A Qualitative Study of the College Social Adjustment of Black Students From Lower Socioeconomic Communities Schevaletta M. Alford Superficial gains made by Black students studying in the United States have created the illusion that college access and retention rates have improved, However, to support their education, commuter students from lower socioeconomic com- munities have developed coping skills that inhibit positive social adjustment. This article presents an examination of Black commuter-student relationships and associations. Higher education enrollment rate of 3% for Black students has re- mained at a virtual standstill in recent years compared with enroll- ment rates of other minorities (Hollins, 1996). Yet, this slight in- crease has led some members of the United States government to assume that affirmative action programs are no longer necessary (Healy, 1998; Schmidt, 1997). Research also shows that Blacks are still behind in the struggle to stay in school although the first reten- tion programs were originally designed for them (Ford, 1997, p. 36). Some Black students, especially those from lower socioeconomic communities, leave college almost as quickly as they enter (Astin, 1988; Levine & Associates, 1990; Noel, Levitz, Saluri, & Associates, 1991). Studies examining attrition have attempted to explain the languid growth rate of numbers of Black students and poor retention of these students, pointing to weaknesses in their college prepara- tion (cf. Astin, 1988, 1993; Browne-Miller, 1996). Other important factors influenchg retention included the inability of students to reach and maintain college-level academic standards, incongruent personal and college goals, and lack of motivation or interest (cf, Astin, 1993; Schevaletta M. Alford is an assistant professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and a counselor and counseling coordinator for the Search for Education, Elevation, and Knowledge Program, both at the City Uniuerslty of New York. Correspondence regarding this &le should be sent to Schevalet ta M. Alford, John Jay College, 445 W 59th St, New York, NY 1001 9-1 199 [e-ma&
[email protected]~. 2 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 Tinto, 1987). Most of these explanations place the responsibility on the students; they blame the victim. Fordham and Ogbu (1 986) explained that many Black students come from personal environments that block them from attending college. Black students from the inner city who devote their time to their studies are considered to be âacting White.â They are often ostracized by their peers. Therefore, when Blacks do attend college they are often socially excluded (cf. Fries-Britt, 1998; Mow & Nettles, 1990). Fleming ( 1984) describes academic environments that, although not outwardly hostile, provide little or no social support to Black stu- dents. Many of these students devise coping skills that allow them to function in the college academic environment. However, these skills do not always support the social adjustment of the students. LI TE R ATU R E R EVI E W A review of the literature on college social adjustment points to the difficulties that students encounter as they attempt to become ac- quainted with college life (cf. Astin, 1993; Delworth, Hanson, & As- sociates, 1989; Pascarella & Terenzini, 199 1). These studies have been primarily based on models that emphasize the lifestyles of residential students (cf. Huebner, 1989; Pascarella & Terenzini, 199 1). Models of this type focus on factors within the college campus environment, (i.e.. influences within the college community. How- ever, increasing college costs and changing lifestyles have created the trend toward commuting). A s early as 1985, researchers found that 59 percent of the nationâs students commuted (Stewart, Merrill, & Saluri, 1991). Black stu- dents are definitely included in this group. Considering the rising college costs, it is very likely that this per- centage has increased. Therefore, more studies are beginning to emphasize the examination of external factors that affect college adjustment (cf. Paul & Kelleher. 1995: Terenzini, Pascarella, & Blimling, 1996). Students who do not live in residence halls or within the con- fines of their colleges must make psychological shifts between their homes and their schools (Alford, 1998; Banning & Hughes, 1986). Researchers Astin ( 1988, 19931, Fleming ( 1984), Hurtado ( 1992). Neville, Heppner, and Wang (1997) have found that race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic factors further complicate student adjustment to college. For Black students from lower socioeconomic communities, developing and Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 3 sustaining relationships with individuals who understand the col- lege environment is an even greater challenge (Anderson, 1994; Dalton, 1989; Fleming, 1984; Gonchar, 1995; Jaynes &Williams, 1989; Tinto, 1987). If they are not extroverts, these students do not seek new associations (Fleming, 1984; Pascarella & Terenzini, 199 1). Research shows that when students reside in communities in which values are noticeably different from those of their colleges, adjustment is significantly affected (cf. Astin, 1988; Gonchar, 1995; Malone, 1992). Theoretical Underpinning An underlying theory directly connected to college student adjust- ment comes from the work of Kurt Lewin (1936). According to Lewin, B = f (P, E); that is, an individualâs behavior (B) is the result of the interaction (0 between the person (P) and the environment (E). Bronfenbrenner (1977) systematized Lewinâs theory and created what is known as the ecological model. This organizing model can be used to understand the problems students encounter in adapting to dif- ferent environments. In the Bronfenbrenner model, the individual social relationships in which the student is involved are