INFORMAL SETTLEMENT’S STREET CHARACTER A case of Kunduchi Pwani Informal settlement in Dar es salaam
Gustavi Noel
A Thesis submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Masters of Architecture of Ardhi University
August, 2016
School of Architecture and Design
DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT
I, NOEL GUSTAVI declare that this thesis is my original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.
Signature________________________
This thesis is copyright material protected under the Berne Convention, the Copyright Act 1999 and other international and national enactments, in that behalf, on intellectual property. It may not be reproduced by any means, in full or in part, except for short extracts in fair dealings, for research or private study, critical scholarly review or discourse with an acknowledgement, without the written permission of the Directorate of Postgraduate Studies, on behalf of both the author and Ardhi University.
DEDICATION
To my Parents, Gustav Dagobert Mihanjo and Annastazia Ringo
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Statistics are abstracts: when they are plucked out of the complete-ness of life and converted into plans and the plans into buildings they will be lifeless. The result will be a three- dimensional diagram in which people are asked to live. (Cullen, 1961)
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TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................ i ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ........................................................................................................ iv LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................vii 1
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BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH ........................................................................... 1 1.1
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Wall street in Manhattan, New York. ........................................................................ 7 Figure 2: Congo street in Kariakoo........................................................................................... 7 Figure 3: Brazilian samba ......................................................................................................... 8 Figure 4: Maulid; a cerebration for the Islam followers ........................................................... 8 Figure 5: Street layouts of nine major cities. ............................................................................ 9 Figure 6: Effects of shadow casting by tall buildings ............................................................. 10 Figure 7:Street Form and its sub-elements according to Moughtin (2003). ........................... 12 Figure 8: The Shambles York, Britain. ................................................................................... 13 Figure 9: The Shambles York, Britain. ................................................................................... 13 Figure 10: Evaluation of street frontages and ground level activities in Copenhagen. .......... 14 Figure 11: The Madeleine, viewed from Rue Royale ............................................................. 15 Figure 12: Aerial view of The Madeleine, viewed from Rue Royale street ........................... 16 Figure 13:Aerial view of The Opera House viewed from Avenue de I ‘Opera...................... 16 Figure 14: A section of Common Wealth Avenue Street ....................................................... 17 Figure 15: Trees along Viale Manlio Gelsomini, Rome. ........................................................ 18 Figure 16: Streetlight on Orange Grove Boulevard, Pasadena ............................................... 19 Figure 17: Stroget, Copenhagen: poster-filled windows of a vacant store. ............................ 19 Figure 18: Contrasting elements by shape ............................................................................. 20 Figure 19: House extensions along a street in Indore, India. .................................................. 22 Figure 20: Transformation process framework. ..................................................................... 23 Figure 21: Housing transformation in action .......................................................................... 24 Figure 22:An example of a workplace .................................................................................... 25 Figure 23: Summary of the Workplaces ................................................................................ 26 Figure 24:Candy shop along a street....................................................................................... 27 Figure 25: A map of small shops along several part of the streets ......................................... 28 Figure 26: A plan view of a public place ................................................................................ 29 Figure 27: Small stand-pipe, one of Indore public structures. ................................................ 30 Figure 28: Street Character (formal street) ............................................................................. 32 Figure 29: Street Character (formal street) ............................................................................. 33 Figure 30: Street Character (informal street). ......................................................................... 33 Figure 31: Proposed Conceptual Framework ......................................................................... 34 Figure 32: Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement .................................................................... 39 vii
Figure 33: Serial Vision as illustrated by Gordon Cullen....................................................... 40 Figure 34: Panorama views created by photo merging........................................................... 41 Figure 35: A photograph of the house at kunduchi ................................................................ 42 Figure 36: A line sketch illustrating a typical example of window canopy detail.................. 42 Figure 37: Kunduchi, location map ....................................................................................... 45 Figure 38: Kunduchi ruins ..................................................................................................... 46 Figure 39: Manyema Creek; shoreline changes between 1981 to 2002 ................................. 47 Figure 40: A street of Kunduchi Pwani .................................................................................. 48 Figure 41: Serial Vision walkthrough with sequences of panorama images .......................... 49 Figure 42: Scene 1, entry to Kunduchi beach Hotel and entry to Fishermen village. ............ 50 Figure 43: Scene 2, activities along the opposite side of Fishermen village entry ................ 50 Figure 44: Scene 3, temporary eating places, house frontages. .............................................. 51 Figure 45: Scene 4, contrasting elements. .............................................................................. 51 Figure 46: Scene 5,inner places .............................................................................................. 52 Figure 47: Scene 6, typical houses of Kunduchi Pwani dwellers. .......................................... 52 Figure 48: Scene 7, a typical example of an extension place; vegetable store. ...................... 53 Figure 49: Scene 8, inner places; (from left to right).............................................................. 53 Figure 50: Scene 9, wide street path, open to face the fishing market building. ................... 54 Figure 51: Scene 10, interior of fish market overlooking the retail places. ............................ 54 Figure 52: Scene 11, where the street ends. ............................................................................ 55 Figure 53: Scene 12, Kunduchi Pwani Fishermen Village and Kunduchi Beach Hotel ...... 55 Figure 54: Serial vision path with sequence of places ............................................................ 56 Figure 55: Kunduchi Pwani roundabout ................................................................................. 56 Figure 56: Inner places; first part from the roundabout .......................................................... 57 Figure 57: Inner places, second from the roundabout ............................................................ 57 Figure 58: Market place near the coastlines. .......................................................................... 58 Figure 59: Coastline of Kunduchi pwani ................................................................................ 58 Figure 60: Change of scale along the street path .................................................................... 59 Figure 61: Path points; a and b. .............................................................................................. 60 Figure 62: Example of inner paths. ......................................................................................... 61 Figure 63: Children playing along inner paths. ...................................................................... 61 Figure 64: A section of Kunduchi Pwani on plan view with entrances and extensions ......... 62 Figure 65: Entry porches (baraza) of two adjoined houses facing a street at Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement. ................................................................................................................. 63 viii
Figure 66: Entry porches (baraza) of two adjoined houses facing a street ............................. 63 Figure 67: Example of building extensions ............................................................................ 64 Figure 68: Building extension of simple pitched roof ............................................................ 65 Figure 69: Small building extension (stoop) along a narrow path .......................................... 65 Figure 70: Building extension, used as vegetable store in plan view ..................................... 66 Figure 71: Building extension, used as vegetable store. ......................................................... 66 Figure 72: Small commercial places developed along the street ............................................ 67 Figure 73: Eating areas and fish fry kitchens (in black fill) distributed along coastline ........ 68 Figure 74: Typical plan of the eating places located near the coastline ................................. 69 Figure 75: Typical example of an eating place presented in Figure 74. ................................. 69 Figure 76: A typical example of a shop. ................................................................................. 72 Figure 77: A typical character of a house unit with shops on its frontage. ............................ 72 Figure 78: Local vegetable store composed of mixed re-used materials. ............................... 73 Figure 79: Street length........................................................................................................... 74 Figure 80: Approaching kunduchi Pwani from the point e. ................................................... 76 Figure 81: Approaching kunduchi Pwani from the point f. .................................................... 77 Figure 82: Kunduchi informal settlement; approached from the ocean (at point h.).............. 78 Figure 83: Sign posts used to advertise in different shops ..................................................... 79 Figure 84: a. Metal gate with arrows on top. ......................................................................... 80 Figure 85: The adjoining buildings ......................................................................................... 81 Figure 86: Building profile of the adjoining buildings ........................................................... 82 Figure 87: Aligned houses seen along a street ........................................................................ 82 Figure 88: Aligned houses with rhythm created by columns facing a street façade. ............. 83 Figure 89: Three planes making up a street at kunduchi Pwani informal settlement ............. 84 Figure 90: Conceptual Framework established in the second chapter.................................... 88 Figure 91: Kurasini ward before and after between 2009 to 2016…………………………..91
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1 BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH 1.1 STREETS Streets lie at the heart of any city, or town. We often find ourselves along any street every day, whether for specific function such as workplaces or simply amusement, the reasons to be there are inevitable. While others judge streets on their looks and perhaps functional, in architecture there are number of critical points that have been put forward by different professionals upon judging any street, being its succession in organization or simply beauty of general make up of its individual elements. When referring to planning standards for instance, streets are at their best on services and sites, the distinction between housing plots, permeability caused by well dimensioned circulation spaces and for most, great streets would finally host well its streetscape elements (Steiner, et al., 2012). As one walks along such streets, the expectations of seeing such components is clear, street lights dividing a pedestrian walkway and vehicular, street furniture on an open square, paved road with lines of services underneath, and may be finally one might also see a beautiful landscape as he passes by, and the scenery continues to become more coherent. However, such scenarios can only be depicted when referring to formal places, to be specific formal streets that have been so far, designed under the professional eye. This immediately excludes informal settlement’s streets since they are often a result of informal practices as Rasmussen states; “Informal settlements are usually built in the absence of maps…as a consequences of the practice of everyday life.” (Rasmussen, 2013) According to Rasmussen, the logic behind built environment of informal settlement is often driven by activities of concerned society on everyday basis while they comply with challenges in accessing their basic needs. Thus, the concept of livehood1 in informal settlements, is as important one as the planning and design standards of its formal counterpart.
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Concept of livehood is further explained by Shabaan Sheuya as the complex and diverse ways with which poor households access a living though different assets such as human, social, physical, financial and natural capital. (Sheuya, 2004)
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1.2 PERCEPTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS The case of urban informal streets built under a shade of informal sector has been discussed on several levels by the academicians and policy makers for quite some time. At its first glance, it is considered to be the unplanned, insecure, the crowded and often illegally occupied area by a fraction of urban dwellers. Only can few agree to the fact that, they are a product largely from the locals of a particular place hence play important role as much as formal streets. Several studies by different scholars have so far presented the case, highlighting the perceptions that are overlooking informal areas. Lombard (2013), points out clear as he states; “some of the most prominent depictions of urban informal settlements have tended to conceptualize them in overridingly negative terms.” (….) “ideological constructions of informal settlements may lack an understanding of the more prosaic or micro-level processes involved in making these places” Kalugila (2013), in her case of Dar es salaam informal settlements reveal that, informal areas are no longer places for the urban poor only, rather a stable community where every income group interact as she states; “In Tanzania, many informal settlements accommodate a mixture of social income groups. In many settlements, the affluent and the poor live side by side and interact in many ways” Kellet2 (1993), in his studies of informal settlements of Latin America points out that, the understanding of way of life that exist in the informal settlements is very significant, which seems to lack amongst other scholars as he states; “the valid differences between identifiable cultural groupings and the way that these culturally-based values translate into different priorities and decisions about housing have been relatively neglected”
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Kellet (1993), cites the works of two scholars; Turner (1968), who believed that, informal dwellers often comply to intelligence in use of resources and evaluating priorities. And Lewis (1968), who underlay the attitude of viewing such places as being a result of culture of poverty. Lewis (1968), promoted the concept of 'the culture of poverty' Believing dwellers of such settlements were " ... trapped in a social environment characterized by apathy, fatalism, lack of aspirations, exclusive concern with immediate gratification ...delinquent behavior. Not only material, but moral destitution"
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1.3 KNOWLEDGE GAP The argument brought forward by several scholars that have appreciated the quality of life and space within informal areas is often challenged by the theoretical setting whose main focus relied on social environment and leaving the imaginations of a physical setting to their readers. The investigation of a physical setting is very significant especially within a field of architecture where visual communication lies in the heart of the profession. Kalugila (2013) presented a case of mixed informal settlements in a very significant way from plot subdivision level to a building itself. While her observations and arguments are indeed based on selected sample of single built structures, the account of resulted character and its link to the social norms of the people is less presented. Scholars like Nguluma (2003) who presents the built structures of houses as a whole, account for the social layers in modernising the built environment of informal settlements. However, the quality of social life which excel in his case study of Hanna Nassif in Dar es salaam is still challenged to explain its achievement while being on a physical environment that is still within informal settlement. Where the scenery of informal settlement is presented, the overview has often depicted them as areas that are constantly challenged by very poor hosing solutions, increased poverty and other challenges occupied by dwellers of low income groups such as in the case of Sheuya, (2004) It has to be noted though, current researches by these scholars have already indicated that to some extent, an informal sector had long been establishing its own “standards” of design and planning which if understood clearly, they can further save such settlements from policies which often end up on voting to total demolition of such areas. The studies carried out by Rasmussen (2013), have also shown that, the knowledge about the character of informal settlements is still lacking amongst scholars and policy makers as further she states, “There is a limited knowledge and a lack of understanding of the ‘informal cities’ (….) these cities that are often understood as chaos. When understanding the logic and virtues behind slum formation and everyday life we will be able to carry out more sustainable neighbourhood interventions” There is a need to involve more research to exploration of informal settlement built environment can also help professionals to learn new ideas of enriching social life during urban design and planning of the new sustainable settlements with decisions that are practical and localized to its context. This is very significant since, the success of solving urban housing by the informal sector is already by far greater than formal one (Bhatt, et al., 2003). 3
2 CONCEPTUALIZING A STREET 2.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter explains in detail about streets with respect to urban design and planning, it also goes further in explaining the context of informal settlement based on other scholars. It is the idea that in the end the gathered literature will be shaped into the conceptual framework consisting of concepts and propositions developed by various scholars in describing key elements that define a street character. It has to be noted that, the account of informal settlements by both Rasmussen (2013) and Sheuya, (2004) in Tanzania as well as Bhatt, et al., (2003) in India indicate that, despite of the prolonged development of such areas, there has been little input in recognising informal settlement as a place itself, with vivid elements that can be universally presented with the same degree of credibility as compared to formal settlement. Hence, conceptual framework presents a knowledge of the already established elements especially in research of formal street. This knowledge is further translated to investigate on a new scenario of informal settlements hoping to bring in new findings that will pave a way for more research on built form of informal settlements street and their adaptation to urban development.
