2006), funded by the UK Higher Education Academy, undertook a comprehensive review of more than 750 publications on the topic of the first-year experience over the previous 40 years. While, therefore, this is not a new subject, it is an ever-evolving field, in *Corresponding author. Email [email protected] D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 38 M. Palmer et al. which the changing role of universities and the growing diversity of students requires universities to take cognisance of their entry practices. The most visible way of dealing with students’ transitions into the university environment (comprising both academic and student life) has been to develop various ‘best practice’ initiatives that attempt to overcome transitional problems (Fox 1986; Barefoot 2000). Indeed, it is argued here that universities have had a tendency to revere such practices – initiatives such as open days, induction processes, study skills sessions or first-year seminars are readily deployed (Steltenpohl and Shipton 1986; Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld 2005; Skyrme 2007). Alternatively, others introduce new content on the transition subject into the curriculum, to manage student expecta- tions, rather than react to them (Fidler and Godwin 1994). Both approaches have acted as a focal point of attention and resources. However, it is fair to say that the actual experiences of students entering university have somehow failed to attract the level of academic scrutiny that is necessary to appreciate this transition. At the heart of the universities’ intervention strategies is the overriding concern with retention, in which they aim to ensure that students make ‘meaningful connections’ to the university. Jacoby (1995) identified four common needs and concerns of students: transportation issues, multiple life roles, integrating their support systems, and developing a sense of belonging. Other studies have argued along similar lines, highlighting the importance of students ‘not belonging’ within the university environment (Solomon 2007). This article takes up Solomon’s argument, and extends the debate by assuming a more active role for ‘liminality’: derived from the Latin word limen, meaning threshold. In doing so, the study contends that students can be suspended between one place (home) and another (university), which can result in an ‘in-between-ness’ – a betwixt space – which, in turn, creates this lack of belonging or sense of placelessness (Van Gennep 1909/1960). Therefore, rather than work within hitherto structural conceptualizations of the student transition, our starting premise is that often students do not immediately fit in at university but rather can be in a transient, betwixt space between home and univer- sity. The overall aim of this article is to investigate how students navigate through this betwixt space to form a sense of belonging to university life. In order to achieve this, the concept of a turning point within the context of the betwixt space is put forward; that is, an event(s) or an experience(s) within the first six to eight weeks at university that both stands out and also triggers and results in the student developing (or not) a sense of belonging to university life. The specific objectives of this study thus are threefold: (i) to investigate the beginnings of a turning point; (ii) to interpret students’ means of coping with the turning point experience; and, (iii) to ascertain how students carry forward their transient turning point experiences into forming a life at university. First-year transitions The transition of students into the university environments of academic and student life encompasses many kinds of change. In their comprehensive review Harvey, Drew, and Smith (2006, 13) highlight several themes emerging from the changes and transitions of first-year students into the university environment. These include: ● performance and retention: predicting success; assessing performance; with- drawal and retention; D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 39 ● factors influencing performance and persistence: institutional, personal and external; ● support for the first year: induction, adjustment and skill support; ● learning and teaching: new techniques for first-year groups and first-year learning behaviour. There are, of course, areas of overlap between these themes. Much of the current thinking about the first-year student experience supposes an outcome. That is to say, it is driven by the imperative to prevent student attrition or dropout. Therefore, research work links structural practices with impact outcomes, such as improvements in attrition, retention, graduation, etc. These rates are perceived as the measure of a university’s success in managing transition (Schnell, Louis, and Doetkott’s study [2003] is typical of this approach), while overwhelmingly assuming that low attrition rates represent failure of the university support mechanisms, rather than attributing any responsibility to individual student experiences. By framing transitional issues in this way, it is not surprising that some have gone down the ‘one size fits all’ route, without recognizing the idiosyncrasy of students’ transitional experiences. The consequences of the attrition problem dominate research in this area. First and foremost, this work argues that student attrition damages the reputation of the university. This leads to a decline in public funding, a tightening of the belt-buckle, which, in turn, can lead to a loss of programmes and perhaps ultimately redundan- cies for faculty (Blanc, Debuhr, and Martin 1983; Brower 1992; Beaudin et al. 2002). Most likely, because of this, universities and researchers have placed more emphasis on the problem perspective, and the development of a corresponding range of activities to deal with the issues arising from the transitional period. These include: ● providing a more cohesive learning experience (for example, providing extended induction to increase staff and student interaction); ● improving recruitment strategies (by increasing the opportunity to visit and discuss a chosen course to ensure a ‘student–programme fit’); ● creating a sense of community (through increased social activities and opportu- nities for interaction both with peer groups and those in higher year-groups); ● increasing student/faculty interaction (through new strategies for studies advice, special learning centres within libraries, surgery session office hours, and social meet-and-greet opportunities); and/or ● involving students in university life (with increased emphasis on group projects, extramural competitions and activities). A contrasting area of research has moved away from this managerial-side focus towards a more student-side understanding of the transition. Crissman-Ishler and Schreiber (2002) examined students’ experiences of what they refer to as ‘friendsick- ness’ during the early phases of university life. Their study built on the work of Perry (1978), which suggested that grief resulting from the loss of pre-university friendships inhibited the transition and development of students, particularly women. Central to this transition is how students rebuild friendship networks, and the degree to which students remain entwined with their pre-university friendships. Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld (2005) illustrate this in their findings, which suggest that social ties, developed through living with compatible friends, are central to the issue of transition. D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 40 M. Palmer et al. In another study, Wastell (1999) stresses the importance of the creation and mainte- nance of a supportive psychological climate. Indeed, some American universities have begun to match students within their campus accommodation according to pre-entry personality tests. The growing number of first-generation students, amid the increased diversity of the student population, has resulted in a widening of the gap in relation to understand- ing the role of the university (Skyrme 2007). Whereas most of the early accounts of university life adopt a single coherent view of the expected student experience, more recent research has not only pointed to the growing expectations amongst students, but also the apparent discrepancy between the student’s expectation of the university and the university’s definition of the role of a student (Skyrme 2007). This has increased the complexity of the student transition. A number of observations may be made regarding the ways in which the literature in this area theorizes the first-year experience. First, there is a tendency to assume that, because students are at university they sit inside or are located within the university boundaries. At one level, this assumption ignores the notion of liminality whereby students are suspended in a transient space between one place (home) and another place (university). For some research, the transition is seen as a series of discrete actions (Jolly and Turner 1979). This perspective tends to ignore the slippage between different states that the very transitional character of the move allows for. It also ignores the transition required within student life, focusing rather on academic transi- tion. At another level, it also assumes that students are moving towards academic life, and are accepting of the various university-led initiatives. Second, most of the research in this area focuses on the first year – the prerogative is that the transition happens across a year (Barefoot 2000). Indeed, there is little indication of how students break through turning points, whether such points are prolonged periods, and when they occur. Third, whenever studies have examined the first-year experience, few have made any attempt to relate this to the actual experiences of students; these are effectively divorced from one another, often leaving their real experiences under- specified. For example, there is no indication of the type of coping mechanisms required for the student to move through identified turning points. What emerges from this literature review is the risk of only thinking of this transition in reified, university-led functionalist terms – ‘I have a problem but now I have a toolkit of solutions’. There are, however, other promising ways in which to view this transition. One way is through the concept of liminality, in which the tran- sition is seen as passage between one social status and another. It is precisely this tran- sitional betwixt space to which we now turn to broaden our theorization. Boundaries, liminal spaces and turning points Drawing on data from the Office for National Statistics, Smith and Holt (2007) iden- tified 352 student communities across Britain. Interestingly, these reveal a growing concentration of ‘studentlands’, that is, places which are overwhelmingly populated by students (Smith, Stirling, and Berkhout 2005). Perhaps more importantly, this spatial work suggests a growing sense of student boundaries. These can result in defined interfaces between studentlands and indigenous residents, in which tensions, and subsequent detrimental effects, emerge from the social, economic, cultural and physical effects of studentification. Equally significant, but much less acknowledged, are the social psychological boundaries which erode, or threaten to dismantle, familiar D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 41 senses and can comport secondary losses related to social status, the relationship with the family home or financial security. Boundaries, as Belk (1997, 34) pointed out, ‘are often places of danger … – a liminal space or “interstitial crack” where traditional rules do not apply’. Seen from this perspective, the state of in-betweenness arguably has applicability within the context of the student transition between home and university life. Introduced by the French anthropologist Arnold van Gennep, in 1909 in his work Les rites de passage, he conceived of these as comprising three phases: separation (dives- titure), transition (liminality) and incorporation (investiture). Central