called microsystems. These in- clude the relationships between the student and his or her family members, in-and-out of school friends, team members, and so forth. The confederation of microsystems is the studentâs mesosystem. The values held within the separate microsystems interact, overlap, and, at times, clash with one another. When the values of the separate microsystems support one an- other, the mesosystem is harmonious. For example, if out-of-school peers, family members, and team members support college values, the mesosystem is harmonious. However, if the values in these units do not support college values, the studentâs mesosystem is disso- nant. Thus, the ability of inner-city commuter students to stabilize relationships and values in their mesosystem might be difficult. This difficulty directly affects college retention (Kuh & Mitt, 1988). The two other environmental influences of the Bronfenbrenner model are the exosystem and the macrosystem. The exosystem includes the sociopolitical and socioeconomic influences of the environments closest to the student, such as the community in which the student lives and attends college. Because this is an external environment, it exerts control over the mesosystem, which in turn affects the microsystems. The all-encompassing environment exerting indirect and, at times, direct influence on all the other systems is the macrosystem. This environment includes âcultural, social, political, 4 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 legal, economic, religious, and educational valuesâ (Bronfenbrenner. 1977) of a nation. The macrosystem suggests national standards for all aspects of life, from physical attractiveness to public policy (Muuss, 1996). I t is most easily described as the sociopolitical climate of the nation. For example, as the number of conservative politicians has increased, the nation has become more conservative in its policies regarding affirmative action. Because affirmative action initiatives are seen as liberal, they have been on the decline. This decline directly affects Black students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds because many of these students gained entrance to college through affirmative action programs. Therefore, we see the number of Black students enrolling in certain colleges decreasing as these programs disappear. PURPOSE OFTHE STUDY I decided to conduct aa exploratory study using the Bronfenbrenner model because of the need to better understand the factors affecting the retention ofcommuter students. The study focused on the methods used by these students to balance their mesosystems, examining the types of associations students made, why these associations de- veloped, and whether the alliances had any impact on retention. The mesosystems consist of their home life, neighborhood peers, and college peers. Qualitative and quantitative methodologies were used to thoroughly explore the types of associations that developed among the students (Stage & Associates, 1992). In this article I present a summary of the essential aspects of the qualitative data collected on the lower socioeconomic Black students who participated in the study and the analysis of that data. I also discuss the implication of the findings for counselors working with Black students who commute from lower socioeconomic communities to campuses. METHOD To understand the formation of relationships by Black commuter stu- dents the method used in this study was interviewing (Patton, 1990; Stage et al., 1992; Taylor & Bogdm, 1984). Anthropological methods have been cited as well suited for investigating college students be- cause these methods provide âan insiderâs perspective on what is hap- pening in the groupâs natural settingâ (Stage et al., 1992, p. 17). Interviews were conducted on two levels: focus group and individual. This allowed information gathered during the two types of inter- Journal of Mukicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 5 views to be cross-referenced. I t also served as an integral part of the triangulation process, a process using multiple methods to study an issue or phenomenon. This is a requirement of qualitative research methodology (cf. Patton, 1990; Stage et al., 1992). The final compo- nent of the triangulation was student counseling records. The records were examined to verify comments made during interviews. Data collected from group interviews, individual interviews, and counsel- ing records served as the basis for triangulation. Participants Fifteen students were recruited from educational opportunity pro- grams at two 4-year urban commuter colleges in the North Atlantic region of the United States, which includes states from Pennsylva- nia to Maine. These students responded positively to a request for individuals to discuss âfriendships in and outside college.â Although all of the students identified themselves as Black, 5 specified the Caribbean nations from which they had come. Counseling records showed that the 5 students arrived in the United States before they were 10 years old and that they lived in predominately lower socio- economic U.S. Caribbean communities for more than 10 years. A study by Waters (1996) showed that the cultural heritage of the Caribbean students might have influenced their attitudes and be- liefs, and therefore, the national origins of these students were in- cluded in the profiles. Three of the 5 Caribbean students were women, and the other 2 were men. Nine of the other students were women and 1 was a man. The students ranged in age from 18 to 30. Four students were 22, and only 1 was 30. Five of the students were freshmen; 4 were sopho- mores; 4 were juniors, and 2 were seniors. The following profiles provide essential facts about the lives of the students (pseudonyms have been used). Edwena is a 22-year-old full-time sophomore from Jamaica. She is a single parent who has been assaulted by her daughterâs father. She has lupus. Lorraine is a 20-year-old sophomore separated from her husband. She has taken care of her delinquent teenage sister since the death of their mother. Maureen is a 30-year-old senior employed full-time in an extremely high-risk job. She attends college part-time. Caroline, a 22-year-old junior, lives at home with her disabled fa- ther and a number of tenants, most of whom are against Carolineâs educational pursuits. 