2.2 DEFINING A STREET According to Moughtin (2003) in his book Urban Design: Street and Square, a street is defined as; “an enclosed, three-dimensional space between two lines of adjacent buildings” which also functions partly as a road that is; “the linear surface along which movement occurs between the adjacent houses”. However, a street shouldn’t be confused with a road itself, which is simply as; “any path, way or course to some end or journey”. Also a “two-dimensional ribbon, running on the surface of the landscape, carried over it by bridge or beneath by tunnel” Streets also can become great in a sense of being better than other streets; to be on or simply to do what is intended to be done. “They have boundaries, usually walls of some sort or another, that communicate clearly where the edges of the street are, that set the street apart, that keep the eyes on and in the street, that make it a place.” (Jacobs, 1995)
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According to Jacobs (1995), there are street defining elements consisting of; walls, trees and sometimes walls and trees together. Such streets can further be defined into three ways. x
Vertically: Defined by vertical elements of a street such as buildings heights and walls. In this case, proportion and absolute numbers become of essence. As the street gets wider, it takes more mass or height to define it until it becomes so great that the notion of a street as an element stops, regardless of height. Here a spatial context reveals other features of an urban form, a plaza, field or any other urbanized space.
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Horizontally: Which has to do with the length and the characterizing element occupying along it.
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Ends: Lastly, a street can be defined at its ends, which may be both vertical and horizontal.
2.3 IMPORTANCE OF A STREET There are already several views that have been put forward by different scholars when it comes to understand what really makes a street so important in urban setting, particularly to public life. Street has been so far, the most important “organ” of a city design and perpetuate to being so even to the individual life of its dwellers who find themselves in it. As important as they are, streets often serve differently, and interest drawn upon can be initiated by its physical setting, occupied function or simply social expectations and experiences. Such differences can quickly judge success of a street in becoming a great one, and finally create a character of a city viewed by many. Jane Jacobs, an important urban critic points out this fact very clear, as quoted by Moughtin (2003); “Streets and their sidewalks, the main public places of a city, are its most vital organs. Think of a city and what comes to mind? Its streets. If a city’s streets look interesting, the city looks interesting; if they look dull, the city looks dull” (Jacobs, 2003). 2.3.1
Social Role of a Street
Of all the functions a street has, sociability is in fact the most notable role played by such element of a city design. Sociability itself is a wide term, broken down by different scholars into sub-elements.
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2.3.1.1 Communication The communication nature of a street is described by Jacobs3, (1995) as its ability to enable public access from “here” to “there”. Interestingly, the ideology of communication stretches far more than vehicular and pedestrian access as they communicate between two points of their journey, rather it also refers to a social experience. When a social experience is concerned, streets facilitate interaction between people. By allowing them to be outside, limiting the extent of private plots and create access to public spaces, streets are simply where people are, apart from their private spaces. Thus streets are places for public encounter being commercial or social; “They are where you meet people-which is basic reason to have cities in any case” (Jacobs, 1995).
2.3.1.2 Street as a social fact A social fact can be expressed in many ways upon judging a street. Some streets are more friendly to a specific group of people; others are dangerous due to their “insecurities events” or simply spooky appearances Moughtin, (1992). “It can be analysed in terms of who owns, uses and controls it; the purposes for which it was built and its changing social and economic function.” Figure 1 presents Wall street, a small section of street in Manhattan (only seven block extension) once a financial capital of the USA before American civil war, provide a very clear example of such case. It has been location of some of the most financial institutions so far, such as federal reserve bank, investments banks, insurance companies, commodity exchange and so on. Because of its financial importance, wall street is seen as worldwide symbol of high finance, but also a route to quick riches and home of financial manipulators responsible for destabilization of national economies. (Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica, 2016) Another example is provided by a Congo street in the Figure 2 , an old street as Kariakoo itself, located in the heart of Dar es salaam city centre. Congo street lies at the centre of petty trading activities, linking multicultural groups into one place. It has generated a very significant impact on a character of a place into alternative realities by various scholars; Mihanjo (1998), cite it 3 Allan B. Jacobs, with his book “Great Streets” (Jacobs, 1995), not to be confused with Jane Jacobs “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” (Jacobs, 2003)
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as a birth place of machinga problematization and political arena for multipartism rallies. Mosha (2012), address Congo street as a clear example of redevelopment scheme that does not take into account the inclusion of street details and impact which pedestrian concertation can create on a commercialized street, one of it being the apparent total blockage for motorized traffic especially during peak hours of a day.
Figure 1: Wall street in Manhattan, New York. Seen from Federal Hall National Memorial. (http://www.epictimes.com/2015/05/wall-street. Visited on 15th Nov,2015)
Figure 2: Congo street in Kariakoo, Dar es salaam. (http://www.gillespetersonworldwide.com/my-town-davidtinning-presents-dar-es-salaam/. Visited on 26th July, 2016)
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2.3.1.3 Arena for social expression Urban dwellers understand the critical role of their streets especially in expression for political, ceremonial, social as well as symbolic scenarios (Jacobs, 1995) in fact, most of the rallies are organized on streets or taken along the streets. It seems streets are perfect places to cultivate and spread the ideologies. When it comes to social events, different countries and religions prefer to use streets to express their joy and message to the rest of the public as seen in Figure 3 and Figure 4 below.
Figure 3: Brazilian samba, a cultural festival, with dance taken along Brazilian streets. (www.guradian.com. Visited 15th Nov,2015)
Figure 4: Maulid; a cerebration for the Islam followers, which often take advantage of outdoor sections of a street like this one at Magomeni in Dar es salaam. ( http://www.mohammedsaid.com Visited on 26th July, 2016)
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2.3.2
Street as a Focus of City design
Some cities have been so much influenced with streets rather than individual buildings. Building façades stand out collectively to make a sense of space and ultimately inhibit the singularity observation. Urban design of European cities before 19th century provide a clear cases of streets in becoming a major focus of city design and development (Watson, et al., 2003).Figure 5, demonstrates the pattern of street layouts, as urban designers adapt to increased occupation for vehicular movement since industrial revolution. Street layouts have become a result of designs to address access for either pedestrian only, vehicular or both.
Figure 5: Street layouts of nine major cities. (http://spacing.ca/toronto/2008/01/26/urban-fabricform-comparison/.Vsited on 27th July, 2016)
2.3.3
Street in moderation of Form and Structure
The variations of building forms can orchestrate light and shade along the path of the street, this is very significant in countries where tall buildings have resulted into total blockage of sun light, resulting to less heat and light on the streets during winter. Figure 6 shows the sun shade analysis on Central Park, New York where the effects of shadow casting by tall building can
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be seen during different intervals of a day. Apart from that, street length can also permit a focus, being an activity or object that would be placed along its edge or a line of path which also influences the design of built structures according to Jacobs, (1995).
between-sunlight-and-prosperity/. Visited on 27th July, 2016)
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2.3.4 Remarks Streets have proved to become so significant in contribution to the life of an urban area through enriching the sociable urban character, supporting public lifestyle to management of city services, streets are the important tools to such tasks. As a tool, it is so well utilized by designers and public, to become a reflection of a society that dwell in. Through investigation of key qualities making up a street character, this research seeks to also reflect the sociable nature of the daily users with their physical setting. This is very important in shaping the proper upgrading strategies that informal settlements in Tanzania have to adapt through the government authorities that enforce them.
2.4 QUALITIES OF A STREET This part of the chapter discusses the relationship between different concepts in which the elemental breakdown of qualities of a great street are put forward, with the intension of establishing a framework which will be used to conduct a research in the studied case of Dar es salaam’s informal streets. According to Jacobs (1995), qualities of a greet street can be both social and physical, where a physical set up contributes to elements that can support the social layer on a street. A street also needs to be sociable for it work, since after all it is simply designed to acts as an outdoor room for the public benefit according to Moughtin (2003). Even so, the constructional/ physical elements can not necessarily make a great street. Most of best streets are found to have quite similar elements as thousands of the rest, but in the end a physical context has to start somewhere. The argument of such case is beyond the scope of this research, however, several selected elements discussed next are considered by different renowned scholars of architecture and urban design to be of primary importance in judging any street as a basis of being qualified to become a great one. According to Moughtin (2003), there are number of elements that have a primary influence on a street, and when it comes to physical elements street form is amongst. Despite of that fact, form of street has not been given detailed consideration when it comes to research as stated; “Certainly many great streets have been designed and built, many others have been admired, described and photographed, but little work on the analysis of form has resulted.” (Moughtin, 2003) 11
2.4.1.1
Street Form: Path and Place
Analysis of street form can be in terms of the four polar qualities. Individually the independent analysis of any of these elements is inclined to facts (character) about a street namely; street as a path and street as a place as shown in the Figure 7 (Moughtin, 2003).These elements are; 1. Straight or curved, long or short, wide or narrow 2. Enclosed or open streets. 3. Formal or informal. 4. Scale, proportion, contrast and rhythm
Figure 7:Street Form and its sub-elements according to Moughtin (2003). Formal and informal street form are also included.
When a street is analysed as a path, it merely reflects the notion of becoming a road for vehicles rather the subject is inclined to Lynch’s requirements for a memorable path, to have beginning and an end, definite places (nodes) along its length, to become scalable, attain contrasting elements and all in all, capable of carrying the memorable image of connected places (Lynch, 1960). For a street to be analysed as a place, it has been stated by Moughtin (2003); “For a street to function as a place or exterior room in the city it must possess similar qualities of enclosure…” (…...) "If a street or a section of a street is to possess the quality of enclosure then it must be considered to have three main elements, an entrance, the place itself and a termination or exit.” Often, such enclosures which result to places are created when by small portions of a street by inserting turns and curves. In some streets the variation of heights such as of the monumental structures along a street, would ultimately result in place creation. Medieval streets such as The 12
Shambles at York in Britain in the Figure 8 and Figure 9 is a good example. The shambles street is a narrow path, whose sense of enclosure has been successfully pronounced by three storey structures with overhanging upper floors, it has also created small stops in between here and there to produce series of connected places. These places become “small universes” which is revealed to its visitor while forming a path with series of connected nodes, modified throughout the history of a place.
Figure 8: The Shambles York, Britain. Street View (www.haerdekel.hu/the-shambles01.jpg Visited 15th Nov,2015.)
Figure 9: The Shambles York, Britain. Google satellite imagery. (www.google.go.tz/maps-2015. Visited 15th Nov,2015)
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Hartanti (2016), underscore the significant role played by built form, focusing on its sub element; the adjoining façade of building as she states; “the building facades at the adjacent sides; and the proportion of the wall height with its distance forming a streetscape are the most determining elements of street character as urban space” A specific three-dimensional space configuration of a built form on a street can both accommodate and inhibit certain activities. For instance, linear streets can very well accommodate movement of people and vehicles from one place to another, while the activities occupied within building’s interiors and façade characteristics will also influence or inhibit activities along the outdoor spaces of a street (Hartanti, 2016). Figure 10 below illustrate an example of how façade characteristics impact pedestrain experince and occupied activities,in this case, analysis done by Gehl (2012) revealed that, the transparency of interior activities that offer complex and attractive frontage are well perceived by pedestrians, while monotonous solid façade appear more dull and unattractive.
Figure 10: Evaluation of street frontages and ground level activities in Copenhagen (Gehl, 2002).
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2.4.1.2
Street Length
Despite of its visual interest or particular activity, any great street has to end somewhere. It is noted that, even the continued visual interest can cause confusion to the observer and lost the interest of a street when it becomes too long or simply, too much. It is not clear yet to what extent the so called “street end” would be. Some scholars, suggests to hypothesize on points of interest along a path to sustain the length of a street, such points would be generally marked by prominent buildings, and ever changing of such structures would for a time, sustain the length and visual interest of a street (Watson, et al., 2003). However, Moughtin (2003) goes even further, pointing clear in numbers as he states; “The upper limit for uninterrupted length of street is probably in the order of 1,500 m (1 mile). Beyond this distance human scale is lost. Even with vistas considerably shorter than 1,500 m, the closure of the view causes considerable difficulty”. The Opera house in Paris designed by Jean-Louis Garnier in Figure 11 and Figure 13, provides a very interesting case. Viewed along the Avenue de I ‘Opera, this monumental structure is overpowered by the six to seven storey apartments alongside the street, making it visually less significant as its view diminishes along the eye of an observer. In contrast to another building, The Madeleine viewed from Rue Royale where it perfects its vista from a higher ground and clearly indicate its monumental importance a seen in Figure 11 and Figure 12.
Figure 11: The Madeleine, viewed from Rue Royale (left); on right, The Opera House viewed from Avenue de I ‘Opera. (www.panoramio.com. Visited 15th Nov,2015)
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Figure 12: Aerial view of The Madeleine, viewed from Rue Royale street. (google satellite 3d buildings,2015)
Figure 13:Aerial view of The Opera House viewed from Avenue de I ‘Opera. (google satellite 3d buildings,2015)
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2.4.1.3
Beginnings and Endings
A street, like any path has to being and end somewhere. Often, not all streets would be easily analysed to pin point the exact locations of such areas but according to Lynch (1960), path along streets with a strong identity are likely to have such points. These significant points are often marked by a structure along the path itself, such as an important building along a particular visual axis, a garden, sculpture, and other structures of interest to public eye. Lynch gives an example of Boston public garden (Figure 14) which terminates Common Wealth avenue street at one end. It is in the same ideas as Lynch’s that Jacobs (1995), investigates these points, he states; “most great streets have notable starts and stops—not always fine, but notable. It could be argued that, since they have to start and stop somewhere, these points should be well designed” (Watson, et al., 2003). These points in fact are very useful, they indicate one’s arrival to a particular place or his exit, they’re places to meet, as well as points to refer to.