to this work is the way that people must move from the liminal condition (by breaking through crit- ical inflection points or turning points at the heart of the betwixt condition), and enter or become incorporated into another social status – in this context one which is socially embodied as the university life. The idea of a turning point fits into a stream of theoretic scholarship on life course and human development (Elder 1974 1986). Based on longitudinal research studies, Elder (1986) explores the life course in terms of trajectories and transitions. In Elder’s view, trajectories are interlocked and inter- dependent events in different areas of life, whereas transitions are seen as either stages or radical shifts which interrupt regular patterns of behaviour, and which extend and are carried forward through time. The idea of a turning point would, therefore, theo- retically sit well within the betwixt space. For the purposes of this study, a turning point is defined as an event(s) or an experience(s) in the first six to eight weeks at university that stands out, and which triggers and results in the student developing (or not) a sense of belonging to university life. There can, therefore, be individual differ- ences in the experience of the turning point, including the development before the transition, the timing of the transition for the individual, the individual’s experience of navigating the transition, and the context in which the transition occurs (Rutter 1996). This study now subjects the idea of the turning point within the betwixt space to some critical scrutiny, utilizing empirical detail from the first-year students surren- dering to the liminal experience. Methodology In order to understand both the transition process and the concept of turning points within the first-year experience, this research adopted a three-stage approach (see Figure 1 for a summary of the methods employed). The first introduced students to the transition concept, the second explored their feelings about this process and turning points therein, and the final stage enabled students to reflect upon their experiences of the study and consolidated their responses. A convenience sample of students under- taking a first-year, first-semester introductory marketing course at a UK-based post- 1970s university with a 5* research profile in business were invited to participate at the midway point of their semester (week five). Eighteen students agreed to participate and a summary of their self-reported characteristics are documented in Table 1. Although not representative of the overall student population, the sample provides an adequate mix of men and women, ages (18–27), social backgrounds and employment statuses for initial theorization. Because the decision to leave is generally made within the first six to eight weeks (Odell 1996), this enabled us to capture students who may ultimately decide to leave, as well as those who intended to stay. The students were informed that the research was designed to elicit their opinions and feelings on their time at university to date, but specific details of the project were not revealed. The D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 42 M. Palmer et al. methods employed an interpretive, qualitative methodology to dig deep and grub out ‘thick descriptions’ relating to the actual experiences of students. The research instruments were administered one after the other to each student and required no more than an hour to complete. Figure 1. Data collection tools.In the first stage, students were asked to write down 10 words that described their transient experience of moving to university. A paper dialogue approach (Tee and Liang 2005) was utilized to stimulate, trigger and prompt thoughts of their transition. Following on from this priming stage, the first exercise in the second stage used a completion projective technique to uncover their deeper cognate thoughts (for exam- ple, pre-conscious, conscious, intuitive, associative) of the transitional space. Instead of using the conventional approach of asking students to verbalize their thoughts and feelings we used three cartoons, and the students were asked to complete the thought or speech bubble relating to each. This completion projective technique attempts to go beyond the surface responses and explanations (Piotrowski, Keller, and Ogawa 1993). The second exercise in stage two asked students to describe their critical turning points. This exercise used a combination of the paper dialogue approach and Flanagan’s (1954) critical incident technique. In operationalizing this we used key questions to encourage the students to write down – or tell a story about – how they felt during this ����� ��� �������� � ���� ������� � � ���� ���� � ���� �� ��� ����� �� ������� �� ����� ��� ����� ��� �� �������� �� ! 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Data collection tools. D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 43 time. In this, not only did we seek to identify the critical turning points, but we also looked to appreciate how students coped with these events. This approach enables sensitive issues to be addressed anonymously, as students often distrust authority, not least because of the perceived cultural norms of university life. Stage three, the reflective whiteboard exercise, was used to discuss the previous elements of the data collection and their interpretations, along with the students’ expe- riences around them. Taken together, the research exercises facilitated triangulation and, hence, attempted to unearth a more complete picture of the transition. Rather than impose a prior conceptualization or framework within which to evaluate the findings, this study adopted Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) interpretation of grounded theory, which allows for the emergence of important themes and patterns in the data while assuming some prior knowledge of the research field. We used Gibbs’ (2002) analysis framework, which divides this process into three stages: opening coding to identify Table 1. Student profiles. Gender and participant no. Age Degree programme enrolled* P/T worker?