Groundhopping – a phenomenon in European fan culture

Groundhopping – a phenomenon in European fan culture Hendrik Kren PhD-Student, University of Kiel

1 Introduction – What is groundhopping? The term 'groundhopping' originates from the late 1980s and consists of the two English words 'ground' and 'to hop'. It describes fans who try to see football matches in as many different stadiums or grounds as possible. The 1990 World Cup was the main factor in the increase of the number of groundhoppers in Germany: After the World Cup, German football fans started attending matches abroad, especially European Cup matches. Groundhopping as a hobby is most popular in its originating country, which is Great Britain and in Germany. There are only few groundhoppers in other European countries and they are not institutionally organized as those in England and Germany. This presentation focuses on the analysis of German groundhoppers. Many groundhoppers, similar to ultras, have dedicated their whole lives to their hobby. Therefore groundhopping is a good example of how people define themselves through their hobbies in postmodern society. How do groundhoppers constitute themselves in the everyday practices? To answer this question, interviews with several groundhoppers, who participate in this hobby differently, were conducted.1 2 History of groundhopping Even in the early 1970s there were groups of people, who followed their teams around. However, they were not designated as groundhoppers and probably knew nothing of each other (cf. Heinisch, 2000, 15). In October 1974, the Brit Geoff Rose in an article published in the Football League Review suggested to produce a tie for all individuals who had visited the stadiums of all the 92 clubs in the English Premier League as well as the three subsequent leagues. Four years later, Gordon Pearce had the idea to establish a club for all the persons who had visited the 92 stadiums. He proposed his idea to the Football League, which welcomed his proposal. His idea was widely spread by the media, including the Daily Express, the Sun, and even stadium magazines. Consequently, the 'Club 92' was founded in 1978 (cf. Heinisch, 2000, 16pp.). Unlike other groundhoppers, members of 'Club 92' limited their stadium visits almost exclusively to games on the British Isles. The Club’s members are expected to keep statistics of their stadium visits, including dates, teams as well as the result and the number of spectators (cf. Heinisch, 2000, 16pp.). 1

The names of all interview partners were made anonymous.

In addition to 'Club 92', there exists another groundhopping association in the UK: the '38 Club', in which all groundhoppers, who have seen a Match in all the 'Scottish League Grounds', can become members (cf. Heinisch, 2000, 18). As I mentioned before, the 1990 World Cup acted as the main factor for the increase in the number of groundhoppers in Germany. Two years later, the 'Vereinigung der Groundhopper Deutschlands (V.d.G.D.)' was established as a consequence. Membership in this club is open to all groundhoppers who have already seen 300 grounds according to the 'Groundhopping Informer' 2, or have seen football games in at least 30 countries (cf. Heinisch, 2000, 15p.). The members of this association can be described as 'Organisationselite'3 (Hitzler/Niederbacher, 2010, 22). However, unlike other institutions, the V.d.G.D. is a weak institution, because the majority of people who practice this hobby are not members. There are currently 75 members (cf. Vereinigung der Groundhopper Deutschlands, 2013), whereas the number of non-members is at least 1000. 3 Influences on daily life through this hobby Travelling is a central motif in this hobby. As most groundhoppers travel very frequently, to see as many new football stadiums in different cities, regions and countries as possible. Yet, according to the theories of Erving Goffman there is a modulation of the frame 'travelling' (cf. Goffman, 1980, 60-91), because travelling mostly only serves the following purpose: '[…] and I just drive 1200 kilometres southwards, 1200 kilometres to the north for two times 90 minutes of football on a Saturday.' (Interview Peter) As is the case with 'normal' travellers, escapism (cf. Urbain, 1997, 22-25) is also a widespread motif among groundhoppers (cf. Interview Michael). For some groundhoppers, just as for normal travellers, tourist sights in foreign cities play an equally important role. But my analysis showed that this is only an important fact for groundhoppers at the periphery of the scene. For most groundhoppers, who practice this hobby intensively, the sights play a minor and most commonly even no role on their journeys (cf. Interview Peter). Another important aspect of this hobby aside from travelling is collecting. Many groundhoppers want to complete leagues, meaning that they have seen a match in every stadium of a certain league. Once a league is complete, they only visit the stadiums of ascents and descents or newly constructed stadiums in the beginning of a season (cf. Interview Max; Interview Peter; Interview David and Stephan). In contrast, there are also some groundhoppers who do not depend on the finalization of leagues and pick the stadiums by interest (cf. Interview Andrea; Interview Markus). 2

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The 'Groundhopping Informer' is a book, which is published by members of the 'Vereinigung der Groundhopper Deutschlands' and it contains information on all grounds in the first leagues worldwide. Groundhoppers can count their visited stadiums in the book and can see which grounds are missing. Organisational elite.