Figure 14: A section of Common Wealth Avenue Street, terminating sharply at Boston Public Garden. (www.google.go.tz/maps-2015)
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2.4.1.4
Trees
Trees provide a very unique quality of a street. Apart from shading quality which is essential during day time for hot climates, trees are responsible for quality air supply, permit light during winter and vice versa during summer (deciduous trees for instance) hence moderating a street climate. According to Steiner, et al., (2012) street trees help in improving visual quality and influence the visual interest of the area. This living element of a street, change over time; seasonally and adds texture to the landscape of a street. Trees also, establish a point of reference when aligned along a street4 (Watson, et al., 2003).They can create a node in between street path to pause for an activity or rest upon. When carefully planted along the street, they can divide a path to separate pedestrians with adjoining buildings of a street, vehicles and pedestrian ways and so on. When viewed at this perceptions, trees become a part of pedestrian realm by creating a barrier with vehicular road which also sometimes provide a space for parking as shown in the Figure 15.
Figure 15: Trees along Viale Manlio Gelsomini, Rome. (Watson, et al., 2003)
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According to Allan Jacobs in a review of his book Great Streets; in the survey of approximately 100 people on San Francisco streets in 1989–1990 mentioned earlier under maintenance, trees were the most frequently mentioned characteristic essential to good streets (Watson, et al., 2003).
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2.4.1.5
Street Details
Street details highly influence the greatness of a street, they particularly range from small structures such as gates, fountains, benches, kiosks, paving, lights, signs, canopies and so on (Watson, et al., 2003). The degree of their influences however vary depending on the context. Most of such small scale ornaments and structures characterize streets toward pedestrian experience as in Figure 16, thus ensuring the creation of a memorable path and place other details provide useful information about a place and advertise, Figure 17 is a good demonstration on how the need for information though poster has changed a character of building facade. This is very significant since streets are meant to be places to stay-in, simply an enclosure which such details are supposed to be filled in to make a use of space.
Figure 16: Streetlight on Orange Grove Boulevard, Pasadena (Left). Barcelona street light (Right) (Watson, et al., 2003)
Figure 17: Stroget, Copenhagen: poster-filled windows of a vacant store (Watson, et al., 2003).
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2.4.1.6
Contrast
Contrast is a very critical element in design. The differences in between pattern of streets are what makes one street interesting than the other. Contrasting qualities of a street are often expressed in length, size and shape as Watson, et al., (2003) states; “the Champs-Elysees is wider and longer than any other street in Paris; Regent Street in
London is different in shape and regularity from the streets of Soho or Mayfair; the Ramblas stands visibly apart from the narrow, short streets to either side; Roslyn Place is shorter and narrower...” In creating a memorable street, contrast of a physical context has a significant effect imposed on a mindset of an observer. It creates emotions by manipulating street elements such as entrances (Figure 18) texture quality, built form and so on. This human to space contrast relationship is described further by Cullen (1961) as he states; “The human mind reacts to a contrast, to the difference between things, and when two picture (street and the courtyard) are in mind at the same time, a vivid contrast is felt and the town becomes visible in a deeper sense”
Figure 18: Contrasting elements by shape and articulation in defining entrances along a street. (Ching, 2007)
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2.5 CRITICAL REFLECTION With reference to the study carried by Moughtin it will be interesting to reflect in my case of Dar es salaam informal settlements looking on major issues like how path along a street is configured. And in the case of its quality, observing on how local would draw the “memory of connected places” as Lynch suggests. This is of a critical importance since, until recently informal settlements are built uniquely by communities who depend on local assets and their own standards of design. In fact, the results answer their achievement on social qualities, something which can further be employed by professional to the formal sector which lacks modification to suit within the local area. As for the case of Shambles York in Britain, notably its qualities of outdoor enclosures, informal settlements of my case would be observed to identify such qualities to further the idea of “places” along which form and street length are characterized upon. It would be interesting to explore the endings and entrances of such outdoor enclosures as well as the enclosure themselves. Such points which often coined by ideas of monumentality which not all the time occurs in informal settlements. In this case, alternative to such case is looked forward to be investigated. This is similar, in the case of beginnings and endings as explained by Jacobs (1995). Street details, also might be one of the most interesting element to investigate. Often since it ranges from large elements like monuments to smaller items like door locks and street light decorations, this shouldn’t be difficult to observe especially as it is often confined with personalization of a place. The much more significant of street details investigation would be to tell the story of the culture of a place. Just like the poster-filled windows of a vacant store in Stroget, Copenhagen: by Jacobs (1995), small details would tell the stories of art, business trend and so on.
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2.6 STREET CHARACTER: INFORMAL SETTLEMENT OVERVIEW This section of the chapter outline in brief, a critical analysis done by various scholars outlining the elemental features which define the informal settlement’s street character. Though not structured in the order of previous scholars like Moughtin (2003), this overview has managed to establish a paradigm upon which informal settlement can be analysed in terms of its built environment. 2.6.1
Street Form as a Place: House Extensions
House extensions along informal settlement’s streets represent a collective physical modification of a space facing a frontage of a building. They often take different forms to define the public realm, yet private through the use and activity of a place. According to Bhatt and Rybczynski (1984), house extensions represent a mediating zone between the house and the street. Normally, informal houses occupy a wide range of activities from commercial to domestic ones which requires various spatial demands and hence, house extensions come in various forms and styles just to fit all the needs. In this case, the simplest housing extension structure is so called stoop5 shown in the Figure 19.
Figure 19: House extensions along a street in Indore, India. (Bhatt, et al., 1984)
5
According to Bhatt & Rybczynski, the stoop often occupies no more than an enlarged step, made out of beaten earth, stone or concrete. It is usually less than 1 m (39 in.) wide, and is used as a step, as a seat, or as a workbench. (Bhatt, et al., 2003)
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Complex building extensions also occur within informal settlements through a process called housing transformation6. In this case, the extent of transformation involves construction of permanent structures such as room which are extended from the main house. In other cases, a full new house can be built to fill in the remained unbuilt plot. Transformers can be an owner of the existing building or a tenant. In most of cases, it is income driven where added space can occupy extra room for rent or a small business. Figure 20 and Figure 21 show the process of transformation as explained by Sheuya (2004). The extremes of plot sizes are among the reasons of developments of house extensions, others include the need for generating more income through rent, provision of accommodation for extended families, as well as addition of workplaces since the existing house itself normally is incapable of accommodating all the activities of a place (Sheuya, 2004, Nguluma, 2003).
Figure 20: Transformation process framework (Sheuya, 2004).
6
housing transformation is defined as “an alteration or extension involving construction activity and using materials and technology in use in the locality''. (Sheuya, 2004)
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Figure 21: Housing transformation in action, darker parts of the building being the original existing structures. (Sheuya, 2004)
2.6.2
Street Form as a Place: Workplaces
Informal sector often refers to informal settlements character as not only places for living but also for working. The practise of self-help in provision of shelter within informal settlement goes with provision of workplaces as these dwellers participate in various economic activities whose complexity and significance has been not fully recognised. These economic activities also take many form, mostly being service industries which have a direct effect to the community living there. Some of such activities include carpentry, metal work, food processing etc. They are also characterised by cheap inexpensive methodology, recycling and creative production that focus only for immediate local consumption. Sometimes, these local dwellers supply raw materials to another larger network of businessmen who will further process the product for much larger consumer in other areas. Some of such activities include garbage collection and scrap metal business (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
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Figure 22:An example of a workplace, carpentry in this case. Carpentry, hired as a temporary work in Indore, is set to take place within a part of a street on a construction site (Bhatt, et al., 2003).
At Indore slums, it was evident that complexity of variety of economic activities had in turn produced various spatial requirements7 to suit workplaces of a wide range characterized by different forms; often ranges from mobile to fixed enclosures as seen in both Figure 22 and Figure 23.
7
According to Bhatt & Witold Rybczynski,spatial requirements for workplaces; “varied from a small as 2 square meters, in the case of paper - bracelets, to as much as 36 square meters for the repair and refurbishment of wooden crates. Some of the activities needed shelter, others did not. Host required not only a work space, but also as pace for storing either raw materials orfin1shed products, or both” (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
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Figure 23: Summary of the Workplaces (Bhatt & Rybczynski, 2003).
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2.6.3
Street Form as a Place: Small shops
Small shops, like workplaces and house extension are also integral part of the informal sector. According to Bhatt, et al., (1984) they often develop interspersed to, among or within the houses. Similarly, this is another feature which coins the relationship of human activities and lifestyle contributed by informal sector as stated; “informal sector housing is characterized by the integration of work and living activities in a way that is quite different from what is found in conventional modern housing, although similar to "traditional" neighbourhoods in developing country towns and cities, and, incidentally, to older districts in European towns” (Bhatt, et al., 1984). Small shops exist aside from formal markets and shopping centres, they are characterised by their small sizes, nature of their commerce which is exclusively domestic as well as their intimate proximity to households. Often, their location is highly influenced by visibility to the passers-by along a street, as a result most of them are found along open spaces, squares and main streets. Small shops, can also be independent from a house unit as seen in Figure 24 also they can emerge within a single room of a house, normally existing aside with living room. Such shops are often operated by family members hence ensuring the takeover with no need to go away from one’s house. Mobile shops also are considered to be the start of an actual fixed shop, operated by hawkers and peddlers but normally in even smaller scale with an ability to reach door to door customers (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
Figure 24:Candy shop along a street (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
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According to Bhatt, et al., (1984) small shops are also a part of income generating sector in informal settlements. They are also responsible to distribution of economically targeted commodities and services that are exclusively for a certain informal settlement needs. Some of them like tea-shops also serve as places for social interaction within a street. A close examination of small shops helps to explain why planned projects such as “commercial centres” stand empty and unused. One of the reasons is due to its centralization altitude and failure to produce other non-commercial benefits of “living over the store” unlike commercial places of informal settlement which are often distributed along various paths of an informal settlement as seen in the Figure 25 (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
Figure 25: A map of small shops along several part of the streets (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
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2.6.4
Trees
As far as the context of low-income urban shelter is considered, trees and other landscaping element are easily underestimated of their significant roles. However, trees are among key elements in defining a context of a place especially an informal one, as noted in the slums of Indore in India. Here, trees are sources of shade, covering small public spaces which often turn out to become centres of public gatherings, outdoor classroom, workspace or marketplace as seen in the Figure 26. Large tree species are mostly preferred ones; their sizes are perfect to create a public outdoor enclosure which also in this case they become landmarks as well as visual reference points in a built environment. Moreover, trees define identity as much as a beauty of a place. Often, they have been associated with religious practices within informal settlements, they also remind urban dwellers of their roots mostly from rural areas where many come from (Bhatt, et al., 1984).
Figure 26: A plan view of a public place, occupied with various activities centred with a tree. (Bhatt, et al., 1984)
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2.6.5
Street Details: Public structures
Street details also take a very significant role in informal settlement’s streets. Apart from adding details to streets they are also involved in defining the identity of the area. In the case of Indore in India for instance, traditional housing areas often contain temples, sitting platforms, stairs, water fountains and stand pipes (Figure 27), bird-feeders, arcades, signs and entry gates. All these elements are necessary in establishing neighbourhood identity by form and articulation which is culturally based and so rich in details. They are also important landmarks and visual reference points. This is very critical issue to be understood, certainly it’s what makes informal settlements streets better than formal one in many cases, as far as lowincome areas are concerned, as Bhatt, et al., (1984) state; “The public spaces of most planned low income shelter projects are characterized by roads, drainage ditches, perhaps street lighting ...and that is all. “Infrastructure," in this context is largely confined to underground services…. The public spaces are disorienting and lack personal definition. The planning is barrack-like, streets are simply movement spaces, nothing more.”
Figure 27: Small stand-pipe, one of Indore public structures. (Bhatt, et al., 1984)
Despite of being done in small scales, informal settlement’s public structures show an attempt for identity, driven by desire as well as the need to personalize public spaces. It is also evident that, public structures of informal settlements sustain to prove one thing; that there is nothing luxurious about such structures, but only a necessary requirement to fulfil public spaces.