6 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 Claudia is a 24-year-old senior who lives with her mother and brother. Her brother is also attending college. Both children help their mother with expenses. Ron, a 19-year-old first-year student, works on campus. He lives with his single mother and grandmother. Art, a 20-year-old Trinidadian sophomore, works a tremendous amount of overtime for a courier service. Raylone is a 19-year-old first-year student, who works full-time at a law firm. She lives with her grandmother and has many friends in her neighborhood. Coline, a 22-year-old junior, lives with her mother and five sib- lings. She is actively involved in student government. N a r i a is an 18-year-old first-year student, of South-Asian decent, born in Guyana. She lives with both parents and a large fictive fam- ily. She works full-time to contribute to the household. Grandis is a popular 18-year-old Haitian first-year student, who resides with his parents and extended family. He works long hours. Siniqua, a 24-year-old divorced mother of two, resides with her mother and sister and works part-time. Siniqua is a junior. Kathy is a 22-two-year-old Jamaican junior who lives with her mother and four sisters, all of whom attend college. Lindell, a 20-year-old sophomore who works 20 hours per week, seeks a new job that will give her more hours. Tracy, an 18-year-old first-year student, is actively seeking em- ployment other than her present baby-sitting. Procedure Using an interview protocol (see the Appendix), the researcher, an American-born Black woman, facilitated discussions among partici- pants centering on friendships within the college and the comrnu- nity and the impact of those friendships on their progress through college. Each group interview was conducted with an independent observer (an American-born Black woman) present to venfy that questions were asked in the same manner. The group interviews lasted from 1 â/z hours to 2% hours, whereas âindividualsâ lasted from a 1/2 hour to 2 hours. The interview proto- col was the same for both group and individual interviews. Changes were made only when syntax was inappropriate. Individuals were able to discuss issues in greater depth when inter- viewed alone than they were during group interviews. The individual discussions verified, clarified, and validated information obtained dur- ing group interviews. The candid discussions were taped and tran- Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 7 scribed by a professional transcriber. The researcher also reviewed counseling and academic records for all student participants. DATA ANALYSIS A trained three-member team consisting of one American-born Black woman and two Caribbean-born Black women read the interview transcripts. The analysis was done on two levels. First, recurring responses to interview questions were identified as âsensitizing con- cepts or themes.â The concepts served as a framework for the de- scription of student adjustment. Second, common elements reflect- ing implicit beliefs and ideas, âindigenous concepts or themes,â were identified. For triangulation, counselor notes in student files were compared with the studentsâ comments to learn whether themes and concepts identified reflected the studentsâ lives. Thus, the three elements of triangulation were the two types of interviews, group and individual, and the counselor notes. FINDINGS The comments made during the interviews provided a gateway to un- derstanding the method by which Black commuter students from lower socioeconomic communities managed their associations in and out- side the college. Whether American-born or Caribbean-born, the Black students who participated in this study showed no clear differences in their behavior or attitude regarding their social environments. These relationships, or microsystems, were the social foundations of the lives of the students. The following are the most salient comments made by students that succinctly capture the ideas expressed by all the participants. L i m it ed C o m mu n i t y Af f i I i at i o n Students in this study generally had very few friends in their neigh- borhoods. This situation existed because of self and parental im- posed isolation. Some students explained that they never developed friendships in their communities. Edwena described her behavior in the following manner: I never had a lot of friends in the neighborhood. Actually none because Iâm the type of a person that from school, I go home, right in the house and start reading my books. [My mother] used to try to force me and say, âGo outside 8 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 and play with those kids.