/ hourly rate (£) / no. of hours Self-selected categories of background Male 1 21 MAS No/NA/NA Second generation/Middle class/Urban student Male 2 18 BAM No/NA/NA Second generation/Urban student Female 3 18 BAM No/NA/NA First generation/Working class student Male 4 18 AFM No/NA/NA Second generation/Middle class/Urban student Female 5 20 BAM No/NA/NA First generation/Urban student Male 6 22 HRM No/NA/NA Second generation/Mature/Middle class student Male 7 18 BAM Yes/2.00/11-15 Second generation/Middle class student Female 8 21 Marketing Yes/5.50/11-15 First generation/Working class student Male 9 18 BAM No/NA/NA First generation/Middle class/Urban student Female 10 23 Marketing No/NA/NA Second generation student/Middle class/Mature/Rural Male 11 26 BAM Yes/6.00/16-20 First generation/Working class/Mature student Male 12 19 IBAM No/NA/NA Second generation/Urban student Male 13 20 CFB Yes/5.80/11-15 First generation/Working class/Urban student Male 14 19 IBE No/NA/NA Second generation/Middle class student Male 15 27 IBE Yes/5.35/26+ Second generation student/Middle class/Mature Male 16 19 IBAM No/NA/NA Second generation student/Middle class/Urban Male 17 18 IBAM Yes/ 4.80/11-15 First generation student/Working class Male 18 20 IBAM No/NA/NA Second generation/Middle class student *IBAM – International Business and Management; BAM – Business and Management; AFM – Accounting for Management; CFB – Computing for Business; IBE – International Business and Economic.D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 44 M. Palmer et al. relevant themes (each author conducted this individually); axial coding to refine the categories; and selective coding which links the categories together and enables a story to be told. The findings are discussed in the following section, using excerpts from the participants’ responses to illuminate and contextualize each theme. As stage one functioned to prime the students, the findings section begins by reporting the two exercises within stage two. Findings Stage II: empirical evidence from Exercise I The responses from the completed cartoons highlighted many different, but real and understandable, anxieties and apprehensions. Doubts ‘crept in’ regarding the perceived abnormality of academic life, and therein the appropriateness of both their expected learning styles and the curriculum design, as well as the freedom and isolation of student life. There was an ongoing (re)tension between trusting and distrusting their previous decisions which, in turn, created further stress and added anxiety. Each cartoon is discussed in turn. The first lecture The speech bubble of the first lecture elicited several insightful comments and associ- ations in regard to modes of delivery: It is very unlike the old classroom that I am used to, and the recognition I receive from my teacher. Here, the professor may or may not even remember my name. I seem like I’m part of a production line and I’m just another product. (Male, 14) Things are very different here, strange even. Getting used to the idea of listening in a lecture and not having much contact with the lecturer is very different. It’s like ‘remote learning’. We can watch and listen, but interaction is seemingly forbidden – out of bounds. (Female, 3) At the Open Days and Induction Days they praise the wonderful new business school building and then there are no lectures there. There’s too much promotion and not enough practice. I suppose I am guilty as I bought into this, but I am far removed from the promotional university. (Male, 12) The students seem to be very conscious of their first lecture. Recognizing the enormity of material surroundings – the corporate campus – students struggle with greater anonymity. While it is important to foster individuality for learning and social purposes, the sheer size of the lecture theatre setting serves to alienate, even as its surroundings engulf the individual student. While most of the students drew attention to the remoteness of the lecture room, both in terms of the space and size of the class, the quality of the university facilities is also at the forefront of the student’s mind, particularly following on from the marketing hyperbole of the university pre-entry process. The first feedback The speech bubble depicting the frustrated lecturer with the student’s coursework highlighted a range of mainly negative comments and associations. The responses D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 45 overwhelming revealed that the bottom line coursework mentality – that which focuses almost exclusively on the mark – alarms students. Perhaps this is an outcome of a lack of contact with their teachers. The comments from the cartoon speech bubbles also revealed difficulties associated with balancing many different subject areas, as well conveying a sense of the betwixt condition: I’m not entirely sure what I’m doing (!) I have found many different subjects tricky. At times I wondered what this subject had to do with my degree programme. (Female, 8) This raises the question about the rationale for general modules offered in large groups to students from a range of cognate degree programmes. It also begs the question to what extent these decisions are based on sound pedagogic reasons, as opposed to university efficiency and returns. Notwithstanding the answers to such questions, the overall effect of the generality at the outset of degree programmes compounded the betwixt condition. The first doubt Doubts loom large amongst students in the betwixt space. University learning environments challenge present norms and routines. The speech bubble responses show that there is a period of doubt between the challenge and the adaptation to new learning approaches. In the speech bubble of two students discussing the ‘hands off’ and distance aspects of the university, it was interesting to note how they perceived the relationship with the university: I don’t like the hands off thing – what they