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2.1 CRITICAL REFLECTION As mentioned earlier, street form can also be analysed in terms of either being formal, or informal (Moughtin, 2003). In this case, both Bhatt, et al., (2003), Nguluma (2003) and Sheuya (2004) are among a few, who stand out to reveal the significant features of elements defining not any street, but informal one. According to Bhatt, et al., (2003) informal settlements are not only indication of urgent demand on urban housing worldwide, but also they present totally different urban solutions especially to an ever growing population of urban dwellers most of which, a low income group in developing countries. “informal sector, which maximizes self-help and mutual aid building, has been virtually the only group that has had any success in providing appropriate, low cost solutions to the shelter problems of the urban poor” (Bhatt, et al., 2003). As a result, informal settlements, which seem to deny convection planning methodologies are emerging with a different character which is credited to an informal sector8, a machine of the society that shapes the streets of its dwellers. The understanding of how informal streets are designed and modified is very significant firstly, the informal settlements in developing world have been evolving very quickly with less means of convectional resources, yet they have been able to achieve a similar quality of life as most of the formal settlements as stated by Nguluma (2003) “Life in Hanna Nassif may be of a lower standard compared to many formal settlements, it is still of high quality in terms of social interaction and living conditions among the people” The understanding of street elements in this case would also yield a knowledge on how such quality of living is attained within the level of a community that everyone plays a role, contrary to formal streets which mostly ends up on the table of professionals in planning and design division. Apart from that, since the methodology of planning in developing countries has been for a time, put more effort in provision of sites and services and generally ends up on dealing with boundaries between plots and circulations spaces, perhaps a new insight from the informal
8
According to Bhatt & Rybczynski (2003); the informal sector, which can be found in every less-developed country, is characterized by decentralization and fragmentation, flexibility and by the small scale of its entrepreneurial activities.
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settlements would pave a way to more concern on the diversity of the places on a street level, which currently are merely considered during planning. (Bhatt, et al., 2003) Apart from that, Bhatt, et al. (2003) and Sheuya (2004) have underscored the significant relationship between social and physical context of the informal settlement which by far influenced with the culture of the particular area. The sociability nature established in business places, domestic areas and along a street have played important role in characterizing a street in both cases. Because both scholars have not only presented street character as a physical construct but also a social one, the underlying social layer has also become important element to be discussed further in this research. 2.1.1 Building up a Conceptual Framework In order to formulate the understanding upon which critical judgement of a street character, can be based upon in the research case study, it is important to summarise the details of the key elements discussed by various cited scholars of this chapter. Figure 28, Figure 29 and Figure 30 presents a framework of major elements defining street character as analysed by various scholars. Because of the scope in this research, only key elements that have been cited on multiple cases were sampled to formulate a conceptual framework which will become a basis of research strategy and data collection on fieldwork as presented in the Figure 31. Two main characteristics directly related to Street form
Form by size Street Character
Form of the Street Form by enclosure
Path
Formal or Informal
Place
Form by scale, rhythm and contrast
Street Length
Beginnings and Endings
Path Variables: x Beginnings and Endings, x Definite places or nodes along its length x Quality of being scaled x Have contrasting elements x Possession of memorable image of connected places Place Variables: x Place itself x Entrance and Exit of a place
Street Length Variables: x Definite Places; landmarks or nodes along the termination points of its length
Street Proportion
Unity in Street Design
Axial Planning
Figure 28: Street Character (formal street), including its elements based on analysis by Moughtin, (2003).
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Slope
Length
Trees
Street Character
Quality of construction and design
Beginings and Endings
Diversity of Buildings Contrast Details Density Places Time
Qualities that engage the eyes
Variables: x Transparency x Complementarity x Maintenance
Figure 29: Street Character (formal street), including its elements based on analysis by Watson, et al., (2003).
Street Character
House Extensions
Public structures
Access streets
Small shops
Workplaces
Places
Vehicles
Figure 30: Street Character (informal street), including its elements based on analysis by Bhatt, et al., (2003).
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Street as a Path Street Character
Street Form
Informal Street
Street Length
Street as a Place
Beginings and Endings
Variables: x Nodes x Landmarks x Character of entrances and exists of developed places x Street scale Variables: x Building extensions x Nodes x Workplaces x Small Shops
Variables: x Entrances and exists of major street; Apparent places terminating a length of the street
Variables: x Character of Adjoining buildings x Materials x Signage x Gates and canopies
Details of the street and Contrast
Figure 31: Proposed Conceptual Framework of major elements influencing designable qualities of a street; particularly informal street.
It has to be noted that, for a street to successful sustain social context hence serve well for the public, the design theory from the discussed literature acknowledge the existence of key elements as shown in the Figure 31. However, the idea that informal settlements would exhibit such particular elements is by far into question since it has been already cited that, their planning methodologies and built form have been viewed as chaotic (Rasmussen, 2013) hence such e disorganised and unclear if the existing street conform to design aspects for public spaces such as street in this case. While other scholars such as Kalugila (2013) and Nguluma, (2003) have already undersocred different views of informal settlements that are of more successful in social context similar to formal settlements, the investigation of these key elements of street character supporting the social layer is still unclear. This is very important since, a sociability of a particular area is invetably succeful without the considering a physical context. Furthermore, since different informal settlements adapt to a different culture and their use of spaces there is always a room for new discoveries which are unique to a specific informal settlement.
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2.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM Despite of the successful social construct of informal settlements, little is known or documented so far with regard to its physical context, specifically with the apparent linkage between street character and undelaying social layers. While street characters in formal streets can be traced back to various design standards presented by many scholars, informal settlement’s street can hardly be judged the same. Design approaches to explain how informal street support pedestrian experience, built form and communication is still unclear. The need to understand the processes involved in making informal settlement’s built spaces is also important in generating a knowledge that can be contributed in areas of urban design and planning which are responsible in redevelopment of informal settlements which currently seem to develop without professional planning methodologies. This is significant as until now, informal streets can hardly be judged with universal design standards based on “universal measures” which are simply unrealizable, unattainable and does not appreciate local asset of the area (Bhatt, et al., 2003). This does not mean universal design standards are of no significance at all, however there is a great deal in understanding of the local input in defining their spaces, which can start with exploring cities and streets built by people themselves such as informal areas.
2.3
BROAD OBJECTIVE OF THE RESEARCH
The research seeks to explore the street level character of the informal settlement in order to reveal key the elements making up its character and their underlying social layers linked to them. 2.3.1
x
Specific objectives
To explore the key elements of a street as presented by standards of design and planning.
x
To identify, analyse and visualize the findings of such elements within informal settlement.
x
To reveal the unique features if any, leading to modification of such elements within informal settlement.
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2.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1. What are the physical qualities/ elements of a street? 2. How are these street elements characterized within the informal settlement? 3. How do the daily informal practices modify the resulted character of a street in informal settlement?
2.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY It is to be foreseen that, this research will be able to establish the organizing elements/ factors that have been claimed for a long time to exist within a settlement that is often appearing to be dis-organized. The research will further, (through the use of visualization techniques) help both professionals in design and planning to ease understanding of the informal settlement built character of intended cases and pave a way to the creation of the manual for upgrading informal settlements.
2.6 SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH The research is about informal settlement’s built character and goes further to the breakdown of its constituent elements in relation to social layers as discussed in the next chapter.
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3 METHODOLOGY 3.1 INTRODUCTION this chapter explores methods and techniques used in conducting this research. Such methods are explained in detail in this chapter to give a clear understanding of what and how several data were obtained on field work.
3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN The study conducted in this research is inclined on exploratory approach based on case study strategy. The issue of informal settlement’s street character is merely a small part of this city of unplanned, it would take many years, perhaps decades if every detail concerning informal settlements was chosen as a subject to research. Therefore, it seems appropriate to choose exploratory research studies as a means of research design, which basically involves three elements namely; survey of concerning literature, the experience survey and the analysis of ‘insight-stimulating’ examples. It is also important to note that, the exploratory case study is about seeking new ideas or insights on the phenomenon being studied, which in this case the street character (Nguluma, 2003).
3.2.1
Choice and Justification of Research Strategy
Case study is defined by Yin 2003, as;“an empirical inquiry that seeks to understand a contemporary phenomenon in its real life context, especially when the boundaries betweeen phenomenon and context are not evidently clear and in which multiple sources of evidence are used” . Case study strategy was selected according to the nature of the research problem itself which relied on investigation at real life context of informal settlement. Since the studied phenomenon aimed at informal settlements at their street level, it was very important to ensure that relevant data and clear evidence are obtained by a researcher on site, which can be also accessed at all time of the study. The focus of how street elements qualify to define a character also needed day to day observations between various places of a street, it also required a researcher to mingle between the inhabitants of the areas to fully acknowledge such phenomenon while at the same time, triangulate gathered information with the current literature available on this particular subject. It is because of this, Dar es salaam informal settlements, particularly settlements of Kunduchi Pwani was chosen. Dar es salaam itself, is a very strategic area for this study, most of the 37
scholars in research of informal settlements have come across this city including previous mentioned researchers such as Rasmussen (2013), Nguluma (2003) and Sheuya (2004). Its 83% urban population (UN-HABITAT, 2010) that dwells on informal settlements makes it a perfect scenario to conduct this study. Also, the existence of a large percent of urban dwellers in informal settlements come with a diversity which is as interesting as the case itself. Such diversity of street life is shaped by its inhabitants as well as their environment, in this research it was very important to observe the variations of the street characters and later on, investigate the pattern which could explain such variations and finally propose the defining qualities which explain the informal settlements street.
3.3 FOCUS STUDY AREA 3.3.1
Kunduchi Pwani (Fishermen Village)
Kunduchi Fishermen Village, seen in Figure 32 is among small scale informal settlements with a long history of development along corridor of the Indian Ocean in Dar es salaam. They present a society that started purely from fishing business and later grew to form a society that still owe its daily routine to fishing business activities. Kunduchi is as old as the Dar es salaam city itself, which also started as a small fishermen village called Mzizima. In 19th Century, mzizima became one of the important meeting points between the indigenous Zaramo, Arab traders and Shomvi people of the coast, who were very skilled in fishing activities, it then grew into a very significant port city of Dar es salaam by 1862 (Burton, 2007). Though the city has transformed into an urban area of various activities, Kunduchi is still a very ideal place. The fishing activities which are still being carried on to this day present a continuation of a social and business relationship that has stayed for a very long time as the neighbourhood grew from a few houses. Since informal settlement’s built environment is largely dependent on daily practices of a society that has well invested in its social relations (Bhatt, et al., 2003), Kunduchi is an exemplary site to investigate on the key qualities of the built form, especially street character qualities.
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Figure 32: Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement; seen from satellite image (google earth imagery .2016)
3.4 DATA COLLECTION METHODS The choice of the research methods and tools to collection of data follows the in-depth literature which revealed elements to be investigated as designable qualities of a street. Furthermore, the identification of such elements has also shade a light on the methodological approaches which are useful in collecting the intended data. According to Kothari (2004), there are number of major research methods which are useful in collecting data namely; Observation, interview and case study method. 3.4.1
Observation
Observation is considered to be of most important here after the case study method, this is because through it one can clearly present the context of the current situation at hand (Kothari, 2004). It also presents itself as an independent methodology with no influence to respondents, and this is very important in this study since it is not sure if the inhabitants of the given case are capable to present their context in a way that is architecturally viable. Observation method include also tools which in this case, several have been suggested.
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3.4.1.1
Photography
Photography involves taking pictures which camera and camera enabled devices like mobile phones, to accurately present a scenario on site while a researcher is stationary. In this case, both professional bridge camera, and mobile device were used to capture several in sightings of the site. Because of the limited period of conducting research, photography was also used to collect various scenes which were then later sampled for sketching. 3.4.1.2
Serial Vision
Serial vision9 is described as the scenery of a town revealed in series of jerks or revelations, observed by a pedestrian as he walks through it at a uniform speed (Cullen, 1961).
Figure 33: Serial Vision as illustrated by Gordon Cullen (Cullen, 1961).
The technique is significant as it helps to reveal the elemental makeup of a street, the impact they have upon perceptions of the pedestrians and finally judging from the whole, the organizing elements along the whole street at large as observed by a researcher. Unlike photography where an observer is standing still, this technique involves walking along a street 9
According to Gordon Cullen, serial vision aims at depicting the impact of built environment of a street by revealing the contrasting elements so that; “a vivid contrast is felt and a town becomes visible in a deeper sense”, unless of this the town then “will slip us featureless and inert” (Cullen, 1961).
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while taking photographs or sketches and depicting special areas of interests such as point of entry, landmarks and nodes as seen in the Figure 33. Serial vision was used to collect sequence of images10 from all major entries of the street at Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement. It was very important to ensure that, the view on the character of adjoining buildings along a street is maintained to produce a coherent scenery of a street to investigate various public spaces and access routes similarly as presented in the Figure 34 . Apart from that, these sequence of images collected also were used to present evidence of a physical exploration done across the entire street which then outline potential areas which have become nodes, street junctions, character façades of adjoining buildings, materials used in construction of built forms, small scale details such as fence and gates and so on.
Figure 34: Panorama views created by photo merging of sequences of images along a street at studied area.
10
A *RAW format photographs were taken with Nikon D3200 bridge camera, sorted and then combined using Panorama Maker version 6.
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3.4.1.3
Sketching
According to Stevenson (2010), sketch is defined as; “A rough or unfinished drawing or painting, often made to assist in making a more finished picture.”. Sketching is one of the significant graphical tools of communication used in the field of Architecture. It is the product of both manual and mental skills which are employed to analyse a physical end product, hence considered as a result of a design process in its own way (Ching, 1985).
Figure 35: A photograph of the house taken to present typical example of details on building frontages in Kunduchi Pwani.
Figure 36: A line sketch illustrating a typical example of window canopy detail and porch rails in Kunduchi Pwani.
