suo!yqgsul le!3os c auwoit ,j .-ei xneAap puqoa lawsI $lm!Nl~ TO THE STUDENTS OF THE ECOLE BIBLIQUB WlTH WHOM I HAVE LEARNED WHAT THIS BOOK CONTAINS PREFACE NSTITUTIONS are the various forms in which the EC&I life of a people f&s expression. Some it will take for granted as a matter of custom; others it will adopt ofiu own choice; and yet otbenwiU be imposed upon it by an authority. Individuals are subject to the nation’s institutions, but the institutions themselves exist. ultimately, for the sake of the society whose welfare they promote, whether rhe society be small as a family, or large as a state or religious community. Again, the institutions of a society will vary with time and place, and will depend, to some extent, on natural conditions such as geography and &mat& but their distinguishing chuacteristic is that they all proceed, in the end, from the human will. The institutions ofa people with a long past are therefore closely bound up not only with the territory in which it has lived but with history. They will be made to suit that p-eople, and will bear the mark of its psychology, of its ideas on man, the world and God. Like its literature. its an. its science and religion, its institutions too are an element in, and an expression of, its civilization. In order to understand and describe these ancient witnesses to the life of a people, the historian has to take into account all the traces of the past. Clearly, written documenti have pride of place, but the things which sutivc, even the humblest remains of man’s l&our, cannot be passed over. Everything is grist which will enable us to reconstruct the condit~bns and the setting of the people’s social life. Because of these various relations with other sciences, the institutions of Israel have usually been studied as part of a larger whole. Long treatises have been devoted to them in the classic historical works. the Gewhichtc des Volkes Israel by Rudolf Kittel, and especially in Schiirer’s Gexhichfr des jiidiwhen Volkes for the last period of the Old Testament. Conversely, the recent studies by J. Pirenne on Les Inrritufionr des HJbrew~ follow the historical development. Formerly, institutions were treated under the heading of Antiquitafes Hebraicoe, but nowadays they are associated with archaeology, and are thus presented by I. Bentiger in Hebriische Arch&@, 3rd edition, 1927, by F. N&scher in Biblische Altertumshunde, 1940. and by A. G. Bnrrois in Manuel d’Archt%ogie Biblique, I, 1939; II, 1953. Ample space is devoted to them in histories of civilization, such as A. Bertholcr, Kulturgcschichte Inaelr, 1919, and J. Pedersen, Israel, its Lij nnd Cslrw, I-II, 1926; III-IV, 1940. I. Ar&“<~d’H~~#0n<du Dni, onmin,. IV. ,P,P, pp. rr+; v. ,910. pp. 99-111; Rwur ,“,<mnri.nEI. *‘Lho~r‘& I’AndQiili. 1. IPl2, pp. 3,-w *I, 191,. pp. Iop-I,5.: III, 191,. pp. IP,-l,l. I I --._ and indeed foreshadow. III quoting &em.e. is not intended for speci&se in biblical studies. institutions occupy a subordinate place. and those more recent studies which seem most useful and from which the author has drawn his information. and the sanctuaries where the priests directed worship. i- . literary criticism must assign data to the various passages. and these same ideas find conscious expression in worship and liturgy. and Israel had constant contact with them throughout its long history. it is meant to help towards an intelligent reading of the Bible. but the historical. all the more interesting because it tells us what actually did happen and not what ought to have happened. This bibliography. But it was among the latter that 1srae1 carved out for itself a homeland. the tombs at which the funeral rites were performed. It shows us the ramparts which armies defended. the towns administered by the elders of the people 01 the king’s offi&ls. is only an auxilixy science. with Mesopotamia. Archaeolog y. and the reader may sometimes feel that he is very far from the spiritual and doctrinal message he seeks for in the Bible. the status of foreigners. of slaves. but he is also providing weapons against himself. Egypt and Asia Minor. To make use of all these texts calls for accurate exegesis. funeral rites. the study of the material remains of the past. hence the book begins with an introductory study of nom&m. we must compare them with those of iu neighbows. but it has been felt that Old Testament institutions could well form the subject ofa special study. the notions of personality and the I& of the king. and often in direct contact with the message it enshrines. is LUX meant to be complete. and a man is better able to hear its tones if he listens to it in the actual surroundings in which it wa first given to mankind. the gates where justice was administered and the merchants set up their stalls. the Bible does not treat directly of these questions. which helps us to reconstruct the actual setting in which the institutiom functioned: but it reveals to us the houses in which families lived. there are many references to biblical texts. for the development of institutions followed the cause of history. the connection between the law--even profane law-and the Covenant with God. and with the little states of Syria and Palestine. Nomadic customs and tribal organization left traces on the life of Israel long after the settlement in Canaan. The present book offers only the conclusions of all this research. with their scales and the weights they kept in thdr purses. be wishes to acknowledge his debt to those who have studied these questions before him. however. The inquiring reader may look and choose for himself The subjec-matter of the book is restricted by its title to the Old Testament period.“Ill PREFACE PREPACE ix AU these works xc exellent and have constantly been used in the prepandon of this book. rather. the manner of waging war-all these Aect religious ideas. he is always on the border-land of biblical religion. Finally. The institutions of the Chosen People prepare the way for. Everything in this slcred past matters to us. it contains only such older works z have not been superseded. and before we can draw conclurions. for many of these works put forward solutions very different from those he has finally adopted. Those who wish to check his statements and to form their own judgment will find the necessary material in the bibliographical notes which are grouped according to the chaptea. in the s&t sense. Nevertheless. and the New Testament period is called as witness only by way of clarification or addition. The second volume’ will deal with military and religiom institutions. prophetical and wisdom books contain much information. Family customs. Many of the suggestions or statements advanced here need to be more fully supported and are based on findings of textual. Next cane family institutions. the institutions of the community of the elect. then civil and political institutions. For this the main source is evidently the Bible its& Except in the legislative and ritual sections. if we wish to have a real understanding of the institutions of Israel. He can only hope that his readers will have confidence in him. where information is plentiful. but the author has deliberately re&ained &on over-technical discussions and from leading the pages with erudite footnotes. the capitals where the court resided. Consequently. In the study of the Old Testament itself. literary or historical criticism which are open to debate. i. This book. for the Word of God is a living thing. where it is scanty. many of them were founded about the same time. however. where the numeration of verses differs among the various translations. T .9ncien Teshm~mt. he has also brought the entire bibliography up to date to the beginning of 1961. The principal additions wiU be found on pp. 14% 183 and 303. in particular. and the main references have been given first. the first volume was published in 1958. for the promptness with which he has answered all my queries. 