call distance learning. Personally I like to smell and feel the class atmosphere which motivates me. I like the close contact as this helps drive my motivation to perform. (Male 18) It takes time to adjust to university, there are so many challenges that happen all at once. At times I doubt myself, my choices – whether it is the right one, the wrong one, and I doubt the various promises made to me during Fresher’s week. After a few months you adapt until this new way of life becomes normal. (Female, 10) Some respondents wrote metaphorically about hanging onto a thread that would pull them into what they perceived as a normal place (incorporation back into the home life or forward into university life). Alternatively, one student saw this space as a way of escaping the home, albeit in a temporally suspended way: I think coming to campus gives me an opportunity to escape from ‘my reality’ and change my way of normal humdrum living at home. (Male, 1) Empirical evidence from Exercise II The analysis of the second exercise in stage two facilitated the emergence of a number of themes (see Table 2) around the main questions asked. Where do turning points come from? Students varied enormously in their response to the stimuli that they thought provoked a turning point. Several features and circumstances that brought about a change were D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 46 M. Palmer et al. identified. Firstly, the temporal dimension of entry was an important exclusionary force, as one respondent noted: My lateness [to enrol at university] was very problematic as it initially caused a lot of anxiety for me and those around me. I felt like an outsider – ‘the one that came late’ – and I was upset about the fact that I missed out on the experience of Fresher’s Week. (Female, 17) The temporal dimension was again evident in the turning point of student 10 – albeit in a different way – because of her ‘re-entry’ back into university transitional space, and how her previous experience of withdrawing from university shaped the present experience. Doubts regarding her rationale for going to university re-emerged: I have reconsidered all of the reasons why I decided to come back to university and thought about the rewards if I stayed and other options if I left again. I decided that I wanted and needed to stay and must adapt. (Female, 10) Not all of the turning points were within the control of the student. Representing this is the experience of one student, in which an accident and subsequent injury led to a critical rethink of his situation: …due to the injury I acquired during a football match, my ability to get around was severely limited. I was technically, temporarily disabled for four weeks. What is important to note is that one’s outlook changes considerably in a disabled position. I had to rely on my friends to a far greater extent than would otherwise be necessary. As a consequence, friendships are much closer. (Male, 9) This also highlights the interplay between university life and friendships in triggering the turning point. The starting point for many of the students’ turning point experi- ences was the tensions which arose from the pluralistic demands – competing and equally legitimate forces – within the betwixt space. As one student explained: it felt like being pulled from pillar to post, from one place to another. I needed to spend time at university to develop my new life here, yet I had an ‘old life’ elsewhere. And I needed both but found it difficult to fit into both. (Female, 3) Table 2. Summary of the findings. Where do turning points come from? What coping mechanisms are used during turning points? How are turning points carried forward? Feeling like an outsider (−) Could not speak out (−) New appreciation of knowledge (+) Shaken by surprise tests (−) Rebuilding social ties (−) Dawning of independence (+ & −) New girlfriend (+) Prejudices of university (−) Diversity & ability to multitask (− & +) Face saving Appreciation of diversity Threat of ‘dead end’ jobs Someone to lean on Avoidance Lashing out Sleeping Relationships and friendships Tenacit Objects Feeling of guilt Thirst for learning Developing character Happy-go-lucky attitude (Re)discovering maternal connections (Re)discovering roots and a sense of place and identity D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 47 The resulting experience was one of contestation, with multiple spheres of life emerging across trajectories and in different ways: It’s a juggling act balancing all of these changes. But just like a new juggler you make mistakes initially and learn from this. But I wonder whether the university gives you anytime for this. Mistakes are a dirty word here. (Male 18) Lecturers believe academic life is easy. They think I only have to concentrate on my studies. But I have other responsibilities that need to be addressed as well. They all compete for my time. (Male 1) The transitional qualities of the betwixt space are striking when relationships are considered. Students faced a range of academic and personal relationships, but the mother–sibling relationship dominated the responses: I moved in on the Sunday night and when my mother left I suddenly felt very alone. (Male 17) This change involved redefining or breaking the reliance on the mother–sibling rela- tionship. Interestingly, within the betwixt space we again see the contrasting motives and evolving relationships, in particular the role of friendship – be it platonic or rela- tional – and how it impacts upon the students’ many decisions as well as outcomes: I think that had I not entered a relationship in the first few weeks I would have dropped out. Getting into a relationship was vital. Up to then I was very frustrated and even angry. What was I doing here? I’ve never had a girlfriend before. This has put me into a sunny mindset but now it seems that I have to hang onto this girl for the sake of my happiness. I’m a bit trapped in a way. (Male, 6) Some reflected on the role of the betwixt space in shaping, and in some cases re- establishing identity – also viewed as ‘impostor syndrome’. Somehow, the feeling of placelessness made students more self-conscious. Significant in this turning point expe- rience is its power in making students pause, rethink and challenge convictions, in essence making them question their own identity – a form of identity crisis – whereby betwixt spaces allow them to unmask, build or redefine identity (and possibly more than one). This change in identity, then, became a blueprint for enculturation within the university life, and shifted the students’ perceptions of the sense of belonging. For others it provided the opportunity to reinforce existing identities of university life. What coping mechanisms are used during turning points? One way of dealing with the situation was through protectionism, despite the difficul- ties that this entailed. That is, not burdening others with the problem. As one student explained: During the waiting period I put on a brave face as I didn’t want to create further anxieties for those worrying about me. I tried to integrate with everybody, even when they weren’t the kind of people that I would usually associate with. (Female, 17) Another way in which students attempted to cope with the turning point was to avoid or isolate themselves further. This withdrawal process was frequently pointed to: D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 48 M. Palmer et al. I didn’t feel that I belonged. I sat in my room, not talking to anyone. I just went to bed to sleep to forget about my worries. This made me even more lethargic which meant I couldn’t release any stress and find the energy to do my work. (Male 2) By contrast, other students took their frustrations out on those closest to them: The stress was just getting too much, the anger was building up. I just lashed out. I then continually shouted at everybody, my family, my friends. I lost friends. (Male 2) Having a tenacious outlook was one of the main ways of dealing with the turning point. In this feeling of betwixtness, it is impossible to overstate the importance of perseverance. Hanging in there in the face of heart-wrenching turning point experi- ences is a way of dealing with the turning point, and this never-say-die attitude was evident throughout: I got angry a lot of the time and felt emotionally drained. However, I remained focused, reminding myself not to give up and revisiting the reasons I was here in the first place. I just persisted. (Male, 16) Developing a sense of belonging to the university does not necessarily result, however, in the student ultimately succeeding academically. Perhaps more interest- ing to note was the metaphoric ‘critical thread’, which students hung on to to pull themselves out of the critical incident. This critical thread was of significance to students and took various forms, of which objects and friendships featured frequently: I looked at my cousins who had gone through this path. I had a mental picture of what it was like graduating with a degree and the feeling that my girlfriend had when she graduated. I also keep a picture of my girlfriend’s graduation and look at it when I need reassurance. (Male 13) While a relationship acted as a turning point, it also acted as a coping mechanism for some students. Indeed the role of friendships and relationships is strongly expressed amongst the group of participants: Since my mother died 7 years ago, I think I’ve subconsciously needed a sort of maternal/ motherly figure to help me through the bad times and everyday problems. Getting into my first relationship helped me with this, it allowed me to turn a corner. Before that, I felt that I could not belong to this place. (Male, 14) Not everyone dealt with transient issues exclusively through avoidance, conflict, tenacity, socialization and relationships, but rather coping was achieved through familiarity with objects symbolizing the homeland – a finding we termed continuity anchors. These objects took on sacred quality and connected the university to the home. Objects revealed themselves in a variety of forms – bed quilts and cushions, posters, portraits and pictures, shirts, scarves and sporting memorabilia, even teddy bears: I shouldn’t admit this, but I cope with a lot of this home sickness by surrounding myself in my home comforts – things I can connect with and from my home. My favorite is my Spiderman quilt … (Male, 17) D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 49 How are turning points carried forward? From a developmental perspective it was interesting to identify how students would carry forward their turning point effects. In other words, what would the value of this turning point be in the future? We found that the turning point could lead to a feeling of guilt, as two respondents explained: Definitely the consequence was a feeling of guilt because I was spending a lot of my time socializing rather than studying (which should be my main focus). This is difficult to reconcile with the hardship that my family have had to go through to give me this future. (Male, 1) For my parents, I need to change. I have let them down in the past and they have trusted me and believed in me enough to fund me again. I can’t let them down and I want to make them proud. (Female, 10) And yet for others, the experience was much more rewarding and resulted in positive changes being carried forward, almost immediately: I started to put more effort into learning. Not just the prescribed text books, but the every day articles in the press. (Male 16) On my side, I am happy to see the result of putting my personality forward. Be strong, be tough and be tolerant, these have just been added to my rule of life book. (Male 18) Good fortune also looms large in the way in which turning points are carried forward. As one upbeat, happy-go-lucky student explained, the turning point seemed to be the passport to university residency – a realization that they had ‘finally arrived’ and better still enabled them to capitalize on this learning opportunity: It has made me release how lucky I am now. I wasn’t enjoying