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In presenting graphical context of the studied area, sketching was more favoured as a tool for visual communication. Several scenes along a street of Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement were produced by line drawings of black ink drawn to present a contextual set up of in each case in the analysis. Such approach is significant as it enhances the distinctive features while underpins the irrelevant or unimportant features which were still present when photographs were used. It should be noted though, drawing or sketching is not only considered as an observation tool, but also a scientific one which requires a researcher to become more critical to its subject and pay attention to every detail, even ones that may also seem unimportant (Moore, 2015). In comparison between Figure 35 and Figure 36 both presented the same idea of building details, while line drawn sketch offers more close up scenario with abstract surroundings, the other does not. Apart from that, close shots in other particular areas during conducting a research proved to be challenging due to sensitivity of the local dwellers of the Kunduchi Pwani which made sketching and far photo-referring more convenient. 3.4.2
Interview
In the case of interview, personal interview has been selected to be applied in the given case of study. This method requires structured questions which will be asked by a researcher to a respondent such as the local dwellers of the researched site. Moreover, techniques like audio recording are also applied in this case, to give more platform to the respondents. Several interviews were assigned in each element and conducted in various days. Audio recording was by far useful din this case since the respondents preferred it more as it did not get in their way of participating on other activities. Table below present research questions instrumentalisation which provides an overview of the research key objectives, questions of the processes of their data collection.
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To reveal the unique features if any, leading to modification of such elements within informal settlement
3.
How do the daily informal practices modify the resulted character of a street?
How are these street x elements characterize x informal settlement?
To identify, analyse and visualize the findings of such elements within informal settlement
2.
x
x
x
x x x
x
What are the physical x qualities/ elements of a street? x x
To explore the key elements of a street as presented by standards of design and planning
1.
Research Question
Objective
No.
Table 1: Research questions instrumentalisation
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Personalized spaces along the street Change of use in various spaces Economical and Socio role of spaces facing a street
Nodes developed along a street Size and scale of a street Public structures along a street House extensions Workplaces Small shops
Street Form; Path and Places Street Details Contrasting Character
Variables
x x x
Interviews Sketches Mapping
x Serial Vision: Serial photographing and Photo-merging x Interviews x Mapping x Sketching
Case study and Literature search: On designable qualities of a street
Tool/Technique
Local views on their daily interaction which drives the character of a place. To see if the resulted character features are unique to the area due to day to day activities of its local dwellers.
Physical exploration presented visually to reveal if such elements are present within the studied cases. And if so, to present the knowledge on how they come to be (by personalization, planned design? Or something else)
To lay down literature on the major elements which define the qualities of any street according to perspectives of professional designers, researchers in the field of architecture and urban design.
Expected Output
4 KUNDUCHI PWANI; A STUDY ANALYSIS 4.1 LOCATION AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
kunduchi
Figure 37: Kunduchi, location map (Dar es Salaam City Council, 2004).
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Until now, there is limited concrete evidence which indicates exactly when people started to occupy
areas of Kunduchi Pwani. Early evidences11 suggest that, by 16th Century, people from middle east were already in contact with the locals of these areas due to an expansion of trading activities of slaves, ivory, porcelain and other items across the whole Dar es Salaam coastline (Figure 37). One of the clear evidence which suggests the earlier occupation of settlers along Kunduchi Pwani are the ruins located closely to the coast at the north. Probably these tombs were one of the many reasons the village was pushed to the south since they are as to this day, considered holy grounds by Islamic dwellers who have been residing here for centuries. Religion is also one of the core element of Swahili people, who most of them are followers of Islam, which its origin can be traced in these places at the same time as the Arabs arrival. One can see clearly the influence of such religion on the ruins, which are aligned to face Mecca and some containing writings of the status, religion and years of deceased. These ruins are said to be of one of the wealthy families who occupied areas of Kunduchi; also known as Shomvi people12 (Burton, 2007) .
Figure 38: Kunduchi ruins indicated no.1, no.2 informal settlement before erosion, no.3 after the erosion (google earth.2016).
11
Andrew Burton in his book, hints that, Kunduchi and other small scale coastal villages such as Mbweni and Mbwamaji (laid along a periphery to the principal commercial networks closer to Zanzibar and Bagamoyo, two famous trading towns which were at their peak of unprecedented commercialization during 19th Century. This also influenced Kunduchi development especially as a settlement (Burton, 2007). 12 Nimtz (1980) suggests that, Shomvi were the first group of dwellers along the stretch of Dar es salaam to as far as Somalia, later on Zaramo people eventually took over the areas of Dar es salaam and stayed nearly before independence before it become a mixed community.
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It is still difficult to pin point when and why exactly the village shifted along the south of beach stretch as indicated in the Figure 38. For sure it was between the period of Germany and British occupation in Tanganyika that Kunduchi Settlement shifted from up north of the coast toward the south where later, its dwellers would witness the construction of Kunduchi Beach Hotel which was opened in 1971, ten years after Tanganyika independence (Kunduchi Beach Hotel & Resort, 2013). On the interview with one of the old fishermen of the area, Mr. Kebby saidi; “The village started. This hotel was built 1969 (….) there was a village already. It started up there where ruins are now, and they shifted as they were searching for a gulf (….) You know even the waters were not here (at the existing shore of the village). When I came here at 1989 there were houses up to there! (pointing the stretch of the beach from Africana Hotel to the White Sands Hotel) (….) Then water came and ate all the land until almost the hotel itself. We had to move along the wall fence to get to the other side, then that Indian guy (reflecting the owner) had to add some sand then we got a place to walk. But before the hotel there was just a huge forest, Coastal forest where children would play and pick some fruits.” There are several evidences which also indicate that, severe erosion occurred in the past which had contributed to the shift of the dry land to its current state. Figure 39 provides a clear evidence of how erosion changed the face of Kunduchi Pwani; the two sections of the Kunduchi Pwani between the informal settlement and the hotel as well as the informal settlement and mangrove (Makota, et al., 2004).
Figure 39: Manyema Creek; shoreline changes between 1981 to 2002 (indicated by lines). Source: Makota, et
al., 2004
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4.2 STREET FORM Street form has already been introduced in the second chapter, where according to Moughtin (1992), it can also be broken down into both formal and informal which can further be analysed as a path and place. A study analysis of both a path of a street and places was done through serial vision. Sequence of images were captured, on different times of a day and then merged to form a continued scenery from a street section that connects Kunduchi beach hotel and the neighbourhood of Kunduchi Pwani as seen in Figure 40 . A set of panorama images of about 90 to 180 degrees in viewing angle were produced, allowing to see how well are buildings and minor paths connect to a major street as seen from Figure 41 to Figure 53.
Figure 40: A street of Kunduchi Pwani; from the roundabout to a neighbourhood’s coastline
This was very significant in understanding the occupied places along the street and their relationships with the daily routine of the dwellers. The study revealed that, there were indeed small sections of streets acting as ‘enclosures’ that remained active in most of the day as people interact more either for daily shopping, coffee meetings, food vending, prayers and similar activities which clearly marked them as nodes of the street13
13
It was very important to identify nodes of the street in the studied case as both Moughtin (2003) and Lynch, (1960) have already stated nodes as the important enclosures which define a street as a place, and at the same time create a memorable lane which then translates to a path, another important element which identify a street form as a whole.
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Figure 41: Serial Vision walkthrough with sequences of panorama images number 1 to 12
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Figure 43: Scene 2, activities along the opposite side of Fishermen village entry; single storey Junction Pub is among tallest structures in this area.
Figure 42: Scene 1, entry to Kunduchi beach Hotel and entry to Fishermen village.
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Figure 45: Scene 4, contrasting element; materials define separate between a temporary shop (wood), old house (rusty hip roof) and (masonry block unifinished) new structure.
Figure 44: Scene 3, temporary eating places (for tea) operating only during morning hours at the house frontages.
Figure 47: Scene 6, typical houses of Kunduchi Pwani dwellers.
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Figure 46: Scene 5,inner places; (from left to right) a typical retail place with shops, temporary eating area and charcoal store.
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Figure 49: Scene 8, inner places; (from left to right) a typical retail place with shops and a mosque.
Figure 48: Scene 7, a typical example of an extension place; vegetable store.
Figure 51: Scene 10, interior of fish market overlooking the retail places.
Figure 50: Scene 9, wide street path, open to face the fishing market building.
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Figure 53: Scene 12, Kunduchi Pwani Fishermen Village and Kunduchi Beach Hotel, both seen from the side reclaimed of Manyema Creek.
Figure 52: Scene 11, where the street ends, also a starting point for water travel out of Kunduchi Pwani Fishermen Village.
4.2.1
Street Scale
As the street begins it changes the scale to its end point rather than becoming static. It becomes wide along the turns then gets narrower as it goes straight, forming pockets of spaces which gradually evolve to places as indicated in Figure 54 to Figure 59.
Figure 54: Serial vision path with sequence of places (sketched below) revealed as unique ‘enclosures’ along the
path.
Figure 55: Kunduchi Pwani roundabout; urban edge between the settlement (right) and hotel (left).
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Figure 56: Inner places; first part from the roundabout, occupied with shops, residence and stores.
Figure 57: Inner places, second from the roundabout, occupied with residence, mosque, stores and shops.
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Figure 58: Market place near the coastline; Kunduchi fish market building acts as a focal point14 surrounded by
shops, eating areas and vegetable stores.
Figure 59: Coastline of Kunduchi pwani, occupied with wooden boats; a fencing wall of Kunduchi beach hotel terminates here.
14
Cullen (1961), descibes a focal point as a spot which crystallizes a sense of “this is the spot”, “look no further” which is clearly presented in the situation of kunduchi fish market building. The placement of the market building along the wide area which opens from the smaller roads, orchestrate the focal point which is also influenced by the apparent change of vertical height and scale of the massing. This building stands out of the usual small scale built spaces of informal settlement that surrounds it, to crown itself as the “market” despite of only being a part of.
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Apart from places, most of the turns of the path are formed by splitting (or rather joint) of the main path into several smaller ones which enter deep in the neighbourhood. This is very interesting observation since along these junctions, point of advantage has been noticed by its dwellers. Along these junctions, a scale of the path becomes large to serve as a point of meeting and decision. At such spots, street has become wide enough to allow people in orienting themselves as they choose to go deep within a street or rather continue further to a street end. A good example is a point a. and b. marked in Figure 60.
Figure 60: Change of scale along the street path; Circles indicates large scale while rectangle, indicate narrower-
long path.
Point a. opens to another short street, which most of its buildings are aligned from this point and an observer can see clearly down to a last building which interrupts the straight line. This path also approaches the market building at its back, where it also becomes wide enough to allow children to play during day time without any interruptions from the motorcycles as the street quickly becomes almost a cul de sac with a very narrow path that leads to the coast. Point b. is observed to be the largest and widest point of the street path. A street path approaches the market at its front and sides. In hours of fish auctioning, there is a large number of people on foot and with vehicles from different corners of the city who come to buy large chucks of catch from fishermen, since the market itself isn’t large enough to host parking space, as much 59
as people themselves, this place becomes much more important since it acts as the courtyard where people can rest and wait for the auction as well as be able to actually park their vehicles, and afterwards circulate their vehicles safely and exit the neighbourhood. This place is evident as a potential point of interest for commercial activities, and it can be seen by display of shops which takes advantage of every space of the building that faces a place. There is also change of scale15 between major roads and small ones developed in between houses, which helped in providing a visual clue of the extent of activities occupied within the area. This It as observed that the variation of path scale had, influence the developed specific specialization that others haven’t. Vehicular flow is a good example of such specialization, where not all the streets are accessed by it. This is very important since all roads are of soft ground and provide access to both pedestrians and vehicles at once. Thus in case of dusty places, this ensures only parts of buildings facing the road are exposed, at the same time other minor roads can provide also a safe ground for children to play with minimal chances of being interrupted with moving cars and motorcycles as indicated from Figure 61 to Figure 63 .
Figure 61: Path points; a and b.
15
It was also very important to investigate the change of scale along the path since it is amongst features that acknowledge the quality of a path itself, to be considered as an important street (Moughtin, 2003).The change in scale examines the transformation of occupied place in various spaces along a street.
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Figure 62: Example of inner paths (1meter wide) opening up to major street path.
Figure 63: Children playing along inner paths.
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4.2.2
Street as a Place: building entrances and extensions
Entrances are one of the key elements contributing to a character of a street in Kunduchi. They range in size and level of complexity while maintaining the primary role of linking individual plot/house to a street, and mostly they have evolved to become one of the most significant spaces of Kunduchi informal settlement as indicated in Figure 64 and Figure 67 . Swahili, an original culture of the local dwellers of these areas has also played a significant role in this case of entrances. Generally, a typical Swahili residence would host its entry point to a street with the baraza16as indicated in Figure 64, this could simply be some large steps approaching the front door, or an extended slab to form a porch seen in Figure 65 and Figure 66.
Figure 64: A typical street section of Kunduchi Pwani on plan view with entrances and extensions on building’s
frontage
Baraza is very important for Kunduchi Pwani households, as in some cases it is used as a place for tea and magazine reading in the morning and children playground in the evening. It has been also observed to be a transitional space17 which a private space such as a house itself, has been extended to link to a street which is public.
16
The word baraza stands for, a built-in sitting area of the front section of the building in a typical Swahili coast home which also features a public space for reception and sociability. (Meier, 2016) 17 According to Gustavi, transitional space is a three-dimensional space, onto which we move through as we anticipate what is to come after crossing a threshold of a door. In a second and third degree; transitional space becomes visually dominant character with volume and depth, a porch for example. (Gustavi, 2014)
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Often the residence would take advantage of it by occasional sitting which helps to interact with the routine of the street at that particular time.
Figure 65: Entry porches (baraza) of two adjoined houses facing a street at Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement.