130 and 208. it would have been cumbersome to refer to all the numerations in both Catholic and non-Catholic versions. Paris. and for enabling us to include so much new material. especially in the Bibliography. Greek or Aramaic). and the main corrections on pp. The index has been rearranged and expanded. 82. Abraham) have been broken down into sub-headings. The spelling of proper names follows that to be adopted in the forthcomingjerw&m Bilk. the second in ~+a. published in two volumes by Ler Pditims du Cerf. the longer entries (e.g. but it incorporatss a number of additions and corrections which Fr de Vaux wishes to see inserted in the text. 3% 58. It only remains for me to thank Fr de Vaux for the interest he has taken in this aamlation. Biblical references are in way instance to the original text (Hebrew.1 the English edition of the Bible deJ&ualem. The tralulation has been made from this first edition of the French original. but they can always be found by referring to the Bible de Jbrusnlem.TRANSLATOR’S NOTE HIS bwk is a translation ofLes Institutions de 1. The references have therefore been left as they stand.~ but biblical wanes have been registered in the index under the spelling given in the Authorized Version as well. Mmiafe ceremonies 6. Adultery and fornication I.... 7k levirufe 3. The fypical Inaelile mmn’age 3. Choosing the bride 4. The Rekabiter Phar I I. En&vmus 5.) Song of Songs (Knox) ’ Oxe Abdiar Michaus Sophonias Aggaeus Apmalypx FAMILY INSTITUTIONS Chapter ~olygomy and monogamy 2.5 Sophonias (So) Aggaew Apmlypx (AP) DC.. Tribal Solidarity and Blood-Vengeance 5.V. 3 4 4 6 7 9 10 10 IZ 13 13 14 Tabias Ecclcsiartes Ecclcsiasticus Canticle of Canticles ID-C. the lists below show the cquivalcnu in the Authorized/King James Version.s~~~on’s NOTE INTRODUCTION NOMADISM AND ITS SURVWAL The Bcrckground 2. THE Posrno~ or WO M E N. Knox JOSUe I Kings 2 Kings 3 figs 4 Kings I Paralipomcna 2 Pnrabpomena I Esdras 2 Esdras Tn. War and raiding 3. Wr~ows . A.j.NOTE ON NOMENCLATURE OF SOME BOOKS OF THE BIBLE AND APOCRYPHA CONTENTS VOLUME I F OR the convenience of readers who are not familiar with the nomcnclarurc adopted in this book. Tke ‘Nomadic Ideal’ ofthe Prophets 8. P4gt vii xi . and in DouaiChalloncr and Knox. Repudiation and divorce 7. Relics of Nomadism 7. where differences octur‘. The Later Development of Tribal Organization in Israel 6. Joshua I Samuel z Samuel I Kings ZKings I Chronicles 2 Chnmicles Eza Nehemiah I E&as 2 F&as Tobir Ecclesiartes Ecclesiaster Solomon In this book J OS”C 1 Samuel (I S) 2 Samuel (2 S) I Kings (I K ) 2 Kings (2 K) I Chronicles (I C h ) 2 Chronicles (2 Ch) Esdrar (Erd) Nehemias (Ne) 3 Es&as 4 Esdns Tobias Qoheleth (Qo) Sirach (Si) Canticle (0) Osee (OS) Abdias (Abd) Michaca. division and disappearance oftribes (c) The organization ondgovemment of n tribe (d) Tribal renifory. Tribal Organization (a) The constitution of a tribe (b) The union. The Low ofHospitality and Asylum 4.. 24 24 26 29 32 33 34 36 37 39 8.jK.. ZCI If1 621 LZI LZI trr fZ1 OZI 611 LII 511 SII III III OII PI LO1 LO1 901 P I for co1 ZOI EOI 001 06 86 sa 56 P6 e6 16 16 88 L8 L8 &.j . 4. The professional army (a) The corps mercenaries (b) The chariotry 3. The ‘Order of the War’from Qumran of .r’“” Amms OF ISRAEL $1 A people under arms 2. The beginning 7.06 Chapter R. Tithes 4. Tke ym. The week of the yro. Penalties IO. The ems CONTENTS xvii P. Ancient Earlem calendars 2. Emfem Iau in ancienr times 3. T HE HOLY WAR I.tiji. The concept the holy war.NTS Page I33 I33 I33 I35 I37 I37 I39 I39 I39 I40 I4I I43 I43 I44 I46 I47 ISO IS2 ISS IS7 IS8 I60 I64 I64 166 I67 I69 I70 I7I I72 I73 I75 I78 I78 180 183 186 Chapter S. Defensive arms 4. The day 3. Thcjubilcc Year 12. The consnipf army of 2. Measures ofcapairy 4..d towns 2. ECONOMIC LIFE I. Faced labou. ‘ Voluntary’ 0. The administmion under ~&mm 3.xvi CONm. ARMM~~NTS I. The w&e. 10. 6.s under the monarchy 4.operty 2. Tke Imelitc caalenda. T HE Ammi~smano~ OF rm K. Linear measwes 3. Law AND JUSTICE I. 13. Semrifiu 7. Imelite ‘mehology’ 2. A short military history o/Israel 2. The coinage PART III MILITARY INSTITUTIONS 1 . Landed p. Royal . Judges and cows of law 7. DIVISIONS OP TM@ I. WBICHTS AND MEAsuIm I .lge 188 I!xJ I93 I95 I95 I96 I99 203 2. The holy wars a the beginning of Ismel’s history 3. 7%~ kingdom of David L. Fortijiedgares and citadels 4. Meawes of weight S. Private vengemce and Cities oJRefugr 11. The conduct ofwa. 7%~ Sabbatical year 9. 5. The religious wm of the Maccabees S. Offensive weapons 2. Conveyances and similar formalities 4. Loam 6. wau I . 3. The month 4. Fo. Sureties and bail 8.even~es and state revenues 2. The king’s legislafive and judicial powers 6. Religion and the ~11. Rocedure 8. exceplional contributions 3. Deposit and hiring 5. The judgment of God 9.NGDOM I. The distrirrs of Judah 4. Family pmperry and loge estates 3. FoRTmaD CITIES AND SIEGE WARPARE I. The sources of Israelite /au. Siege wmfare 5. FINANCE AND Pusuc WORKS I. The disnicts of the kingdom of 1me1 S. Chmuteristics o/ Ismelite law S. and its rites 2. Local administmticn 9. Ramparts 3. The consequences ofwa. Legislative codes 2. supply 3. . Tke lower-ranking personnel 7.3 435 438 440 441 442 443 443 444 447 447 448 448 _---~- - - - . Zsmrlite altars outside the main sanctuary 3. The priestly tribe of Levi 4. Was sanijce II gij to o mufevolenr or a se&h deity? z. Were there propkelr am&d to the Temple? a. The religious signijiunce of altars 4. The shcwbread 6. Tm RmGIous SrcNlncaNce OP SacRmcE I . The origin of the Levites 7. Etymoio~y 2. Ebyarhar and Sadoq 2. The hierarchy 5. The revmntes of rhe Temple and of the clergy (a) The Temple (b) ~+?Y 9. Mesopotamian smijice 7r. The revmws of the clergy 6. Tm Rrrun~ OF Sacarnce I . Historic. THE LBVITES CONTENTS xxi Pap 358 30 359 360 361 361 362 364 366 367 369 372 372 375 376 377 379 382 384 387 388 390 391 391 392 393 394 397 397 398 400 401 403 403 404 406 46 407 409 The altars in Solomon’s Temple (a) The alrar of holomsrs (b) The altar aperfumes 5. 7% hereditary priesthood 3.xx Chapter 6. The origin of the sacrificial ritual of Israel 5. Did sacrt$ce achieve union with the deity by magic! (a) Union with 0 god by man’s eating a divine vi&n 433 43. The Reviles in the work of the Chronicler (a) The Zmites md the Ark (b) The singers (c) The door-keepers (d) O&r Zmitiarlfutiions 3. Offerings of incemr 12. Vegetable &rings 5. The altm wed in the desert 10.. Ho1ocausu 2.4 development (a) Non-Imitical priests (b) Imite priests Page 410 410 411 412 412 413 415 41s 417 418 418 qzo 420 421 422 423 6. The priests and the kings 4. ‘Sotas of Sadoq’ and ‘Sons of Aaron’ 4. TAB FXUE I. The &rs in Be second Temple 7. Pre-Lmrlite altars in Palestim 2. ALTARS 1. Tm ORlGlN OP Ismma RnUN I. The high priest (a) His tiLleS (b) The investiture of the high priest (c) The high priest md the idea cfkingship (d) The sucressiDn of high priests 5. Human sacriJice in Israel (a) Human smrijces in historical texts (b) Prophetiml texts (c) The law concerning &fin-born (d) Sanifices to Moloch 13. Canaanile sac&e 4. The alror of Ezechiel 6. Was them em (I non-priestly @ibe called Levi? 7. l-m PUWHOOD IN Jmusrm~ UNDBR THB MONARCHY I. Erpiatory siurijices (a) Sacrijia/or sin . I. Communion sari&es 3. (b) The snnifice of rejmtion (c) The distinctimr between sarriJice for sin and the sam~ce of reparation 4. TEE PRIBETHOOD APrEP. Thr descendants of Sadoq 3. Z’riests and Zmites down to the period of Esdms and Nchemias 2. Sacrifice among the ancient Arabs 3. SECONDARY ACTS OP THE Cl_mr 1. The feasts of the Passover and of Unleavmed Bread (a) The historical development (b) The origin of the Passover (c) The origin o/the feast of LJnlemmzed Bread (d) Their coonn~cCm t&h the history of s&o&m 2. The feast of the Hanukkah (a) The origin ond history ?fthejeost (b) The rim: the Hmukkah and rhejast of Tent5 (c) Was there my pafm in&mtce in the origin o. rhc riler of the Hanukkah? 3. The antiquity of the sabbath 6. The feast of Purim (a) 11s date and it3 rites (b) Purim and Be Book of&her (c) The origin ofrhejeat 484 484 484 488 490 492 493 495 495 496 498 500 502 504 507 507 507 508 509 5x0 510 511 513 514 514 515 51s XX” 14. 