university at first, but now I love it. Other students may take this lifestyle for granted, but I think this experi- ence has made me appreciate it more. (Male 8) Empirical evidence from Stage III A whiteboard exercise, involving open questioning, reflection and discussion with the participants, was used to elicit student experiences regarding the process of undertaking the previous exercises. Intriguingly, students mainly interpreted the exercises positively, in part because it provided an opportunity for expression. It is evident that, during the research process, the students embraced the exercises and enjoyed expressing their opinions. Some pointed to their voice being curtailed, even suppressed, or as one student put it, ‘gagged by members of university faculty in pieces of coursework [prohibiting personal opinion]’. This lack of voice contributed towards a higher level of frustration and in some cases anger: I have found this exercise very beneficial as it has given me the opportunity to get things off my chest that I haven’t been able to speak about. I now feel as though a large weight has been lifted off my shoulders. (Male 4) These exercises have given me a clearer understanding of how I feel about the transition I underwent to feel okay in this environment. (Male 12) D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 50 M. Palmer et al. For some the reflective aspect of the exercises was beneficial. Interestingly, this evidence suggests that first-year students want and, indeed, need a voice beyond conventional staff–student committees: I have found this process thought provoking. It is a bit tricky reflecting on things that have happened because I’m not used to it. (Female, 8) Still other students went further and suggested that such activities ought to form part of a range of activities designed to help them adjust to the university environment: It was quite refreshing to be able to describe/discuss certain frustrations about issues in the first year at university. Maybe this type of activity should be built into the curricu- lum? (Male 6) The implication of these insights is that, while students are frequently asked to reflect on the performance of lecturers, this voice is not always extended in a holistic way to the actual experiences of students (i.e. one which moves beyond league-table-centric approaches). Discussion This research aimed to investigate the experiences of first-year students making the transition into the university environment. Drawing on the discussion by Solomon (2007), the betwixt space concept helps us to contextualize students’ feelings of (not) belonging to university life. Alongside this, the concept of a turning point(s) can further delineate the nature of when and how the transition takes place, as well as how the social and material experiences span multiple spheres of the student’s university life. This is illustrated in different ways. First, the exploratory findings from stage two highlight how turning point experiences simultaneously enrich and impoverish, liberate and constrain. This is, in part, because such experiences are both positive and negative; that is, not only related to stressful occasions (e.g. dissolution of parent–sibling relationships), but also interconnected with positive effects (e.g. a growing sense of identity, the beginnings of mental activity, the beginnings of new relationships). In this sense ‘dealing’ with initial experiences (such as anxieties about the first lecture, feedback, and the first doubt), which can be perceived as eroding barriers, takes on a new importance in forming the reasons (motives) for making meaningful connections. Second, in understanding students’ turning point experiences (and thus surrender- ing and connecting to university life), the relationship between inclusion and exclu- sion is important, but by no means straightforward. As the inclusion process deepens, by implication, so does the exclusion process also gain momentum. The exploratory evidence highlights how the structural entry practices of inclusion, such as induction days, fresher weeks, etc., also sow the seeds or conditions for exclusion. The panacea becomes the poison. As Engstrand and Stam (2002, 360) rightly point out, ‘the same strong ties that help members of a group often enable it to exclude others’. Therefore, fresher week activities can also serve to exclude, alienating as they engulf, especially if students cannot get involved in this week or arrive late. Exclusion can be associated with missing these and other rites of passages, such as the first night out, living away from home or living within halls of residence. With the growing diversity of the student population and the costs associated with university life these situations are increasingly more reflective. D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 Studies in Higher Education 51 Furthermore, the findings reveal that the transition for the student from the home to university, or more narrowly, ‘studentland’, spans a range of social and material factors programmed into universities, which impact on the students’ perceptions of turning points. Turning points are responded to in different ways, and that process is rarely smooth or linear; but rather more indeterministic rather than deterministic, and more discontinuous than continuous. The students’ reflections suggest that turning point experiences can be subject to reversals and changes of direction; student anxi- eties and (mis)apprehensions resurface and are carried forward in different forms. For others, moreover, transition implies constant reassurance and feedback, monitoring and circuits of action and reaction. New boundaries begin to appear for some students whilst for others these boundaries quickly disappear: they are marked or ignored depending on the interests that are at stake. Reflections also shed light on the way in which turning point experiences not only alter the students’ perceptions, but also serve to accentuate and reinforce existing behaviour, which, in turn, could act as a transi- tional