Figure 66: Entry porches (baraza) of two adjoined houses facing a street
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4.2.2.1
Extensions
Where the plot becomes too small to occupy daily routine of the dwellers, such as domestic commercial activities it is often taken to an outdoor space. This is where building extensions become more important since they also create a new space that occupants can produce, sell and meet their customers on spot. This is very important since the success of such trade is dependent on the showcasing of a seller to his customers. Extensions are often constructed temporally. Activities such as food vending only came to play in specific hours of a day. In the morning, they come to life as several female food vendors prepare tea for early by passers who are going out of the neighbourhood for work or who comes in for fishing activities along the market and coastline. Since building extensions are often simply attached to a building they exhibit a very strong contrast which is mostly influenced by materials as observed in Figure 68 . They are constructed of corrugated iron sheets from roof to walls in cases of small markets and charcoal shop, other spaces are more transparent composing of simple timber framing, and a roof of joined cans or reused corrugated iron sheets, a good example of such areas are cassava fry kitchens in Figure 69, chapattiii kitchens as well as vegetable stores in Figure 70 and Figure 71.
Figure 67: Example of building extensions; marked .c at the front and, the side extension marked. d
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Figure 68: Building extension of simple pitched roof at the frontage of the house (marked .c at above map)
Figure 69: Small building extension (stoop) along a narrow path
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Figure 70: Building extension, used as vegetable store in plan view
Figure 71: Building extension, used as vegetable store.
The use of temporary approach for construction is a character of places that are often influenced with mobility since at some point in case they are needed to be moved, the process should be quick and efficient in terms of cost and time. This character directly supports Tuner’s explanations for informal settlements that often comply to intelligence in use of resources and evaluating priorities. Because of this, building extensions can almost be extended in any direction and at any point in time as long as it doesn’t block the main access routes. 66
4.2.3
Street as a Place: Small Commercial areas
There exist spaces in Kunduchi informal settlement where the essence of places really captures its full attention. Amongst all, small shops, vegetable shops and eating areas are truly evident than the other. This is because at first, all three places have direct effect to daily routine of the Kunduchi pwani community. Their dependence is so common that it has influenced their distribution along the street which in this case, these places appear more often than any other as indicated in Figure 72. 4.2.3.1
Eating areas and Fish fry kitchens
Where people lack direct access to their home meal such as workers who come from other areas; as fishermen in this scenario, small eating places become significant. Here, they will access all three meals of a day, often fried fishes from their own catch, and as their number increase so are these places. This is evident by the scale of such eating places and fish fry kitchens distributed along the coast.
Figure 72: Small commercial places developed along the street
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There is also another evidence of distribution of labour in these areas which has a lot to do with culture influences, probably from Swahili influence. Along these fish fry kitchens and eating places there are a lot of women who are responsible to cook daily food while others fry fish for sale. On field study, it was common to encounter women with buckets waiting for fish at the market and later on, find them frying fish for sale. As for men, they are responsible to bring in fishes as fishermen who will pack at their boats. Later on, another middle man will collect them for auctioning at the market. This relationship between a fishermen and female fish vendors has created an order of distribution which is very vivid from occupation of spaces as the coastline start towards the inner parts of the neighbourhood presented in Figure 73. This is the evidence of a social layer that has shaped the physical appearance of a place.
Figure 73: Eating areas and fish fry kitchens (in black fill) distributed along coastline
Viewing in plan and façade facing a street in Figure 74, fish fry kitchens and eating places are very simple, composed of a small benches and a table. The arrangement of both elements has to also be simple and straight, this aids the movement between the customers which is very important as meals don’t take too long, and the customers will be coming and going any time. The design of the form itself is also simpler, often a small cubicle between 2m to 3m by 2m. Materials too are composed of the same ideas, typical reused corrugated iron sheets and some timber props are all it takes to make such areas. All these considerations play important role of mobility and temporal occupancy, the later in case one needs to extend or shift to another area, 68
while temporal occupancy reflect the fact that in case the authority demands a space for other priorities, it doesn’t take too much to demolish and re-use the same materials on another place.
Figure 74: Typical plan of the eating places located near the coastline
Figure 75: Typical example of an eating place presented in Figure 74.
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4.2.3.2
Shops and vegetable stores
Shops, unlike eating places, operate in a different way. First observation is the state of occupancy, which is often solid and permanent. Most shops are located along the building frontages, and in some cases they permanently change the entire façade of the house producing a typical repeated character of openings and extensions which hosts the front porch. Secondly, is their attention to details which in most cases perpetuated with security measures. Shops, at the end of the day, have to be capable of storing goods at the same spot, thus have evolved to spaces which are both impervious to weather conditions as well as theft. This has resulted to a very unique character of form and articulation along the shops. One observation was that; the shop at Kunduchi pwani informal settlement are installed with several layers of materials for security measures. Apart from the large metal doors which takes up the entire façade, inside when the shop is opened there is another layer of steel grills which occasionally helps to temporarily secure the shop. Cooking oil business is another observation which is unique in the case of Kunduchi, especially at the scale of promotion. Carried on plastics of reused water bottles, they are often seen on the shop’s porch hence first product of sales for every by passer to see. In my interview with Mr. Jumaa Mohamediii about the structure of his shop with relation to security he said; “Temporal security may be needed if I need to go somewhere while at work, I can easily close the grill gate. Also at night in case of theft, a grill will add extra layer which until one struggles to remove, it will have already awaken the neighbours.” Apart from that, local owners of retail stores also understand the importance potential nodes developed along a street. According to Mr. Jumaa Mohamed, places with already existing shops, or of higher public status such as on nearby mosque, restaurant and fish market are likely to be much more occupied with retail activities than other places since there is a high chance to encounter a large number of people there. This has been also underscored by Babere (2015) as he states; “The location of spaces which informal livelihood operators are attracted to are generally those with a good flow of customers, accessibility, range of goods, and safety and security. Ninety-four per cent of the respondents revealed that the availability of customers is the main factor which they consider when selecting a given location for their operations”
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It is evident from the interview that, the dwellers of Kunduchi pwani understand the significant role played by places that have been developed along their street. Moreover, the placement of these places has not been accidental, rather generated by the potentials which depends on the nature of path itself as well as other places which may influence the growth. A fish business at Kunduchi Pwani is a good example. The additional female fish fry vendors who depend on fishing activities also depend on frying oil. The frequent demand of oil has characterised shops at Kunduchi Pwani with recycling idea unique to them. Often, water bottles would be collected, cleaned and then filled with cooking oil and then sold as Mr. Jumaa Mohamed stated; “Cooking oil sales started because of the fish fry business, which in most cases the buyers don’t possess the vessels18. Now it has become also as an attraction to other consumers even from far who only come here as by passers (Figure 76).”
In the cases of shops, which often appeared closely packed in one place (also selling the same goods) the social relationship that is established between the seller and the buyer is a very significant point in ensuring continued success of the business, on the other hand this has also enabled such shops to co-exist in one place with dis-regard of their number. This is another social layer which sustain a physical character of a place. Awareness of security, storage and advertisement have also helped shops to characterize the street in unique ways. Layers of security can be seen during daytime when shops operate as seen in Figure 77. Apart from that, the necessity of frontages with columns has also added another layer on a street, which shades the customers while attending their shopping habits on a sunny day. The front porches developed a different façade character which can be easily distinguishable from other residential houses that are not occupied by shops.
18
It was observed that, water bottles were rather a good idea in this case since they are already marked to a certain volume such as “1 litre” hence provide ease selling point, as most of shopkeepers would buy a bucket of oil and distribute in smaller portions for consumers to buy. These re-used water bottles were observed everywhere, from shops to vegetables store frontages. The golden yellow colour of cooking oil dictated most of these frontages on street making impossible not to appreciate it and the overall demonstration of re-use of materials within informal settlements.
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Figure 76: A typical example of a shop.
Figure 77: A typical character of a house unit with shops on its frontage.
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4.2.3.3
Vegetable stores
Vegetable stores on the other hand, they are less in state of permanence. Most of the large ones were observed to be part of building’s extensions and offer no clues to attention for security as much as in shops. These stores are often detailed very well with reused materials such as corrugated iron sheets and timber studs, often their roof coverings would be extended even more by use of PVC sheets and thatch. Vegetable store in Figure 78 is a good example. The temporal nature of these stores also meant that, most of its goods are movable after hours of the business. This is important since, goods sold in these areas are organic and have to be stored in places where insects and severe temperatures cannot affect them and this is done locally at the homes of these sellers.
Figure 78: Local vegetable store composed of mixed re-used materials; timber studs covered with PVC sheet on lower panels and corrugated iron sheets roofing with thatch extension.
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4.3 STREET LENGTH Kunduchi Pwani has its major street length laid along the centre of the neighbourhood and extend further to terminate on exists which connect the Indian ocean and Kunduchi mainland. These termination points thus form the urban edges through which the line of advantage has established itself, particularly to become a dominant character along the shoreline as seen in Figure 79. The street is composed of a single exit which is the shoreline. From this point, two entrances are formed with which the closer one stretches 277 meters (approx.) near Kunduchi Beach hotel entrance and the furthest one about 414 meters from the other corner of the neighbourhood. Where these two entrances converge, they form node which has been colonized by commercial activities.
Figure 79: Street length: entrances (point f and e) and exit as coastline (point h). point g marks convergence node of paths.
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4.3.1
Beginnings
Point e. (Figure 79) located at north-west of the Kunduchi pwani, marks the first beginning of the street for two reasons; First, its acts as a final destination for the passengers who arrive by bus. For the incoming dwellers and tourists, this is their first impression of the neighbourhood and its surrounding. This point leads directly into the street, the inner road is visible and accessible from the main road. On the other hand, because this is the last stop, it has also eventually grown into the first point of a journey to the city, and this has very well established itself by occupied vehicles and bodaboda19 stand as well as a vehicle parking. In fact, this has been so well established that the actual bus stand has ceased to exist and left to get rusted meters away from this spot. This is a strong message of the dwellers whose development is influenced by a place and opportunities it offers and not by planning strategies developed by governmental authorities unless they fall amongst potential areas. Secondly, spot acts as an urban edge that presents two antagonistic places, Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement which is a typical residential neighbourhood, and the touristic hotel. The edge is strongly presented by a 4-meter high wall that divides two places, which also secure the hotel against trespassers from the neighbourhood. Such separation has resulted to a more mutual benefit which brings opposite places together for various activities including leisure as the hotel20 attract a lot of people nearby and far from Kunduchi. Unfortunately, due to expenses on meals within the hotel, some of its visitors have preferred to eat somewhere else first, then get inside to be entertained. Such demand has been filled in by local restaurants that have been quickly developing along the roundabout as seen in Figure 80. This has in turn made sure that, the visitors can constantly visit the area without worrying extra expenses on food since they can be accommodated by cheaper eating places and still get in to be entertained. This is another case, where opportunities have shaped the character of a place.
19
Bodaboda in this case is a Kiswahili word which translates to person with a motorcycle for hire, Tanzanian cheapest alternative for taxi. 20 Kunduchi Beach Hotel hosts one of the biggest waterpark in east Africa visited by many people for enjoyment purposes.
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Figure 80: Approaching kunduchi Pwani from the point e.
4.3.1.1
At point f.
The entry to the Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement at Point f., is not only the primary access for the dwellers and vehicles entering the settlement, but it also serves as a very significant junction. The junction presents a direct linear access to the settlement, which ends to the fish market. It also maintains the scale with small variations, hence more useful for large vehicles to access the neighbourhood as seen in Figure 79 and Figure 81 . Point f. marks a landmark where the settlement starts; thus provides a sense of arrival for the one approaching it from other areas. But the continuity of the path into the neighbourhood means that, this approach is very well maintained to ensure the dwellers and guests can enjoy the scenery of their neighbourhood from a distance, before disappearing into smallerpedestrian narrow paths. Furthermore, this spot also marks where the settlement ends for now, since it is trapped by the ocean on the other side and the main road from this side which beyond it, the seasonal swap has dictated the green area which for now, seem to be useful for sports and grazing area. This is the true urban edge demonstrated in settlements which are known for their rapid growth. It is at this point where, the concept of outside and inside can be fully appreciated. 76
Figure 81: Approaching kunduchi Pwani from the point f.
4.3.2
Endings
When looking on the basis of where the dry land ends, point h. with the whole stretch of the coastline is immediately recognized as the ending of a street length. However, the ending of this street is on the other hand, presents a dramatic urban gate of the Kunduchi informal settlements, at least to a few who have got a chance to become fishermen or approach the settlement from the ocean. Viewed from the ocean in Figure 82, this stretch of coastline is not only the ending of the oceanic waves, but also the parking for the boats thus, the start of the fishermen’s journey to the fishing activities. This is very significant since, the coastline itself behave as a huge landmark, hosting dense houses seen from a distance. As one approaches this area, the notion of the ending of the journey; the sense of arrival is felt by evidence of a place crowded with people who are in constant movement for fishing businesses. This landmark also demonstrates a sense of line of advantage21 very well, dwellers have utilized almost every spot along the water banks, here 21
A line of advantage is coined by Cullen, (1961) as small stretch of a linear path such as a bridge, which often people take it for granted, for the sake of a certain immeadiacy of its view. The coastline of kunduchi was no
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most of fishing routine such as gas filling for scuba diving, drying of nets, docking, boat fixing are also performed.
Figure 82: Kunduchi informal settlement; approached from the ocean (at point h.)
different scenario, it was the most busiest place on the entire neighbourhood, which also crowded constantly with people prefer to sit in small groups along the beach and watch fishermens arrival from the ocean.While others were here anticipanting to buy the first best catch, other are simply watching the entire activites and enjoy the breeze.