2. THE LATER Fmsrs 1.aye. Tm Lmmc~ar CALENDAR I. The history of the sobbath 17. The feast of weeks 3. Riles oJ~pu. THE ANCIENT FEASTS OF ISRAEL I.CONmNTS mm War s&Jice a meal taken by the god? 4. (a) The namer of the feat: irs in~porlance (b) Its historical development (c) 1rs dares (d) The origin ofthejeasr 4. The Jeaxr of Tents . wur there afearr qfrhr Enrhrorrmmr oJ Yahtueh? 18. (a) Pmyer and the m/r (b) The place and rime of prayer. The religious cnlendm (a) The Elohistic Code ojthe Covenmr (b) The Yahlvistic Code ofthe Covmanr (c) Deuteronomy (d) The Low qfHo/iness (c) Ezechiel XIV Ii 1X lxiii lxvxiv .te~m-nt (a) The ritual of expiaticm (b) The goat ‘4. War there a New Yearjnrt? 5. Ourline of a theory of ranijice I?) .&n (a) cencrol . Rites oJconsec. lep. ‘The Day of A~o.gicalp.arion (a) Smifces and ablutions @) The ashes offhe red he-i/& (c) The rifuoljo. Litu. The religious &t~iJicmce of the sabbath 7.osy 3. The ordinary services in the Temple (a) The daily services (b) The sabbath (c) The new moon 2.iJicarion md oJdemnser. Azazcl (c) When wm the feast hrstiwed? 2..emmkr @) Vows (c) The Nmirifer 15. 448 449 451 451 453 453 454 457 457 457 458 460 460 461 462 464 464 465 466 468 468 468 469 469 470 471 471 472 472 473 473 473 475 475 476 478 478 chapter 5.he& ommunion (c) Expiafion 3. et. INTRODUCTION Nomadism and its Survival . and when they came to settle down as a nation. they still retained sane characteristics of that earlier way of life. some will continue to live in tents with the flocks. and the distances he travels from one grazing ground to the next are necessarily shorter. The fan is. the shepherd ceases m be a true nomad. that even in the comparatively small area of the Middle East. and ethnographical studies about the Arabs of w-day. however. The biblical records preserve many ancient traditions about the early life of the Israelites. (I) The real nomad. We have other sources of infottnation too: texts about the Atabs in pm-Islamic times. Even to-day. (2) A nomad. these differences persist (though one wonders how much longer any form ofnomadism can survive). like their ancestors before them. may breed only sheep and goats. for his grazing lies along their borders. but then he must follow a mute where the watering-places are not tw distant from one another. Consequently. Sometimes he does covet considerable ground. 01 at least traverse. This type of Bedouin lives mainly in the half-desert region (where the rainfall is 4-m inches). and has very little ccxxact with settled people. by race and countty. one must beware of hasty cornparisons which may overlook essential di&ences. on the other hand. great care is needed in interpretin g these records. lived as nomads or semi-nomads. and what we know of pre4atnic. are closely related to the Israelites. at least during the winter and the spting. there have always been different types of nomads. He has far mote contact with the settled regions. The Background . These nomad Arabs. but since this evidence has been to some extent systematized by later editorsof the books. where the annual rainfall is less than 4 inches. (3) Once he begins to raise cattle as well as flocks. and what is true of one type is not necessarily true of another. Depending on the extent to which he is tied to the land. any study of Old Testament insdtutions must begin with an investigation into nom&m. He travels enortnous distances with his herds in search of grazing.T the beginning of their history the lsraelites. regions which are strictly desert. modem and contemporary Arab life can help us m undentand mire clearly the primitive organizaion of Israel. begins to cultivate the land and to build houses. such a man is either half a nomad or half a settler. He settles in one place. and these flocks are not so hardy. He cm live in. i. or true Bedouin (the word means ‘man of the desert’) is a camel-breeder. they need m drink mcxe often and catma survive on the rough pastures which are sufficient for camels.e. and these are of first importance in our study. In and between these main types ofsociety there are ofcourse intermediate A I. Among the group. however. e. however. in his eyes. that is. in the early days of Islam. and two allied tribes descend from two ancestors who were brothers in the strict sense. the unit of society must be compact enough to remain mobile. an individual who is separated from his own group must be able to count without question on a welcome from the groups through which he passes or which he joins.‘You are my brothers. in their time. they all consider themselves ‘bro&@T $~~~~e~@c. In practice. the descendants of Am&k. Neither the Israelites nor their ancestors were ever true Bedouin. tbir unit is the tribe. and especially ‘the house ofJoseph’. we are therefore justified in using. must now claim our attention for a time. for example. in the desert there is no police force or court ofjustice with authority over the tribes. the son of Al-I$rith. the whole social organization of the desert is summed up in a genealogy. Each tribe is called by the name or surname of that mcestor. and that the relationship between different tribes is also explained in terms of kinship. consequently. These genealogies. both ‘Judah’ and ‘sons of Judah’ and so on. real or supposed. the important fact is that the nomad believes he is of the same blood as the rest of his tribe. the haunt of brigands. This is one factor which puts limits on the comparisons which can be drawn from the Bedouin whom ethnographers have studied. but this political and economic union has since been expressed in a genealogical table. with due reservation. but whatever their value. The mere fact of living in tbc same region leads groups of families to join together. half nomad or half settler. and he goes so far as to tell all the elders ofJudah. The latter represent the same social type as the earliest Israelite groups. the fact remains that the Israelites or their ancestors did live for a time in the desert as nomads or semi-nomads. On the other hand. yet strong enough to ensure its own safety. In the Bible. We know of a tribe called the Khoza‘a (‘Separated’). Finally. 2. whom they call Kboza’a. led to the composition of those great genealogies catalogued by Wiisrenfeld. They no longer wander so far afield for pasture. In the desert. Their fathers kept sheep and goats. but always ‘sons of Amman’ (except in two instances. were formerly camel-breeders. It was this idea which. in the sense of family or descendants: ‘the house of Israel’. because it separated from the Azd at the time of the great Yemenite dispersion. As~yr&te~t&&w the same usage in references to Aramaean groups who lived in conditions similar to those of the first Israelites: bit (house of) Yakin and mar (sons of) Yakin. this is the basis of the law of hospitality and asylum. and liable for its punishment--the law of blood-vengeance. In bis eyes. These modem writers have also studied sheep-breeding tribes who are beginning to settle down. Arab examples are innumerable. about the ancestor from whom it claims descent. . The sheep-breeders of to-day. you are of my flesh and of my bones’ (z S 19: 13). Instead of ‘sons’ we may find ‘house’. whose name signifies clearly enough just how the group was formed. because neither they nor their ancestors had ever known this life. long after the settlement. the terms are even used. The Israelites had no such memories. Weak elements are absorbed by stranger neighbours. ‘Confederates’. There three sociological facts. In the Mid-Euphrates region there is a group of small sheep-breeding tribes called the ‘Aged% i. such a life entails a distinct pattern of sodety. we find both ‘Israel’ and ‘sons of Israel’. These traditions are not always historically true. though they may be accurate for a small group.4 lNTRODUCnON l*RODUCnON 5 stages and hybrid forms. and therefore everyone mwt give it. other