Two aspects, which have a particularly great influence on the daily lives of many groundhoppers, were evident in the interviews, as well as in the published experience reports: the 'communal relationship' in the sense of Max Weber as well as individualization as its counter-part. Many groundhoppers socialise with other football fans and / or other groundhoppers. This environment creates a network of similarly minded people: '[...] but it’s like umm ... I don't know, others play with their friends ... on Saturdays ... just some footy or... I don’t know go to the pubs in the evening and we travel with our friends ... on groundhopping-tours [...] the common denominator is football, in many other regards we are very different people and that is also very exciting.' (Interview Andrea) The social action provided in this example is, according to Max Weber, affectually and traditionally determined. The actions of the individual actors are mutually inter-related. Thus, both constitutive conditions for a 'communal relationship' are given (cf. Weber, 1976, 12pp.). This 'communal relationship' is based on a subjective sense of community of the people involved (cf. Weber, 1976, 21). It can therefore be assumed that the element of communal relationship constitutes an important aspect for many groundhoppers. Groundhopping as a hobby exemplifies the trend that subjects are increasingly turning to an individualistic and lifestyle-oriented mode of consumption. These trends are observable in society since the 1970s and 1980s. In these modes, the subject tries to build a relationship with itself apart from the work environment. Work is thus only of secondary importance to the subjects. In this new form of consumption, especially intangible objects are the mainly consumed goods. For example, entertainment events, such as sport events or similar events, offer spectacular and extraordinary experiences to the consumer. The consumption of this selection of offered tangible and intangible objects is for the subjects based on two self-related criteria: 'den Kriterien der Eignung der Objekte zu “adventures in sensation, new 'sensory mixes'” sowie ihrer Eignung als Versatzstücke, um dem Subjekt Expressivität eines eigenen, authentischen “Stils” zu ermöglichen' 4 (Reckwitz, 2010, 561). The consumer subject seeks its satisfaction in the special object of consumption, which is reflected for example in the choice of recreational activity or style of dress. The creative consumerist subject of postmodernism seeks a result of the search for this satisfaction according to personal 'selfgrowth' (cf. Reckwitz, 2010, 587pp.). The subjects select the items available on the market by a comparison of these offers, which ensures the greatest possible contribution to their own selfcreation and the creation of aesthetic experience. Through these ways of consumption, the subject must practice constantly to guarantee its individual distinctiveness from other subjects. The creation of this difference, establishing itself as a cultural subject requirement, at the same time also implies 4

Criteria of the aptitude of these objects to provide experiences of”'adventures in sensation, new 'sensory mixes'” as well as their suitability as set pieces which enable the subject to express its own authentic style.

the transfer of authenticity (cf. Reckwitz, 2010, 599-603). Consequently, in addition to the people to whom the 'communal relationship' is a high priority in their hobby, some groundhoppers award greater value to their own 'success'. These people want to see as many new grounds as possible. To them their hobby is more important than all other activities, including their work: '[…] but this addiction to see a new stadium, pushes me to organise my spare time around it, umm, well, or to schedule family events in a way that leaves the weekends open for football.' (Interview Peter) 'So it’s really the top priority; you don’t actually live for work, even though, of course, you already do that to an extent, and leisure is just that. … It’s the most important thing you have […].' (Interview Peter) In this case, the commitment of the groundhopper for his 'passion' is independent of other obligations. This commitment is also not directed towards its effectiveness and not balanced against other alternatives. This groundhopper is thus to be regarded as 'Szenegänger', who are focussed on value-rational (social) action, according to Max Weber (cf. Hitzler/Niederbacher, 2010, 187). 'Der Lebensvollzug des Szenegängers ist augenscheinlich klar am Szeneengagement orientiert. Alle anderen Lebensbereiche und Belange treten zwar nicht grundsätzlich in den Hintergrund, werden aber in der Regel sozusagen 'um das Leben in der Szene' herum organisiert' 5 (Hitzler/Niederbacher, 2010, 188). Thus he tinkers the parts of which his life consists around his involvement in the scene rather than considering the consequences of this involvement (cf. Hitzler/Niederbacher, 2010, 188). This also shows that the juvenility, understood as a 'mental disposition', is increasingly becoming a 'real' existential option for people of any age (cf. Hitzler/Niederbacher, 2010, 196). The analysis of relevant experience reports and interviews with groundhoppers shows that this individual attitude goes even further for some groundhoppers, who subordinate – even a permanent job or a relationship – to their hobby. This is shown by the following quote from 1999 by Carlo Farsang: 'Ich habe mittlerweile alles im Leben in den Hintergrund gestellt, es ist alles zweitrangig geworden. Die Arbeit, meine Beziehungen. Mein Ziel ist es, meinen Lebensunterhalt zu verdienen, um zum Fußball fahren zu können. Groundhopper und 'Privat'mensch – ich möchte das alles so in einen Topf schmeißen.'6 (Heinisch, 2000, 43p.) While in this context, it can also be spoken of individualization, in this case the valence takes precedence as Carlo Farsang’s action is subordinated in his quest for satisfaction of a unique value. A valence is generally understood to be a value. Subjects in today's society live in many different 5