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4.1 STREET DETAILS AND CONTRAST When it comes to street details, informal settlement of Kunduchi Pwani has a lot to offer. While most of them provide clues as to what or how they were created at first place, they indeed added more attention to particular places than the other. They also demonstrated the degree of personalization particularly in areas such as small commercial places, where one could see own’s struggle in adding more layers to sustain a place, or simply decoration to invite more customers. On the other hand, contrast of place depended so much on details added to it as compared to other places since after all the pure form of built structures is coined on the design of local houses which in this case pose a small variation. 1. Signage, Public Art and Small built-in details Public art and signs goes hand by hand, in Kunduchi informal settlement. There are places which artistic impression was good enough to change the outlook of a usual object such as fencing line, the same case can be seen on signage which characterize most of shops as in Figure 83. The existence of commercial places added a lot of public signage in every major node of the street, it is almost impossible not to recognize a commercial space since they will be filled with signs of advertisement from sides to the roof.
Figure 83: Sign posts used to advertise in different shops
Metal and wood work also add more layers of street details in the case of Kunduchi. While at first these layouts of metal works seem decorative attachments to gates, they also signal a concern for security. Some of them are as vivid such as arrows attached on top of the gate preventing climb over. Other details include shading devices, windows and fencing post seen in Figure 84. 79
Figure 84: a. Metal gate with arrows on top, b. temporal structure of corrugate iron sheets, wood and thatch, c. window with steel bars for security and slab for shading, d. decorative posts on veranda, e. painted fencing posts resembling fish scales.
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2. Adjoining Buildings Where adjoining buildings add details to a street, they often incline to material alternations or built form itself. In this case, some building’s spaces such as extensions were constructed of corrugated iron sheets from roof to walls, this clearly added a strong contrast on a street especially in small workplaces such as charcoal stores. A single storey restaurant located along the roundabout provided a strong evidence for this case, the public spaces were shaded with diagonal pattern of timber props while the rest of the restaurant filled in with monolithic masonry wall. This choice of construction is probably due to the fact that; the solid wall spaces provide more secure parts of the restaurants for storage as well as dangerous workplaces such as kitchens which are so susceptible to fire. The timber props covered a large part of the dining to allow shading and air circulation as it can get crowded easily. The stunning layout of the timber props seen in Figure added more detail to attract pedestrian who pass by.
Figure 85: The adjoining buildings near the roundabout of Kunduchi Pwani; details of the diagonal timber props
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Building profiles also added to a strong contrast along a street. Building heights for instance, were the most significant since, there are quite few of the built structures that went as far as single storey. When viewed from a distance, such buildings stand out to dominate the skyline than the other. Most of these buildings such as Fish Market and Junction Pub are not only tallest structures, but also public places which are also landmarks developed along the important nodes of the street.
Figure 86: Building profile of the adjoining buildings near the roundabout of Kunduchi Pwani
Furthermore, façade details of the buildings in some cases as in Figure 87 and Figure 88 presented a new insight to Kunduchi Pwani as an informal settlement. Built in different period of time, these frontages were articulated with reaped columns in an almost linear way facing a street.
Figure 87: Aligned houses seen along a street
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This is a very significant observation of ordering principles22 to a settlement that is considered disorganised and chaotic (Rasmussen, 2013). Furthermore, it underlined a possibility of an existing knowledge transfer between actors of an informal sector especially in adapting various approach of design from a formal sector.
Figure 88: Aligned houses with rhythm created by columns facing a street façade.
3. Details of the sky When observing he horizontal plane of an open sky, which also contributes in making a 3dimensional space of a street, it is almost impossible not to account the presence of wire cables which are seen instantly as one looks on the sky of Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement in Figure 89. These cables are used for electricity supply, one of the important commodity to run daily routine of the dwellers. The impact they make is rather small in terms of built form, but recognised, since they require poles which are very high and of the size as columns of the houses or even more. Whether they decorate a sky, or interrupt the visual continuity of the sky, one can immediately identify their presence, certainly as small lines floating on air through which the energy flows, while allowing birds to occasionally sit on.
22
According to Ching (2007), ordering principles are key basis in creation of an architectural composition and harmonious arrangement. They serve to condition proper disposition of each building component in relation to other parts and space. The existence of ordering principles to a built structure acknowledge its visual appropriateness of form towards diversity, complexity, hierarchy and purpose to which it was designed at first.
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Figure 89: Three planes making up a street at kunduchi Pwani informal settlement, the sky, adjoining buildings and the floor.
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5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1
CRITICAL REFLECTION
5.1.1 Literature and Findings Studies done by different scholars in chapter two pointed that, there are indeed four major qualities that coined a street character as a whole, furthermore it hinted the following; x
In a street form, path and place are two main entities which also differ. Path expressed as a character has to possess a memorable place on it; to have beginning and an end, definite places (nodes) along its length, to become scalable, attain contrasting elements and all in all, capable of carrying the memorable image of connected places (Moughtin, 2003). Places determine both street length and built form, when they are highly pronounced along the ends of the path, they become beginnings and exists of the path.
x
For a space to be considered as a place has to possess the quality of enclosure translates to three main elements, an entrance, the place itself and a termination or exit” (Moughtin, 2003). Such enclosures which result to places are created by inserting turns and curves, in some streets the variation of heights such as of the monumental structures along a street, that would ultimately result in place creation (Lynch, 1960).
x
The emerging street characters of informal settlements in the case of Bhatt, et al., (1984), Sheuya (2004) and Nguluma (2003) are generalised toward place creation, such as building extensions and housing. Informal settlement dwellers are defined by the priorities they evaluate in construction places, which due to economic reasons often end up to less diverse of places or rather more places that ultimately create a value needed to drive other daily routine such as rentable rooms, shops as well as stores.
x
Transformation of places is often driven by a need to generate income while modernisation of built structures is judged by usage of modern materials, not built form.
In the studied case of Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement these elements were reflected and resulted into rather modified scenarios; x
Places are highly considered as character creators of the streets in informal settlements. Their scale is individually small to be considered a landmark, and when congregate in
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one space they can as well create a node. These nodes contain all three qualities of enclosures. x
Turns and curves also occur in informal settlement street, which they not only create potential spots for the places to evolve, but also articulate the buildings that sweep along the street path which if it was straight, it would perhaps result to a character that is monotonous.
x
High public places also exist in the informal settlements, markets, restaurants, open fields, and so on. Evolution of such places is also driven by the priorities of the income generators of the informal settlements.
x
Transformation of places is a complex phenomenon. It is highly driven by nature of the function of the built form and the occupied space. If the space is considered public, or exceed the local plot boundaries of the owner, it then become temporally so that in the future it can be moved when needed to, this will influence the materials applied to a place. When a nature of a place’s function is business such as food vending activities, temporary structures are also used to both lower the cost as well as ease mobility in case of extension.
x
Modernisation is still a case of material change as Nguluma (2003) points out, but it is also a function driven. Restaurants and other public places such as market, inclined towards transparency for their businesses. This influences usage of materials that are highly adaptable, decorated with ease and mobile during expansion such as timber in the case of Junction Pub, or an open structure in the case of Fish Market.
x
Street character in informal settlement of Kunduchi Pwani is different from other places. Still the existence of some degree of similarity is enough to look upon and judge the existing settlement with a critical understanding that it is indeed a place driven with both a need for betterment and evaluating priorities which affect the entire public. For sure, perfection in design strategies is not at its higher level, but an attempt given by the dweller is enough to credit the understanding of their environment they live in.
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5.1.2 The Methods This research not only followed standard methods of interviews, case study and literature but also relied on visual presentation of the gathered evidence and analysis on the studied case. According to Cullen (1961), often an observer would see more than what he bargained for, this is a core notion within faculty of sight23. Here, a physical context is understood through vision. Whether is by camera or through a sketch, understanding of the place in this context becomes the art of relationship. However, observation as a research tool, shouldn’t be considered as a mere solution in this case since the art of relationship is as important as any scientific undertaking. If the dramatization of a place fails, no perfection of any scientific method would resurrect the mood of a place. In other words, while it would seem convenient to conduct methods of research which would result in demographics or evidences based on quantified values, it is important to account for the fact that a solution sought to understand excitement and drama suited of our societies is merely a scientific approach. The rest of values and standards for investigating a phenomenon based on a physical context is found within the faculty of sight (Cullen, 1961). 5.1.3 Elements defining an Informal Street Character In gathering of the literature it was important to answer the question of whether an informal street can be critically judged and/ or possess the qualities of street character just like the formal street. Furthermore, in dealing with informal settlements which had no known universal standards of design increased chances of gathering a literature which no order of elements will be discussed. Hence, the established research questions examined elements gathered from both formal an informal street while maintain the fact that, a possibility of variation from literature and studied case was inevitable. 1. What are the physical qualities/ elements of a street? 2. How are these street elements characterized within the informal settlement? 3. How do the daily informal practices modify the resulted character of a street in informal settlement? Perhaps there is a number of research documents on street character of informal settlements that did not find their way into a discussion of this research, particularly in the literature review 23
“Glance at the clock to see the time and you see the wallpaper, the clock’s carved brown mahogany frame, the fly crawling over the glass and the delicate rapier -like pointers (…) vision is not only useful but it evokes our memories and experiences” (Cullen, 1961).
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of chapter two. But the information gathered from the discussed research documents, specifically from (Bhatt, et al., 2003), (Nguluma, 2003), and (Sheuya, 2004) were enough to present the case of informal settlement built character with addition of some other few scholars. The same can be said to scholars of formal streets such as (Jacobs, 1995), (Watson, et al., 2003) and (Moughtin, 2003). The establishment of a conceptual framework (in Figure 90) for street characters of informal settlement proved to be a challenge earlier in this research. This was due to the fact that, while street character is a composition of several elements of design, there are also sub-elements in each case which could be broken down further. Most of the presented scholar were inclined to a scope of particular sub-element. For instance, most of research based of informal settlements of Dar es salaam inclined to a built form, specifically residential structures. Elements such as street length, contrast, entrance and exits of places had to be established from a formal street point of view and later tested on case study.
Street as a Path Street Character
Street Form
Informal Street
Street Length
Street as a Place
Beginings and Endings
Variables: x Nodes x Landmarks x Character of entrances and exists of developed places x Street scale Variables: x Building extensions x Nodes x Workplaces x Small Shops
Variables: x Entrances and exists of major street; Apparent places terminating a length of the street
Variables: x Character of Adjoining buildings x Materials x Signage x Gates and canopies
Details of the street and Contrast
Figure 90: Conceptual Framework established in the second chapter.
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5.1.4 Characterization of an Informal Street On the investigation of how a particular element of a street characterise informal street, notably street length, street form and their sub elements exhibited rather a modified versions of formal street elements. For instance, it was still possible to identify contrasting character of adjoining buildings, though differently. While contrast of formal street is inclined to articulation of built form (details such as entrances, cornices etc.), texture quality and building profile itself (Ching, 2007), the case of Kunduchi Pwani is limited to alternation of materials rather that texture quality, as well as building profile in terms of size variation; based on how high or long one building differed from the other rather than how different one building was designed from the other. Variation of facades facing a street also demonstrated diversity in buildings, a similar character to formal streets, through which observers could determine the character of a place. In this case, built houses occupied with shops, stores and similar activities were easily distinguishable by their enlarged openings, security layers, porches and other similar elements hence adding more details on a street. Other elements such as beginnings and endings where both pronounced by the apparent urban edge, and well-developed nodes, which were occupied with small-scale commercial activities. It was these small scale activities which when congregate into a single space, created a memorable spot to refer along a path of an urban space. 5.1.5 Informal Practice in modifying Street Character The informal practices of the dwellers in Kunduchi Pwani informal settlements are demonstrated throughout the character of a street itself. The need for generating income, inquiry for access, establishing stable social ranks and relations are one of the key social economic routine that drive a character of place. For instance, the inquiry for accessibility has resulted to a layer of permeability which also changes in scale similarly to the path discussed by Moughtin, (2003). This change of scale on various paths have in turn acquired different specializations such as children playing routes with no-vehicle zones and so on. There is indeed a critical thinking towards how each member of the informal settlement will access their homes, or how the children will still maintain their play grounds, despite of the fact that, pattern of development does not appreciate planning methodologies which are enforced by the government authorities. On the edge of economy, each member is freely to compete at a street level with a cost conscious on places they create.
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5.2 CONCLUSION 5.2.1 Theme; Street as a Physical Character linking a Social Context “Streets should be for staying in, and not just for moving through, the way they are today.” This statement from Moughtin (2003), not only explains the primary role for a street but also imply the direct relationship which street design and the social context have together. For a street to be liveable (as in a case of Kunduchi Pwani informal settlement) social demands have to be fulfilled to both dwellers regardless of their state of ownership within a street. Kunduchi Pwani has become a place for both small and large businesses. It is occupied with places small enough to host a chair and a charcoal cooker, to a market place which can host a large number of customers and utilities. The idea of a street being able to sustain a wide range of social economic group characterise a successful nature of informal settlements, even to a large context of Dar es salaam (UN-HABITAT, 2010). It is evident that, the residents of kunduchi Pwani, understand the potentials created by physical features present in their environment and use the opportunities offered to them to utilize further. There is also a strong linkage between business opportunities created in the settlement with the corresponding developed places. Fish market and hotel businesses are a good example of activities which have driven a social layer of dependence (to drive other businesses) which in turn has affected development of other places such as nodes developed along the entrances and exits of the neighbourhood. Because of this, there is a pattern of development and specialization which is different, there are places for doing businesses, places for playground, places for common houses, which is also similar in the case of formal places. Apart from that, the residents are constantly learning from each other thought their day to day social activities and further apply that, in modifying elements of making a street. The use of low cost materials, and re-use have been demonstrated in every commercial built extension. The result is the adaptable approach which offers minimal cost, mobility as well as local technology in execution. This is a lesson to be learnt from the informal settlement streets. 5.2.2 Misconception of Informal Places It is important also to address the consequences of the informality as a global phenomenon. According to a report by UN-habitat (2015), informal settlements are categorised along with slums and other poor neighbourhood as areas characterised by extreme disadvantages which a modern society of a current years can experience. This demonstrates a particular perception that shape our current views and critical response toward informal places.