factors besides cmnmcm descent may help to constitute a tribe. Nevertheless. Each tribe descends from a single ancestor. and enjoins a code of behaviour all of its own. Tribal Orpirarion (a) The constifution o/a tribe A tribe is an autonomous group of families who believe they are descended ’ from a common ancestor. Anyone may have need of this help. then. or even land at the far ends of the track of its migration. there war no real ‘desert civilization’ to lay down codes of behaviour. What unites all the tribesmen. the group as a whole is held responsible for crime. preceded by ‘sons of’. Every tribe has its traditions. or oases cultivated by serf-labour. A camel-breeding tribe may possess flocks of sheep also. But again there is a difference. Naturally. Besides. is this blood-rela$on%. according to the genealogisrs. too. We shall return to tbi_s subject when discussing what has been called the ‘nomadic ideal’ of the Old Testament. his ‘brothers’ (I S 20: w). Abimelek says to the entire clan ofhis mother. which arc the most obvious characteristics ofnomadirm. for Israelites in the northern kingdom after Omri: bit I&nri and mar I+&nnri. in their eyes the desert was the refuge of outlaws. but they retain the memory and some of the customs of that life of liberty in the open desert. and when we first meet them in history. and are now gradwally settling down.personal ancestor. or bit Adini and mar Adini. but not always. the organiution and custcnm of the Arabs for comparison. In the desert. ‘Remember that I am of your bones and of your flesh’ (Jg 9: 2). but the genealogists have assigned it a . Edom and Moab UC called Amalck. All the members of David’s clan are. the home of demons and wild beasts. This procedure leads to the invention of eponymous ancestors. one ofwhich is textually uncertain). sometimes. camel-breeders. the Patriarchs are already becoming a settled people. Kholoj is a surname of Qais. and here the comparison has greater truth in it. inevitably become arbitrary and artificial once an attempt is made to extend them in space and time. Edom and Moab without the addition of ‘sons of’. Simiirly the Kholoj (‘Transported’) are so called because Omar I transferred them from the ‘Adwan to the Al-Ha& whereas. These patterns of society ill be studied in our own day in the two great rival federations of the syrian &crt. sometimes even their names. Israel lived in similar conditions... for the newcomer is attached ‘in name and in blood’ to the tribe.14.6 XNTRODuCnON lNmVm”CTION 7 alternatively. or through acceptance by the sheikh or the elders. that is. was the family. which comprised not only the father. a concept which has a fairly wide meaning. Jos 14: 6-15. like the ‘Ag&t. according to the locality. though one cannot say precisely how far tbis system is artificial. and parallel examples are found among Arab tribes. Gn 15: ‘9. The numbers of a tribe may. At other timcs. and the newcomers are finally considered as being of the same blood. and the civil tribe of Levi disappears (Gn 34: 25-30. these new groups. the ‘Confederates of the Mid-Euphrates. 18. and. and when Lot was carried off a prisoner by the four victorious kings. should not be pressed too far. During its years of wandering in the desert and its struggle for the conquest of Canaan. and the Jarm ben Rabbin joined the Ben& Zubaid. The Arabs say that he is ‘gmealogized’ (root: nasaba). but the result is the same. the ‘Anezeh and the Shammar. it was not only the feeling of kinship.&e for common enterprises. but theyhadcontact with Israel from the time of the sojourn at Qadesh. son of Judah ( I Ch 2: 9. the number and order of the tribes. where they assembled for the grca. the ‘house of one’s father’. the Twelve Tribes were not ruled by a permanent body. The comparison. however. They were originally outside the Israelite confederation. though interesting. unlike the amphictyonies.xy. division: and disappearance of tribes The Twelve Tribes of Israel were a federation. But even here the principle is safeguarded. Gn 49: 7). There can be no doubt that similar fusions took place frequently. vary from text to text.c_o”stit~~:~a c&&a&on~9f a~tribe. and incorporated foreign groups like the Calebites and Yerahmeelites. This was the reason why Abraham and Lot separated (Gn 13 : s-13): But the claims ofkinship still hold good. 49: s-7). but also their common faith in Yahweh. camp. The importance of the Israelite confederation was primarily religious. when a nomad group becomes too numerous to continue living together on the same grazing grounds. it sometimes divide! into two groups which then live quite independently of one another. Gn 49: 3-4 and Dt 33 : 6). son of Peres. such as migrations or wars. Simeon disappears. Sometimes it is merely an association of small tribes which unite to present a common front against powerful neighboun. for Caleb wzs the son of Yephunneh the Qenizitc(Nb32: 12. (c) The organization andgovernment of a tribe A tribe. 24) and brother of Yerahmeel (I Ch 2: 4z). feasts. for. Jos 14: 6. either kamu”leh or ‘ashirch. the limits and names of on the~~divtstons fluctuate somewhat. where Caleb was named as Judah’s representative for the exploration of Canaan (Nb 13 : 6). in the period of the Judges. and they absorbed groups of d&rent origin.w or a kayy. The Israelites had a vety similar organization. Individuals. in their system. they recognize a chief to be obeyed by some or all of the groups. and the whole tribe with its confederates was attached to the same ancestor (nusibot).~blood-tii: Among nomadic. diminish instead of increasing until it finally disappears. to be replaced by the priestly tribe ‘dispersed throughout Israel’ (cf. two words expressing that unity of blood on which the tribe is founded. though it forms a single unit. became confederate with them and completely united with them. they do retain a feeling of family solidarity. but formerly it was called a b. Abraham went to his help (Gn 14: 12-16). though the extent of their independence may vuy. attached themselves to them and lived together. can be incorporated into a tribe either by adoption into a family (as often happens with freed slaves). of standing up to attack. whom they had all agreed to follow (Jos 24). The system of the Twelve Tribes has been compared with the nmphictyonies which united a number of Greek cities round a sanct. Several related families . which united the tribes around the sanctuary of the Ark.). Th! ba+ ~~~~~~_~a~r~y~t (‘nhel). all originating from the common stock. and at an early date the remnants were absorbed by Judah (JOE 19: r-9. Nevertheless. his wife . The tribe itself is called a qabileh. mentioned above. and that the very concept of the ‘Twelve Tribes’ contains some elements of systematic arrangement. The son of Yephunnch becomes the son of Hesron. a tribe may be compelled to split up when its numbers become too great. which may perhaps be earlier than the reign ofDavid. 36: I I). another foreign group (I S 2. (b) 77ze union. were not subject to the same mwure of effective political control. In any case. Jg I: 3f. The Bible gives a clear picture of the process in its referencer to the C&bites. &n become autonotnous. it is no longer mentioned in the Blessings of Moses (Dt 33). eipecially in early days. The b&k ‘nb. Their integration into this tribe is recorded in Jos 15: 13: cf. conditions which persisted after the settlement. Thus the tribe of Judah eventually welcomed to its own ranks the remnant of the tribe of Simcon. and in the end Caleb is genealogically attached to Judah. and these variations prove that the system which fmally prevailed was not reached straightaway. has an internal ag~~atii which is also founded _. A text of Al-B& puts it neatly: ‘And the Nahd ben Zaid joined the Bent al-Harith. With a whole clan the fusion takes longer. when they . Thus Reuben grows weaker (cf. this means that he acknowledges the tribe’s ancestor zs his own.’ The tribes of Israel were not exempt from such changes.7: 10) also attached to the line ofJudah (I Ch 2: 9). On the c&r hand. that he will mxry within the tribe and raise up his family inside it. too.alled.Arabs. several weak groups combine to form a body capable of remaining autonomous. however. it carries into battle a decorated litter. 2: 2. the booty was divided equally between the combatants and those who stayed at the rear. they adopt a common standard. among the Israelites. perhaps etymologically connected with ‘eleph (‘a thousand’). is clearly expressed in Jos. iar. commanded by a chief. So I: 14. but it is also found in texts which ate certainly ancient (Gn 34: 3. It has always been so: Abraham’s he&men quarrel with Lot’s (Go 13: 7). mcrkob or aba-Dhur.8 INTRODUCTlON 9 j or wives and their unmarried children but also their married sots with their wives and children. that the word was not employed exclusively for the chief of a tribe. it involves . tbc mishpnhoh. Ex 21: 27). courageous. Each tribe has a territory recognized as its own. One could object that &se texts belong to the Priestly tradition. etc. A group of clans. Similarly.Jg7:z0-~t. Perhaps. and its members always met for common religious feasts and sacrificial meals ( I S 20: 6. or what title he bore. too. one portion being reserved for the chief (I S 30: zca~). It is diffuult to say who. the litter is empty. In particular. but from time to time a title may be disputed and quarrels break out between shepherds. noble-hearted and rich. for its object is not to kill but to carry off plunder and to escape unharmed. 25: 16). The Arabs use the word ‘shcikh’ with the same freedom. The latter usually lived in the sxnc place. and the Ishmaelites had twelve nar2’ for as many tribes (the parallel with Israel is obvious). and pasture land is held in common. and in time of war it furnished a contingent. the booty is shared bctwccn the fighting men. but one term may sometimes he used for another. ‘8th (Nb 2: 2).~z. and expect their sheikb to he prudent.zo. arc mentioned in the Song of Deborah on a par with the other ttibes (Jg 5: 14-17). the clan assumed the responsibiiity for blood-vengeance. Raiding’is different from war. This is the name given to the leaders ofthe Twelve Tribes during the time in the desert (Nb 7: z). This authority generally stays in the same family.). but the chief has a right to a special share. if such an organization existed and was ruled by some kind of council. Several families composed a clan. As a role. corresponded to the shcikh. and that the same word frequently recurs in Ezechiel. but in days gone by the most beautiful girl in the tribe rode in it to spur on the fighting men.cf.jt:6. especially over the use ofwells ot cisterns. Boundaries arc sometimes ill defined. which was the palladium ofIsrael. they lead to war. Every Arab tribe has its war-cry and its standard. theoretically a thousand strong. Abimclck’s setvams seize a well dug by Abraham (Gn at: 25). Everyone in the desert is bound to know that such and such a watering-place belongs to such and such a group. 16. In Gn 36: 4c-43 there is a list of the chiefs of the clans ofEdom. in camp and on the march. and groups belonging to different &ba sometimes live side by side in very fertile regions. which arc clans of Ephraim. which was originally fixed at one-quarter of the total cap toted. It has also been suggested that the word denoted the deputy of a tribe to the Israelite amphictyony. but that is ass&going to it a religious sense which is not apparent in the passages just referred to. but later was left to the chief’s discretion. When scvcral tribes join together to form a confcdcration.g. In addition. Nowadays. in the time of David.& is hard put to it to maintain his tights over the weUs he himself had dug between Getat and Beersheha (Gn 26: w-a). M&it and G&ad. and all the men must follow him. and the chief’s portion is there considered as a tribute for Yahweh and the Lcviter. under standards. One should note. In Israel. Here again WC may find a parallel with the Ark of the Covenant and the nane ‘Yahweh-Nissi’ (‘Yahweh is my banner’) given to the altar which Moses crcctcd after his victory over the Am&kites (Ex 17: 15). l&h ‘ab. The sheikh takes the decision. Israel. Is. as in the biblical examples just mentioned. as in Nb 4: 18 and Jg 20: IZ (Hebrew text). inside which the cultivated hd is generally ptivately owned. too. like the Hag of the Ptophct onfurlcd at Mecca and Mcdina. of mishpah& formed a tribe. its presence in battle (I S 4: 3-1 I . The hierarchy of the three terms.Jos6:~. called ‘I&. two words with the same meaning. Possibly it was the nasi’. It is the desert’s ‘sport ofkings’. 2 S 1 t : t I) reminds us of the sacred litter of the Arabs. but was used for the leaders of smaller sections too.Am I: 14. In Jg 8: 14 the ‘chiefs’ of Sukkoth arc distinguished from the ‘elders’. etc.tSt7:zo. the tribes would naturally have been represented in it by their chiefs.). and the sewants. for the Arabs set great store by personality and character. with the further detail that th ey were *the chiefs of their fathers’ houses. 29). which is generally held to be the most teeent of all. 7: 14-18. but does not always pass to the eldest son. which also denote the corn_ mander’s staff and the royal sceptte. Each elm was ruled by the heads “firs families. Nb I: 16. shebe or mo!gh. The tribe therefore embraced all those who obeyed the same chief. grazing lands and watering-places are not settled amicably. the r’qenfm or ‘elders’. The same word is used ofMidianite leaders in Nb 25: 18 and Jos 13: 21. if their ttibcs ate on fdemlly tcrmr. had its war-cry. The same word denotes the chieftains of Ishmael (Gn 17: 20. the leaders of the tribes’ (cf. thct’~ah(Nbxo:~. Among the Arabs a tribe is governed by a sheikb. But the tribe which has the primary right of possession can lay down conditions and demand some form of payment for grazing rights. mote recently. the tribes in the desert grouped themselves. This lack of precise law easily gives rise to disputes. 2 S 6: IS). mishpahah and &be!. Nb 31: 25-30 dates this institution back to the petiod in the desert. who acts in conjunction with the principal heads of its families. If quarrels about routes of migration. or. who bore the special name of ‘alliph. On the other hand. This war-ety formed part of the ritual of the Ark of the Covenant (I S 4: 5. Abraham gives a lavish reception to the three ‘men’ at Mambre (Gn 18: I-S). I” this type of society is is impossible and inconceivable that a” individual could live isolated. however. the obligation has become more restricted and does not extend beyond the family circle. that of the fer (which is the same word as the Arabic jz?r) and that ofcities of refuge. There he becomes what modern Arabs call a da&i. It is expressed with savage ferccity in the song of Lamek (Gn 4: 23-24) : ‘I he killed a bill far a wound.’ The most solemn responsibility of the Israelitegb’rl was to enforce blood. endeavoured to mitigate this vengeance by the introduction of a system ofjustice.JgIg:z3). or’if. 11-a. to defend him against his enemies and to avenge his blood. Where society is not centralized. for any reason whatever. ‘Our blood has been shed. which is “or a stigma of condemnation. It is not simply to obtain compensation. Hospitality. by the bl o” d one of his f&y. take” in a fairly wide sense. A curse extends to the whole race. real or supposed. Thus Joab kills Abner (2 S 3 : 22-27 a”d 30) to avenge the death of his brother (2 S 2: 22-23). The blood of a kbunun must be avenged by the death of the one who o f rbed it. is a necessity oflife in the desert. rather. Ancient Israel knew nothing quite like this. he has to seek the protection of another tribe. but as this is not conhned t” the nomadic state it will bc treated &ng with fanlily i”sti”“io”s. the @r of the Arabs. Blood-vengeance does not operate witbin the group. this solidarity is see” above all in the group’s duty to protect its weak and oppressed members. Moreover. On a smaller scale. and the reason is stated in both cases: it is simply because the latter have come under their roof(G” IO: ~ _ S. This time varies from tribe to tribe: among some it is ‘until the salt he hu eaten has left his stomach’. and has its own clearlydcfmed mlcs. one might point to David’s expeditions into the Negeb during his stay with the Pbilisrines (I S 37: 8-11). ‘he who has come in’. The honour or dishonour of every member affectr . and the story of the crime at Gibeah (Jg 19: x6-24). The tribe undertakes to protect him. : . whatever their feelings about blood-vengeance. A child for D bruise. The guesr is sacred: the honour of providing for hi”1 is disputed. Hence. These cutoms are reflected in two Old Testament institutions. and eve” after leaving he has a right to protection for a give” time. and what their forefathers called a jir.t 4. he leaver it of his own free will. but a mark which shows he belongs to a gro”p in which blood-vengeance is ruthlessly exacted. invariably. we have said. in big tribes like the Ruwalla of Syria it is for three more days and within a radius of IO” miles. The custom persisted after the tribes had settled in Culaan. but among the nomads this necessity has become a virtue. The Arabs say. A whole fvnily is honoured if its head is brave. The same law existed in Israel. seventy-sevenfold!’ Lamek is the descendant of Cain. they hold it in check to some extent by requiring a preliminary judgment on the guilt of the accused and 1. Two stories show to what excesses the sentiment of hospitality could lead: that of the angels who stayed in Lot’s house at Sodom (Gn Ig:I-8). it is a safeguard. Pp. and Laban is eager to welcome Abraham’s servant (G” 24: 28-32). but the guilty ma” is punished by his group or expelled from it. ‘nvn for man. and the extent of it served to determine the limits of the tribal group. and God visits the sins of & fathers on the children to the fourth generation (Ex 2”: 5). but generally falls to the sheikh. _ Nomad life also gives rise.1 I &-entire group. if necessary.mgeance. while the group is punished for a fa”lt ofim leader (t S 21: I) . Legislation. however. Old Testament parallels spring to mind. and here we encounter another law of the desert. Dt 19: 1-13) sanction blood-vengemce. In recent times. It is a very deep-rooted feeling. Tribal Solidarity and Rlood-Vengeance The bond of blood. This story (Gn 4: 13-16) states clearly the social basis for the instirution. Both Lot and the old ma” of Gibeah are ready to sacrifice the honour of their daughters in order to protect their guests. The nearest approach is t” be found in those incursions of the Midianites and ‘sons of the East’ in the days ofthe Judges: these invaders were mounted on camelr(Jg 6: 3-6). they try to substitute for the @r sane compensation which the victim’s family are compelled t” accept. But for Lamek. The stranger can avail himself of this hospitality for three days. and persists long after the settlement in Canaan. creates a certain solidarity among all the memben of a “ibe.. This is the obligation which lies behind the institution of the go’el. unattached to a~ tribe. to a law of asylum. the prospect of the blood-debt which will have to be paid is a deterrent which restrains both individuls and the group.’ In primitive times this duty devolved on all the members of the tribe. ifa man is cxoelled from his tribe after a murder or some serious offence.. failing him. Though the laws about cities of refuge (Nb 3 5 : g-34. The vcngunce for Cain rmy be sevenfold. who was condemned to live in the desert.10 INTROD”CTION INTRO”“CnON II the “se of racing camels and of thoroughbred nures. woman for woman’. hnd Cain bears a ‘sign’. or. to avoid a series of assassinations. as the Koran puts it. and a most highly esteemed one. These expressions continued in use long after 1srae1 had settled in Canaan. who come from Kh. ishemming themost ~s&Lmit of society. etc. The traditions about the Patriarchs concern families. a mbe gradually turns into a tertitorial group. @d&d. 2 S 18: 17). Israelite legislation does not allow compensation in money. and the comparisons we have drawn with Arab nomadirm often held good long after the settlement. does not operate inside the group itself. In short tn al ‘6-_ . 7.g. Cain is driven into the desert in punishment . 1 S 13: 2. clans. where we read of tribes living. Death. Desolation is represented by the broken ropes. and which to some extent retained the ancient customs. the frequent use. pp. of I metaphors borrowed from nomadic life should not pass unnoticed. Language is more conservative than custotn. The law of blood-vengeance. the woman begs David to intervene so that the ‘avenger of blood’ may not slay her son. and it may be used here in a loose sense. however. or the tent itself which ir carried off (Is 38: 12). in 2 S 14: 4-11. On the other hand. it is important to realize that nowhere in the Bible are we given a perfect picture of tribal life on the full scale. 160F Amid these new surroundings. that the Blessings of I_ Cf. alleging for this a religious motive: blood which is shed defiles the land in which Yahweh dwells. and some authors ascribe a geographical meaning to the names of other Israelite tribes. and sometimes in association with one another. A nation whose numbers are increasing is a tent being extended (Is 54: 2). and must be expiated by the blood of bim who shed it (Nb 35: 31-34). but it bcclme a permanent institution. III practice. certain ancient cutotns survived. Lastly. and when their ideal was to live a quiet life ‘every man under his vine and his fig-tree’. and Yahweh or his Messiah are frequently repre’ sentcd as the Good Shepherd (Ps 23. and the solidarity of the clan never disappeared. in Old Testament poetty. generations after the conquest. This territorial disposition of the tribes was itself modified by the administrative organization under the monarchy. Quite the most rewarding period to investigate is that of the Judges. and not only in poetry (where it is frequent) but also in everyday speech(Jg 19: 9. the tent blown down (Jr 10: zo). Ez 34. and taking action. Though it is less significant. after the settlement. Similarly. it is the elders who wield authority. is the cot tent-rope. for shottly afterwards we read how every man retum~d ‘to his house’ (I K 22: 17) ot ‘his town’ ( I K a: 36). The story of Cam (Go 4: 11-16) is a condcmrutiono~~g~~nomadirm. the ‘tribe’ of G&ad takes its name from its homeland. Blood-vengeance is a desert law. and no one can deny that in the accounts of the desert wanderings and of the conquest the characteristic profile of each tribe hu been to some extent subordinated to the wider interest of ‘all Israel’. To obtain the recall of Absalom. certain half-settled Bedouin in Palestine are called after their present homes. the village stood for the clan. and in many of the genealogies of Chronicles. and that her clansmm want to put the latter to death. the mishpohah. just as the banishment of Absalom was normal : it is the exclusion of the guilty from the family. this expression did not last. Is 40: II: Jr 23: 1-6.Eb& It is the price to e pan or ecoming a settled people.IZ lNTR”DUCnON lNTROD”CTION 13 by excluding cws of involuntary manslaughtcr. nomads use the word to say ‘striking camp at dawn’.). But the decision of the clan is normal ifwe understand it as the punishment of the guilty. _out oldest b$&&t~x~ s!m_w_ little ~--~--T admiration for the nomana~life. for example. Again. I S 17: 20. In our own day. but the unit of society which survived. or the peg which is polled out (Jb 4: 21).