â But sometimes I used to have like a phobia inside of me like I didnât want to be around them. Kathy made the following comment: Well for me personally, I donât really have friends in my neighborhood. I wasnât born h e r e 1 grew up in Jamaica. It was something different. When I was growing up there. I had friends in my neighborhood. [In America] I never went to a school that was in my district, and I never even wanted to be surrounded by people [who] lived there. I always wanted to go places with new people. The students had limited affiliations with their neighborhood peers whenever they had not lived in their neighborhoods from early child- hood. Counseling records showed that these students had arrived in their new communities before the age of 10. However, the stu- dents usually had no friends because they were unable to continue friendships that had begun before moving into the new neighbor- hood. Students who lived in new neighborhoods within the same city or town were not permitted by their parents to return to old neighborhoods. As for the students from other countries, trips to their native countries were rare. For students who had continuously lived in the same neighborhood, a parent or parents had prevented them from developing neighborhood friendships. The following is a statement from Lorraine: When we [were] younger, she [my mother] was on public assistance, but she didnât want us to be that way. And, she never sent u s to the neighborhood schools. Maureen said, Everybody else bums, crack heads, you know, so my mother pushed us harder than I guess everybody elseâs mama did just to have a better life than what she had. I canât be around negative people, because that just brings me down, s o I jus t leave them alone. The few students who had friendships with ânon-studentsâ in their communities attempted to retain their friends. However, these stu- dents generally recognized differences between their personal respon- sibilities and values and those of their friends. Maintenance of these friendships was difficult and sometimes stressful, as described by Caroline : [Sometimes] I wish I didnât know so many people because people become . . , troublesome to you . . . like a nuisance. . . . [There are] times when I donât answer my phone. I jus t like let the answering machine pick up; I donât call people. I jus t stay to myself for a while and they donât understand that. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Val. 28 9 Ron said, These guys just-I donât know whatâs their problem. They are like party people. . , , [For] people around my neighborhood, itâs just parties, party and hang out with each other. [These] people a t home are usually bad for me. A more verbal female student, Siniqua, described her community friends and explained the way in which she dealt with them: I told my mother: my friends are stupid! . . . I have learned now not to talk to certain people about school because . . . thereâs no interest there. I t was common for the students to end relationships with neigh- borhood friends because these associations interfered with their college work. Those who continued their relationships with individuals dis- interested in college usually dropped out. Limited College Associations The students who developed associations with college peers usually described them as âlimited.â External responsibilities such as the care of siblings or their own children and work, often curtailed their asso- ciations. These activities, combined with academic requirements, pre- vented students from developing lasting friendships with their college peers. Caroline provided the folIowing description of her situation: Well, I always had jobs. I had to because I have to take care of myself. . . . I mean, I jus t have to do it. Itâs like I rent from my father [who is disabled]. He doesnât put much pressure on me now because I donât make much money . . . but, you know, I still give him something. At times, students overextended themselves in extracurricula ac- tivities. The negative effects on grades and personal responsibilities generally caused these students to separate from college peers. Coline described her situation in the following manner: They say âOh you have leadership skills, and I want you to be my president.â And, thatâs what happen to me. . . . So, I became president of [ ] club when someone was leaving that semester. And even though [there were] other people around to help me with the club, I jus t said it was too much pressure on me at the time. And, I had other things that I wanted to concentrate on. However, the students in this study commonly indicated that they established an alliance with people who served as resources, that is, people who were in some way useful. Siniqua presented one of the best examples. Her associations crossed racial and ethnic lines: 10 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 She's Asian and if I don't have some information and she has it, she'll share what she's got with me. And, I'll share what I've got with her. . . . When we first started, we were separate. But now that the semester's going on. . . . [we] are starting to work together with what we do. Kathy made this comment: I'm trying to assess myself now. . . . Let me use my resources of higher students, like juniors or seniors or people that I [know] that [are] in graduate school and use them and say: "Well what can I do to get myself on the better track to keep my grades up?" They also explained what happened to people whom they did not find very helpful or useful. This statement from Maureen epitomizes the attitude: I'm moving forward, and if 1 have friends around me who are standing still, I gotta move over [emphasis in the original discussion] them because I feel I can come back 10 years from now, [and they're] gonna still be in that same spot. Eventually, you gotta keep on moving or else they're gonna bring you down with them. CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS This article used elements of the Ecological Model developed by Bronfenbrenner ( 1977) as a framework to examine the methods by which students developed social relationships and to see whether these relationships supported college retention. Focusing on the micro- and macrosystems, an oral composite was constructed from the com- ments of Black commuter college students from lower socioeconomic communities. The essential points to be learned from the comments of the students were as follows: 1. Harmonious mesosystems were created by reducing the num- ber of components. Often, the harmony was created by elimi- nating dissonate microsystems, that is, microsystems that did not support college completion. For participants in this study, neighborhood or community friendships were generally relin- quished, especially if the friends did not attend college. 