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However, as discussed in this research, there are also other ways to look at informal places; as a society driven by geographical potentials, history, social relationships and a well localised approach to how social life and physical context is experienced. This by no means disregards obvious challenges which have been brought forward by other researchers, however instead of considering the approach as absolute, it is also worth noting potential value which has been so far gone unnoticed. The fact that, street elements can also be found within informal settlement does not over rule the appropriateness of their making in first place as equivalent of their formal counterpart, nor acknowledging the informal sector as equal in examining and construction of such elements as much as the formal machinery. Instead, evidences obtained underline the concept of Rasmussen’s idea of a city built by everyday practice; a practical city where dwellers are producers and consumers of their own habitat (Rasmussen, 2013). Perhaps the most important question now is whether if these values of a practical city are tailored in future plans of Dar es salaam, as it mobilises informal settlement’s evictions24 around the city in the name of development whilst planning for sustainable communities.
Figure 91: Kurasini ward before and after between 2009 to 2016, notice the disappeared mangrove forest and a small settlement nearby (google earth imagery .2016).
24
“Dar es Salaam’s Kurasini ward lies adjacent to the city’s port and is home to approximately 35,000 people. In October 2007 the government started evicting residents from the community in order to expand fuel storage capacity in the area” (Hooper, 2016). Kurasini (Figure 91) hosted amongst few remaining “fishermen villages” of Dar es salaam, now gone with the rest of 35,000 people’s history, social economic relationship that had been striving for a long time.
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5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS 1) Carefully planning methods with less impact on housing displacement and character
Tanzania’s Policies for upgrading informal settlements have to address the issue of identity which characterise places within informal settlements. Though not as old as medieval cities of Europe, some of these settlements bear a potential to learn for our future making of more sociable entities in designs for our communities. As a city improves and expand, areas which are potential to a particular identity should be kept with minimal transformation.
2) Implementation of the Human Settlement and Urban Housing Policies.
The United Nations Human Settlements Programme recommend on recognition of informal settlements by the housing delivery systems worldwide (UN-habitat, 2015). In this case, urban authorities are encouraged to give equal rights to informal settlements dwellers; the urban poor not only in the supply chain for economy and housing, but towards more sustainable approaches of an urban context. While Tanzania has been successful in establishing policies on housing and sustainable urban communities since National Housing Development Policy of 1981, it is important to take actions on their delivery systems to produce successful results especially to an ever growing number of informal settlements in cities like Dar es Salaam.
3) Fostered cooperation with development partners locally and international wise
It is also important for the government, planning and design bodies to ensure a proper collaboration with citizens to enable more fruitful sustainable development for the city and a country at large. There is a need to reinforce the use of locally available resources and ideas in conceptualizing and implementation of the current plans for urbanized areas in Tanzania at large. There are already a lot of research in areas of informal settlements which could further find their way in planning for new cities and municipalities, such as the current Dar es Salaam Master plan.
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REFERENCES August H. Nimtz, Jr. 1980. Islam and Politics in East Africa: The Sufi Order in Tanzania. Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1980. Babere, Nelly John. 2015. Social Production of Space: “Lived Space” of Informal Livelihood Operators; the Case of Dares Salaam City Tanzania. Dar es salaam : Scientific Research Publishing Inc., 2015. Bhatt, Vikram and Rybczynski, Witold. 2003. How the other half builds. [book auth.] Donald Watson, Alan J. Plattus and Robert G. Shibley. Times-Saver Standards for Urban Design. New York : The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., 2003, pp. 1.3-1,1.3-11. Bhatt, Vikran and Rybczynski, Witold. 1984. How the other Half Builds;Research Paper No.9. Montreal : Centre for Minimum Cost Housing,McGill University, 1984. Burton, Andrew. 2007. Dar Es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging African Metropolis. Oxford : African Books Collective, 2007. Ching, Francis D.K. 2007. Architecture;Form,Space and Order. Hoboken, New Jersey : John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007. Ching, Frank. 1985. Architectural Graphics. New York : Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1985. 0442-218662-1. Cullen, Gordon. 1961. Townscape. s.l. : The Architectural Press, 1961. Dar es Salaam City Council. 2004. Dar es Salaam City Profile. Dar es Salaam : UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, 2004. E.P Mihanjo, N.N Luanda. 1998. The South-East economic backwater adn the urban floating Wamachinga. [book auth.] Bertha Koda Pekka Seppälä. The Making of a Periphery: Economic Development and Cultural Encounters in Southern Tanzania. s.l. : Nordic Africa Institute,, 1998. Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. 2016. Wall Street. Encyclopædia Britannica. [Online] Encyclopædia Britannica Inc, 2016. [Cited: 26 July 2016.] https://www.britannica.com/topic/WallStreet-New-York-City. Gehl, Jan. 2002. Public Space and Public Life City of Adelaide. Adelaide : Adelaide City Council, 2002. ISBN 1876 702 672. Groat, Linda N and Wang, David. 2013. Architectural Reserach Methods, 2nd Edition. New York : John Wiley & Sons, 2013.
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Gustavi, Noel. 2014. Design of Public Entrances;A case of Dar es Salaam City Centre. Daressalaam : Ardhi University, 2014. Hartanti, Nurhikmah Budi. 2016. Street as Livable Space in the Urban Settlement. Academia.edu. [Online]
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https://www.academia.edu/3192600/Street_as_Livable_Space_in_the_Urban_Settlement. Hooper, Michael. 2016. Confronting Urban Displacement: Social Movement Participation and PostEviction Resettlement Success in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. SAGE Journals . [Online] 2016. [Cited: 23 August 2016.] www.fmreview.org/sites/fmr/files/FMRdownloads/en/preventing/hooper.pdf. Jacobs, Allan B. 1995. Great Streets. Massachusetts : Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. Jacobs, Jane. 2003. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. [book auth.] Cliff Moughtin. Urban Design,Street and Square. Burlington,Massachusetts : Architectural Press, 2003, p. 130. Kalugila, Shubira. 2013. Housing Intervertions and its Influence on Urban Development. s.l. : Faculty of Architecture of Bauhaus University Weimar, 2013. Kellet, Peter. 1993. Cultural Influences on the Developement of Informal Settlements,Some observations in Latin America. s.l. : Forum, Vol 2, 1993. Kothari, C.R. 2004. Research Methodology; Methods and Techniques. New Delhi : New Age International Limited, 2004. Kreibich, Volker. 2003. Urbanisation.Peasants and ‘Yuppies’ – Unconnected. Nairobi : KAAD Conference, 2003. Kunduchi Beach Hotel & Resort. 2013. About: The History of Kunduchi. Kunduchi Beach Hotel & Resort Website. [Online] 2013. [Cited: 10 June 2016.] http://www.kunduchi.com/. Kwanama, Elias M. 2015. The Present Housing Challenge in Tanzania and Efforts Towards Provision of Affordable Housing. Dar es saalaam : http://www.elith.eng.cam.ac.uk/country/tanzania_conference, 2015. Lewis, Oscar. 1968. La Vida: a Puerto Rican Family in the culture of Poverty- San Juan and New York. New York : Vintage Books, 1968. Lombard, Melanie. 2013. Constructing ordinary places; Place-making in urban informal settlements in Mexico. Manchester : Global Urban Research Centre, 2013. Lynch, Kevin. 1960. The Image of the City. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England : MIT Press, 1960.
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Makota, Vedast, Sallema, Rose and Charles Mahika. 2004. Monitoring Shoreline Change using Remote Sensing and. Dar es Salaam : National Environment Management Council, 2004. Meier, Sandy Prita. 2016. Swahili Port Cities; Architecture of Elsewhere. Indiana : Indiana University Press, 2016. Moore, Janet C. 2015. A Picture is worth a Thousand Words: Assessing Drawing as a Learning Tool in Science. Wisconsin : University of Wisconsin, 2015. Moughtin, Cliff. 2003. Urban Design,Street and Square. Burlington,Massachusetts : Architectural Press, 2003. 0 7506 57170. Nguluma, Huba M. 2003. Housing Themselves,Transformations, Modernisation and Spatial Qualities in Informal Settlements in Dar es salaam,Tanzania. Stockholm : Royal Institute of Technology, 2003. Rasmussen, Maria Isabel. 2013. The power of informal settlements,The case of Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania. Milan : Planum The Journal of Urbanism, 2013. Sheuya, Shaaban. 2004. Housing Transformation and Urban Livehood in Informal Settlements; A case of Dar es salaam, Tanzania. Dortmund : Spring Reserch Series, 2004. Steiner, Frederick R. and Butler, Kent. 2012. Planning and Urban Design Standards. New Jersey : John Wiley & Sons, 2012. Stevenson, Angus. 2010. Oxford Dictionary of English; 3rd Edition. s.l. : Oxford University Press, 2010. 9780191727665. Turner, J.F.C. 1968. Housing Priorities, Settlement Patterns and Urban Development in Mordernzing Countries. s.l. : Journal of American Institute of Planners, Vol. 34, 1968. UN-HABITAT. 2010. Informal Settlements and Finance in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Nairobi : UNHABITAT, 2010. UN-habitat, Task team. 2015. Habitat III Issue Papers;Informal Settlements. New York : United Nations, 2015. Walking in Transforming Housing Cityscapes: A Case of Kariakoo Urban Centre in Tanzania. Livin H. Mosha2, Faustin M. Mosha. 2012. 8, Dar es salaam : Online Journal of Social Sciences Research, 2012, Vol. Volume 1. ISSN 2277-0844. Watson, Donald, Plattus, Alan J. and Shibley, Robert G. 2003. Making Great Streets. [book auth.] Allan B.Jacobs. Time-saver standards for urban design. s.l. : McGraw-Hill, 2003, pp. 6.2-1,6.3-14. Yin, Robert K. 2003. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. s.l. : SAGE Publications, 2003. 076192552X. 95
ENDNOTES i
Nilimuuliza: “Hapa kilianza kijiji au hoteli?”
Mzee Kebby “kilianza kijiji bwana. Hii hoteli ilijengwa mwaka 1969 na tayari kulikua na kijiji. Kijiji kilishaanza muda mrefu, kilianzia kule juu kwenye magofu ila kilihama walipokua wanatafuta ghuba……. Unajua bahari ilikua mbali huku (akinyooshanye baharini mbele ya hoteli) huku bahari imesogea tu, (tuliposimama-karibu na kijiji kilipo sasa) hapa pote palikua majumba. ….Nimekuja 1989 kulikua na nyumba mpaka kulee!. (pointing the stretch of the beach from Africana Hotel to the Whitesands Hotel) ………Maji yalianza kuingia yalikula kipande chote hiki mpaka hoteli yenyewe na kufika kule ilibidi tuambae na ukuta. Yule mhindi (mmiliki) ikabidi aweke mchanga….ndio tukapata pa kutembea Kabla ya hoteli kulia pori tupu hapo…pori la pwani, watoto walikua wakipita kuokota matunda (matoka) na kucheza”
ii
iii
Chapatti- Flat pancake-like bread cooked on a griddle
Nilimuuliza: Kwanini maduka mengi hapa yana tabia ya kuwa na uuzaji wa mafuta ya
kupikia kwenye chupa za maji? Jumaa Mohamed: Uuuzaji wa mafuta mara ya kwanza ulianza kwa ajili ya wakangaa samaki ambao hawana vyombo vya kubebea, lakini pia ni kivutio kwa watu wengine ambao ni wanapita hapa kama watembeaji. Nilimuuliza: Katika muundo wa duka, hii grill ni kwa ajili ya nini, usalama? Jumaa Mohamed: Kuweka grill katika usanifu wa maduka ni lazima, lakini pia sio lazima, kuhusu usalama ni kwa mfano nimetoka kidogo unaweza kurudishia geti la grill ili usifunge milango ya chuma...Pia usiku mtu akivunja anakutana na hii grill kabla hajamalizia, hii inatosha kuwaamsha atu kabla hajaiba. Nilimuuliza: Kwa nini maduka yapo mengi zaidia barabara hii? Ukiambiwa uchague wapi kwa kujenga soko lako utachagua wapi? Jumaa Mohamed: Hii ndio njia kubwa ya kuingia na kutokea katika soko la samaki…ndio maana wateja wengi wanatokea barabara hii.
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Kwa kifupi nitakwambia uniweke sehemu hii au hapo kwenye soko la samaki. Watu wengi wanakuja sio tu kwa samaki hata kutembea pia (na hapo tunapata wateja.) Nilimuuliza: Unahakikishaje unapata wateja ikiwa kila duka lina uza bidhaa zile zile an wengi mpo sehemu moja? Jumaa Mohamed: Wateja huangalia unyeyekevu wa wauzaji, lakini pia uelewa (naman muuzaji anavyo-msaidia mteja mwenye uhitaji wa kueleweshwa kitu), pia wanaangalia kama muuzaji anaweza kukudhamini (kukukopesha), basi wateja wenzake pia watafuata vile vile. Sio kila mwenye duka yupo hivyo.
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