~ In contrast with Bedouin law. names of villages tepkce names of ancestot~. and Hebrew retained several j ttaces of that life of years gone by. There appears to be a single exception. For example. True. to express ‘leaving early in the morning’. Such an evolution is in fact commonplace. ‘To your tents. too. the Belqaniyeh of the Belqa. banished after the murder of Amnon. Jsob (Gn 49) and of Moser (Dt 33) frequently allude to the territory occupied by the tribes. In this passage only the term ‘avenger of blood’ is abnortnal. sometimes independently of one another. like the Haddadin of Ma’in. or after their place of origin. The ‘Nomadic Ideal’ ofthe Prophets i In spite of these surviving ttace~. the Ghormiyeh of the Ghbr. and one senses that the clan. a verb is often wed which means ‘to load the beasts of burden’ (Jg 19: 9. et. in the Song of Deborah (Jg 5: 17). We may note. the woman of Teqoa pretends that one of her sons has been killed by his brother. I K 8: 66). or. a house was called a ‘tent’. etc. 20: 8. was the clan. Though analogies from the life of Arab nomads may throw useful light on th e primitive organization ofIsrael. at the most. which itself continues to sub-divide. whereas security is the tent with tight ropes and firm pegs (Is 33: 20). But tbis is precisely the time when the tribes have no individual chiefs. The Caliph Omar I cotnplaincd that the Arabs who had settled in Iraq had begun to call themselves by the names of their villages instead of their ancestors.. e. there are countless allosionr to the pastoral life. we have said. Disbanded soldiers return ‘every man to his own tent’ ( I S 4: to. Israel’ was the cry of revolt under David (2 S 20: I) and after the death of Solomon (I K 12:16).).dt_-T-’ otga&+ is beginning to~c. everyone remembered to which tribe he belonged. they are the b’nf Rekab and form the b&h Rckab.‘But at the same time they were fervent worshippers of Yahweh: all the Rekabite names we know are Yahwistic names (Jr 3 5 : 3). OS 13: 5. but the text makes it clear that it was sheep and goats that he looked after.). 16). and the Bible states explicitly that their rule was atablished by Yonadab only in the ninth century B. the Israelites first learned the name of Yahweh. unattached m the land. We shall encounter this mystique ofthe desert again in the last days ofJudaism. The Rekabites The ideal which the prophee exalted. among the sectaries of Qumran. Jeremias holds them up as examples. saying that their ancesmr Yom&b. but which the Israelitcr never knew. We know of them cbidy through Jeremias. on his way to exterminate the cult ofBaal at Samaria. If the Prophets speak of a return to the desert. This connection between the Rekabites and the Qenites depends on tv. he is supposed m have led the same sort of life as the Hebrew Patriarchs. so that your days may be long in the land where you live as aliens (#m). we have the essential contrast between nomadic life and the life of a settled farmer. At the best. on the contrary. had given them tbis co nunand: ‘Neither you nor your sons shall ever drink wine. to the life of the desert. 34: II-IS). The desert is the home of wild beasts. whoever does so is punished with death’ (cited in Diodorus Sic&n XIX. then. 8. monsters and demons (Is 13: 21-u. and see salvation in a return. and you must not build how-es. loaded with all the sins of the people (Lv 16). or own property. . Our history of the Rekabites begins under Jehu and ends in the time of Jeremias. 27: IO). not m drink wine or m build a house. the prophet invited the members of Rekab’s family to the Temple.gc-ald fidelity to the commands of their ancesmr is held up as yl example to the Jews who do not obey the word of Yahweh (Jr 3 5). But nomadism iuelfis nor the ideal. 5: 24. The Rekabites had chosen to live far away from urban civilization. In these two passages. Yom&b. these texts are uncertain.C. and offered them a drink of wine.C.g:. On the other hand. and their ancnt~r Yonadab is a religious legislator. we do encmmter what has been called the ‘nomadic ideal’ of the Old Testament. son of Rekab.’ This a. The Prophets look back to the past. or in its midst (Jg I: 16. From the critical point of view. it is not because they recall any glory in the nomadic life oftheir ancesmrs.w texts in Chronicles (I Ch 2: 53 and 4: 12). or plant lNTROD”CTKlN IS vines. Before his crime Cain was a farmer (Gn 4: 2). Like nomads. when she was betrothed to Yahweh (~12: 2. Normally they lived as nomads. Jehu. they had taken refuge there to escape from the Chaldeans (Jr 33: II). 12: IO). and from whom. and cwnect the Rekabites with the Qenites. according m Jeremias. as in fact it was before the rise of the large camel-breeding tribes who founded a desert civilization. the Rekabites. and has all the narrator’s sympathy. he will settle down away from his brethren’ (Gn 16: 12). Am 2: IO). which was associated in Israel’s mind with its former life in the desert. and his uncompromisiig faith must have been known to all. but as a means ofescape from the corrupting i&uence of their own urban civilization. This Yonadab ben Rekab is known to us for his part in Jehu’s revolution (2 K IO: 15-24). the time of Israel’s youth in the desert. everyone’s hand will be against him. The same unfivourable mne recurs in the story ofIshmae1: ‘His hand will be against everyone. INTRODUCTlON 14 for the murder of Abel: he will he P _ _~_ and a vagabond. it is that purity of religious life and that faithfulness to the Covenant. yet it is strange that they mention Rckab or the be”rk Rekob but not Yonadab. at some future date. they were still faithful m the same way of life 250 years later. and a nostalgia for. and the scapegoat is driven out there. There is also a memory of. must have been a convinced Yabwist. takes Yonadab with him to witness his ‘zeal for Yahweh’ (v. in this attitude. so curiously alike. the time when God made a Covenant with Israel in the desert. a reaction against the sedentary civilization of Canaan. I S 15: 46. Some would go even further. one which had its greatness indeed. It is interesting m compare this passage with a remark ofJerome of Cardia abbour the Nabatcans at the close of the fourth century B. with all its risks of moral and religious perversion. and only exceptional circumstances accmmt for their presence in Jerusalem. envisaged as a golden age (OS 2: 1617. that group of non-Israelite origin which lived P semi-nomadic life on the borders of Israel. the desert is presented as the refuge of disgraced settlers and outlaws. Abel was a herdsman (Gn 4: z).. 4: II. There is. They refused it. etc. they are organizcd as a clan. but they also constitute a religious stct. It was not a survival of earlier days but a reactionary movement. or sow seed. you are to dwell in tents all your life. they mean that the Chronicler has used the fiction of a genealogical link to camect two cornmunities who lived more or less the same kind of life. when Israel was faithful to its God. in this story. and. when Christian monasticism still lies in the future. 94). ‘It is a law among them not to sow corn or to plant fruit-trees. marked wanderer with a sign. but never tried m put into practice. So. was actually carried out by a group of extremists. This incident allows us to date the origin of the Rekabites about 840 B. on the border of the real desert. To give an object lesson to the people. We are notjustified in regarding them as survivors of an age when Israel led a nomadic life. Doubtless. 6: 8. and Yahweh promises them his blessing (Jr 3 5 : 19). according to some authors.C. the warm of the desert nomad. rather. They condemn the comfort and luxury of urban life in their own day (Am 3: 15 . in other words. PART I FAMILY INSTITUTIONS . Evidence of this type of society has been found among the Hittita and Hurritcs in Assyria and Elam. tbougb both were David’s children. and among &se two peoples the existence of a fratriarcharc. It has bem claimed that there are traces of it in the Old Testament. believe that a matriarchal regime was the original form of the family among the Semites. the eldest brother is the head of the family. either on the father’s or mother’s side. however.