2. The students expanded their friendships, or microsystems, on an "as-needed basis. Generally, they only sought alliances with college peers when the relationships supported college activi- ties; thus, friendships with classmates rarely extended beyond the academic setting. 3. In addition, overwhelming external responsibilities hampered the development or continuation of the few friendships that these students made while attending school. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 11 Individuals working with this population must recognize that many of these students may be commuting from neighborhoods where the activities of peers do not support college attendance (cf. Alford, 1998; Fries-Britt, 1998). Consequently, the Black students may not have friends in their communities. In addition, because they must com- mute, these students may not have the time or inclination to de- velop friendships with individuals at their colleges. Because they have few or no friends in their communities or col- leges or in any other setting, these students may have âimpoverished mesosystemsâ (Muuss, 1996). Mesosystems of this type are the re- sult of eliminating microsystems that create dissonance within the mesosystem. For example, the students may only associate with their parents and siblings, or siblings when parents were no longer around. They may confine relationships outside the immediate family to indi- viduals with whom the students are intimately involved, such as their boy or girlfriends. By restricting their social relationships in this manner, these students may find it difficult to fit into other social settings. They may also encounter unusual complications when they attempt to correct problems that develop in these relationships. Whether because of cultural values or necessitated by environmental factors, alienation or social isolation can become a way of life for Black commuter students that will eventually result ingreater personal troubles. Counselors must recognize that dissonate or impoverished mesosystems not only affect present behavioral patterns of the students, but also have direct repercussions on future behaviors. Counselors must make special efforts to get Black commuter students involved in the college community. They can require students to participate in campus activi- ties, some of which allow discussion directed toward self-exploration. Through these activities, students can examine the methods by which they interact with others. This will help the students to better under- stand why they have few, if any, associates outside their immediate family. Through recognizing the methods by which they relate to oth- ers, the students can also develop methods for change. This, in time, may lead to the development of mutually supportive relationships. By helping Black commuter students from lower socioeconomic communities to develop their ability to negotiate relationships, coun- selors are helping them to establish interconnected microsystems. Through understanding the appropriate manner in which to handle each of their different microsystems, the students will be better able to function within the college community and in their neighborhoods. The harmony of the mesosystem will not be dependent on the con- nections between the internal and external school environments. I t will be the result of the harmony created by the studentsâ under- 12 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 standing of the differences and similarities of the microsystems. The work of counselors can greatly support this understanding. Through the personal creation of networks that are supportive of the college experience, many more Black commuter college students can re- main in college until they graduate. REFERENCES Alford. S. (1998). The impact of inner-city values on student social adjustment in Anderson, E. (1994. May). The code of the streets: Inner city Black community and Astin. A W. (1988). Minorities in American tugher education San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Astin, A. W. (1993). What matters in college: Four critical years revisited. San Fran- Banning, J. H.. & Hughes, B. M. (1986). Designing the campus environment with Bronfenbrenner. U. (1977, July). Toward an experimental ecology of human devel- Browne-Miller, A. (1996). Shameful admissions: 7 7 ~ losing battle to serve everyone Dalton. J . C. (1989). The influence of peer culture on college student values. NASPA Delworth. U.. Hanson, G . R.. & Associates (1989). Student seruices: A handbookfor Fleming, J . (1984). Blacks in college. 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Would you say that you have used similar methods to select friends and associates here at school? 2. What would you consider the primary basis for most of the friendships? For example would you say t h a t your friendships are based on socializing, academics, political views, race/ethnicity, personal issues . . . what? 14 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 2a. Explain why your friendships are based on this? 3. Are any of your friends here in the (Opportunity) Program at the college supportive? 3a. Describe the type of support you are getting from your friends here at this college? 4. Describe the type of support you get from people in your com munity, your acquaintances, the people you âhang-outâ with. Note. Since the time of the study, three of the students have with- drawn from their respective colleges, one requested a transfer, two have graduated, and all the others are enrolled full time. Journal of Multicultural CounseIing and Development / January 2000 / Vol. 28 15