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The life of the scene goer is evidently based on scene commitment. While all other areas of life and personal life are not generally pushed in the background, they will usually be, so to speak, organised around 'life in the scene'. I have pushed everything else in my life in the background, it has all become secondary. My goal is to earn a living, in order to be able to go to football matches. Being a groundhopper and a 'private person - I want to throw everything in a pot.

networks of individuals, are dependent of other subjects and base their actions on these subjects – thus they form structure of interdependences. These bonds between the individual subjects are characterized by Norbert Elias, as valences. Elias particularly emphasizes the affective valences (cf. Elias, 1991, 11p.). As the individual subjects seeks to achieve its own satisfaction within these bonds, the satisfaction is not only dependent on their own bodies, but also strongly influenced by the other subjects. Through the bonds between the individual subjects, their actions have a value of their own as well as those of other subjects. On one side, the affects determine the actions of the individual subjects while on the other side the action intentions are the result of emotions (cf. Elias, 1991, 145-150). Using the valences, subjects strive for their own social homeostasis (cf. Heller, 1981, 53-60), that is their own self-realization.7 For example, Carlo Farsang terminated an electrician apprenticeship after 3 ½ months and a baker's apprentice after one year, in order to intensify his hobby: 'Ich mache diesen Kompromiß nicht mehr: Arbeit oder Fußball. Fernsehsender oder Fußball. Frau oder Fußball. Für mich gibt es nur noch das eine: Fußball! Diese Einschüchterung, daß man heute froh sein muß, einen Arbeitsplatz zu haben – die wirkt bei mir nicht. Ich habe nicht dieses Sicherheitsdenken. Wenn ich mir ein Ziel gesetzt habe, ich muß dahin, dann werde ich auf Biegen und Brechen versuchen, da hinzukommen.' 8 (Heinisch, 2000, 48) For Carlo Farsang today his hobby still plays an important role, but there has been a shift in the balance since he met his wife. Now, he has limited his football travels to three or four trips per year and works as an independent contractor (cf. Heinisch, 2008, 272pp.). While Carlo Farsang, before reaching his own homeostasis (cf. Heller, 1981, 53-60) through his hobby, he also experiences this through his wife. As the pursuit of satisfaction is highly dependent on other subjects, it can be said that Carlo Farsang’s affective valence has found its satisfaction in the emotional relationship with his wife (cf. Elias, 1991, 145-150). 4 Stigma of deviant subjects This attitude is also evident in the media discourse on this hobby. Persons, who are groundhoppers are mainly attributed a deviant behaviour in this discourse. This has to be primarily attributed to the fact that the protagonists of the various media sources subordinate everything else, such as a lucrative job, to their hobby. This behaviour is further reinforced by the fact that in the media discourse most middle-aged groundhoppers, who appear in the reports, for monetary reasons live with their parents. Additionally, they state that football contributes more to their lives than being in 7

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For the relationship between valences and homeostasis as well as the valent acting cf.: Schmidt, Andreas: Subjektpositionen, Multitude und die Potenzialanalysen. Eine Einführung. (unpublished manuscript). I do not make this compromise anymore: work or football. Television or football. Woman or football. For me there is only one thing: football! This self-intimidation that you have to be happy today to have a job – that does not affect me. I do not have this fear about security. When I set a goal, I have to achieve it, no matter the cost.

a relationship. Accordingly, groundhoppers take a lot of hardships to enable their hobby – which, to this extent, would generally not be the case for other hobbies. The media stigmatise the individuals who are called groundhoppers, as deviant subjects (cf. Deutsches Sportfernsehen, 2002; Westdeutscher Rundfunk, 2004; HR-Info, 2012; Westdeutscher Rundfunk, n.d.). 5 Edge of the frame “groundhopping” For events or activities, that are considered as a frame, there can always be an edge of the frame determined, by which this frame is related to other frames and activities (cf. Goffman, 1980, 276). Accordingly to this, different edges can be observed for the hobby of groundhopping. In the interviews it was emphasized by several groundhoppers, that it is important for them to also have social contacts outside of football and pursue other activities. The interviewed groundhoppers, who belong to the periphery of this hobby, stated in the interviews that they would like to engage in more international groundhopping. Yet, they put their focus on other activities such as their work or their academic studies (cf. Interview David and Stephan). Further, some groundhoppers, who practice this hobby intensively, in the interviews mentioned that there is an edge of the frame groundhopping for them, such as work, family and love, and friends (cf. Interview Andrea; Interview Markus; Interview Michael). Nevertheless, there are also groundhoppers, which – although already located in the centre of this hobby – would prefer to practice their hobby more intensively (cf. Interview Max).