barrier. Third, it is evident that the experiences span from those over which the student has no control – accidents, shocks, family circumstances – to those that are firmly within their control. The students’ perceptions confirm that stabilization, in both the individ- ual and with surrounding relationships, can ease the transience within the betwixt space (Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld 2005; Solomon 2007). Most significant in this process is the reliving and integrating of past, present and future experiences, which also confirms the recent work of Skyrme (2007). This is symbolically epitomized through the students’ concept of a critical thread, which provides a sense of direction for the student’s perseverance and allows them to regain control. Hanging to this critical thread, in the face of adverse turning point experiences, it seems, is a way of dealing with, belonging to, and making meaningful connections to, university life. The final, and in many ways, most compelling point is that, despite the turbulence of the betwixt space and the turning point in the transition, the findings show the impor- tance of symbolic objects in providing continuities – in other words the anchors of continuance – in the students’ lives. In order to provide some sense of continuity, students, for example, frequently bring an object that symbolizes their home environ- ment, and such objects can take on a sacred quality. These can act as transitional objects, in the same way that a child’s stuffed animal or blanket may act to smooth the early development of the child. The transitional object, as conceived by Winnicott (1953), refers to some ‘entity’ that enables intellectual and emotional development by provid- ing a temporary source of support allowing the student to ‘let go’ of a former, dependent relationship (Winnicott 1971). Indeed, little is known about objects that help students span the boundary between university and home. Not only does Winnicott’s research focus on the object used, but it also investigates the use of that object. In a similar way, the transitional object for students may be conceived of in three ways: as typifying a phase in the student’s normal emotional development; as a defence against separation anxiety; and, lastly, as a neutral sphere in which experience is not challenged. Conclusions Our article has attempted to open up and explore Solomon’s (2007) notion of ‘not belonging’, and the turning points that allow students to make ‘meaningful connec- tions’ to ‘fit’ into university life. In particular, this study put forward a new theoreti- cal lens – a liminal perspective – for reinterpreting, re-evaluating and refining our D ow nl oa de d by [ H ar va rd L ib ra ry ] at 1 8: 18 0 5 O ct ob er 2 01 4 52 M. Palmer et al. understanding of the social psychological dimension of students’ transitional experi- ences. We conclude that there is a wide range of turning points associated with the student’s betwixt transition, which shape, alter or indeed accentuate the ways in which students make meaningful connections with university life. Moreover, transi- tional turning point experiences reveal a cast of characters and symbolic objects; capture contrasting motivations and evolving relationships; display multiple trajecto- ries of interpersonal tensions and conflicts; highlight discontinuities as well as conti- nuities; and together, simultaneously enrich and impoverish, liberate and constrain, the experience of university life. Despite the best intentions of universities in facilitat- ing the transition, however, university management has a limited capacity to inter- vene in the liminal space. That is to say, students perceive that university managers/ lecturers do not belong to this space and, consequently, cannot possibly understand their situation. This has important implications for those who seek to intervene and ‘manage’ the student transition. Managing the first-year transition is not a unilateral activity. University management ought not to assume that they are the only ones managing students. Students may be heading in exactly the opposite direction, away from the university, managed by other actors, such as a parent, girlfriend/boyfriend or employer. More recognition and explication of the dilemmas and levels of contesta- tion that exist within the liminal space, along with empowering students with various forms of ownership in their transition, might go some way towards mitigating this. The second implication is that, although management can make changes that involve shaking university inclusion boundaries, they also need to be more cognisant of how the practices of inclusion are linked to exclusion. For students, the transition does not start and end with the induction day. Indeed the conditions of the rite of passage into studenthood have been learned long before the entry into university, through percep- tions, prejudices via stereotypes of university places such as parties, drinking and iconic images, or however university places are perceived. These expectations and stereotypes of university student life need to be more fully understood, both from a student and university perspective. Consequently, further research could focus on this and frame studies around several areas. An initial indication of the volume and nature of the transitional objects based on student profiles could be established (see Brody 1980) by identifying the type of students this applies to, their transitional symbols, the reason a student parts from their object, and the stage in the turning point transition at which this occurs. Moreover, studies could explore these in relation to how they become meaningfully and usefully incorporated into practices of a new life, and also how such objects have a common identity across different places. References Auburn, T. 2007. Identity and placement learning: Student accounts of the transition back to university following placement year. Studies in Higher Education 32: 117–33. Barefoot, B.O. 2000. 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