6 Conclusion How do groundhoppers constitute themselves in the everyday practices? The analysis of groundhopping has shown that individual groundhoppers in society constitute themselves in very different ways through their hobby. For the groundhoppers of the periphery groundhopping represents a recreational activity among many others, which they like to pursue along with other hobbies such as travelling and sightseeing. These people do not define themselves mainly through groundhopping and have other priorities in their lives, such as their work or studies. These options have a higher value for them, as they promise higher benefits for their own homeostasis. Other groundhoppers define themselves mostly through their hobby, and thus have a typical postmodern behaviour, where the subject’s own individual style is constituted mainly by leisure and not defined by work. Groundhopping receives a higher priority than other activities in the life of these subjects. These groundhoppers strive to achieve 'self-growth' (Reckwitz, 2010, 589) through their

hobby and try to see as many new Grounds as possible. Due to the demands placed on the subject in a market of different lifestyles and the possibility of choosing and being selected by other subjects, the subjects are asked to create their own authentic style (cf. Reckwitz, 2010, 589). This behaviour has strong individualization tendencies. For these people their daily lives are clearly aligned with the scene engagement, so that all other areas of life will be subordinated. The actions of these individuals are of value-rational justification. Other groundhoppers define themselves through their hobby, but this hobby in connection with the effect of the 'communal relationship' in this case is one of the main motivations for this hobby. Social contacts outside of football or the groundhopping community have a high priority for many groundhoppers, but it seems to be difficult for many to maintain these contacts due to their timeconsuming hobbies. Partnerships are often problematic because most groundhoppers invest a lot of time in their hobby. The protagonists in the analysed documentations reported that it is almost impossible to find a partner with this hobby. The same problem was also addressed in the interviews (cf. Interview Peter). However, there are partnerships in which groundhopping is a common hobby and no obstacle. As an example, Max and Andrea are mentioned, who are married to each other and go on groundhopping tours together. This study has also shown that some groundhoppers define themselves through their hobby, as well as their profession, because they award both options a high value and would deny also new stadium points for their work. However, this dispensation among persons who pursue this hobby occurs due to the fact that the necessary economic capital, which this hobby requires, is accumulated through work. A permanent job is an existential issue for many groundhoppers in order to go on with their hobby. This is clearly demonstrated by groundhoppers who harbour the desire to dedicate their whole live to their hobby. Their projects can mostly not be realized because of their economic situation. Nevertheless, it could be demonstrated by example of Carlo Farsang that there are people whose actions are solely oriented on the pursuit of their own homeostasis (cf. Heller, 1981, 53-60), while the economic chapter takes a subordinate role. Within this pursuit of their own self-realization, which should be achieved through the hobby, valence action is aligned with the economic chapter only to the extent that temporary work or other works locally are necessary to fund the hobby.

Sources and Literature Primary Sources Heinisch, Jörg (2000). Abenteuer Groundhopping. Wenn Fußballfans Stadien sammeln. Completely revised and enlarged 2nd edition. Kassel: Agon. Heinisch, Jörg (2008). Abenteuer Groundhopping kennt keine Grenzen. Kassel: Agon. Internet Sources Vereinigung der Groundhopper Deutschlands (2013). http://www.europlan-online.de/index.php? s=vdgd, date accessed 17 June 2013.

Media Sources Deutsches Sportfernsehen (2002). DSF Reportage – Die Groundhopper. HR-Info (2012). Menschen. Vom Glück des Stadion-Sammelns – der hessische Groundhopper Thorsten Mankel. Westdeutscher Rundfunk (2004). Wat is – Jetzt neu!. Vol. 7. Westdeutscher Rundfunk. (n.d.). Groundhopper Nachtsicht – Stadion der Sucht.

Interviews Interview with Max, 29.06.2012. Interview with Michael, 29.06.2012. Interview with Andrea, 29.06.2012. Interview with David and Stephan, 23.07.2012. Interview with Peter, 06.08.2012. Interview with Markus, 21.11.2012.

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