+ tion. following Robertson Smith. is now admitted. whom he had married. for example. and there may be tracer of it in the story of Rebecca. is forbidden by the laws of E I. in the action ofJacob’s sons to avenge the qx oftheir sister Dinah (Gn 34).THE FAMILY T H N O G R A P H E R S diitinguish several types of family. from brother to brother. they hold. Certain old Testament customs and stories. indicate the presence of this regime among the Israelites. in early times. According to the ethnographical school of Graebner and Schmidt. because. Mvtigc with one’s stepsister. therefore. We cannot. while pastoral civibzvion is patriucbal. we must admit the possibility of Assyrian and Hwrite inlluence on the customs of Aram Naharaim. in the institution of the levinte (which will be discussed under marriagel). his sister. The child belongs to the mother’s family and social group. Though none of these examples seems conclusive. Many authors. Similarly. a matriarchate is associated with small+calc c&iv. and in the part Laban plays in the ammgc ment of the marriage of his sister Rebecca (Gn 24). at least as a hypotbcsis. 3 S 13: 13 gives u( to understand that Amnon and Tamar could have been married. matriarchate is much more common in primitive societies. they were born of different mothers. because she was in fact bis half-sister. e. In Gn 20: IZ Abraham is excused for passing off Sarah a. As a type of family. but that a child’s lineage is traced through the mother. and is not considered as related to iu father’s connections.g. and this authority is handed on. The characteristic mark oftbis type ofsociety is not that the mother exercises authority (this is rare). In a fiatiiorchote. even rights of inheritance ue fixed by maternal descent. Ofwhat *ype w~ls the I~~elitejmtify? . exclude the possibility of its intluence on the letirate institution. along with the property. The go’el was a redeemer. 17: 19. Jephthah. in tbis wide sense.6. from a root which means ‘to buy back or to redeem’. like the word ‘family’ in modern languages. the genealogies are always given in the father’s line.8:9. . at any rate. So Boaz bought the family property and married Ruth (Rt 4: 9-10).13. and her daughter-in-law Ruth was a childless widow.). who were born ofEgyptivl wives. In the normal type of Israelite marriage the husband is the ‘master’. Some would also see in the Bible. 40. 4: 4). and rhe nearest relation in the collateral line is the paternal uncle (cf. The proper word to dcscribc it is b&h ‘ab. The texts about Sarah and Tamat prove only that marriage with a half-sister was not yet forbidden. d . the resident aliens ot &mm. If an Israelite had to sell himself into slavery in order to tepay a debt. he would be ‘redeemed’ by one of his near relations (Lv 25 : 47-49).. several mirkp&tk might live together within a city. a defender of the interests of the individual and of the group.andtheheadsof’families’whoretum from Babylon with Esdras are each accompanied by anything from twentytight to three hundred men (Esd 8: 1-14). Boaz was ago’el of Naomi and Ruth (Rt 2: zo). and year by year Samuel’s father took the whole family on pilgrimage to shiioh(~ S I: 3f. because the child of this union would bear the name of the deceased husband and inherit the land (Rt 4: 4-6).~ too.23:24. too. In early times this authority included even the po+. the go’el had priority over all other purchasers. to prevent the family propetty from being alienated. his brothers and all his sons form the b&h Rekab(Jr 3 5 : 3) . butthehsttwotexuindicatethat this had not always been so. and over their wives. like the mishpahah of the Danites at Sore& andEshtao1 (Jg 18: II). too.l Prehistoric Israel is to us a closed book. -. the ‘ house of one’s father’. the mirhpohah.~~absolute authority ovet his children.). It may denote kinship in the wide sense: Yxazanyah. and its members were conscious of the bloodbond which united them: they called eaclrofher ‘brothers’ (I S 20: 29k On the religious level.). a protector. Again. the ba’al. as the next vetse shows (Gn 48: 6). and from this the above-mentioned authors conclude that consanguinity was originally reckoned only through the mother.~’ ‘-~ The family consists of those who are united by common blood and common dwelling-place. the term b&h ot ‘house’. the Arabs). but here the purchase of the land is rendered mote complicated by a case of levitate Naomi had some property which. 7: 7. it was his right and duty to boy it himself. were not acknowledged as children of lsrael until they had been adopted by Jacob (Go 48: 5). 38: 29-30). but in Israel it took a special form.zo:17. The story of Ruth is yet another illustration of this custom. who lived under the protection of the head of the family. the family was the same group as the clan. The ‘family’ is a ‘home’. The father had . and women arc rarely mentioned. This first go’?/ would have bought the land. still claimed to belong to his ‘father’s house’ (Jg II: 1-7).5. of his wife. The go’el The members of the family in this wider sense had an obligation to help. that the name of a baby was genetally~~e&~_~t!z ii.~~s if they liv@d with him. but he would not accept the double obligation of buying the land and marrying Ruth. it was not always the mother who gave the child its name (Gn 16: 15. an illegitimate son expelled by bis brothers. this. would be a relic ofa matrinrchate.w over life tid death: thus Judah condemned to death his daughterin-la+ Tamat when she was accused~of misconduct (Gn 38: 24). even over his matricd~. like the groups from Judah and Benjamin listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemias (Ne II: 4-8) and by the Chronicler ( I Ch 9: 4-9). They point out. This law is codified in Lv q: 25. widows and orphans. the heads of ‘ families' in the Chronicler’s lists some- times stand as the heads of very numerous groups ( I Ch 5: .m I: NLMLY *NSTrTUTl”NS I : THE FAMILY 21 Lv. his sons and theit wives (Gn 7: I and 7). z4. but fundamentally its meaning is ‘to protect’. especially in the marriage of Samson to Tirmu(Jg 14). There was in Israel an institution which defined the’&casions when this obligation called for action. If an Israelite had to sell his patrimony.9:9. Lv 25 : 49). Thirdly. but whatever may bc true of that epoch. The family included the servants.Dt27:2~..GiXihahat the two sons ofJoseph.cf. and it was in his capacity asgo’ef that Jeremias bought the field of his cousin Hanamecl (Jr 32: 6f. a tare type of marriage in which the wife does not leave her clan but brings her husband into it.etc. but there was a closer relative who could exercise this right before bim (Rt 3: I?. with its own terminology. alternatively. ot a considerable section of the people (the ‘lioose ofJoseph’ OI the ‘hourc ofJudah’). the dcxendant of Rekab. to found a family is ‘to build a house’ (Ne 7: 4). 2.24. 46). The Passover wad a family festival kept in every home (fix 12: 3-4. Jacob’s family comprises three generations (Gn 46: 8-26).E=22:1. The passage about Joseph’s children has not the meaning they attribute to it. ‘~. The clan had ceuunon interests and duties. is very flexible and may even include the entire nation (the ‘house of Jacpb’ ot the ‘house of Israel’).. dute is no doubt that from the time of ouI oldest documents. Family solidarity. the family played its part as a unit of society. and to protect one another. These arguments do not prove the point at issue. The institution has analogies among other peoples (for example. and the ‘stateless petsons’. 8:6. ‘to lay claim to’.ro. she was forced to sell. The latter concentrated in one area. Noah’s family includes his wife. The question will be treated under mattiagc. because of her poverty. it is the institution ofthe go’el.&r. occupying one ot more villages according to its size. the ~staclite family is patriarchal. mon and Abulom. because the standard of material welfare rose. and the development of industries led to a specialization of acdvities. and the law of Dt 25: 3-10 shows that this obligation could I. by the d&h century B... he was said to ‘build a house’ (Ne 7: 4). Cf. By taking off one shoe (Rt 4: 7-8) a nun proclaiimcd that he was forgoing his right. There can be no doubt. So. passed away. on IhC Icvinlr.. I. 4. At the same time. the reservation of the priesthood to families of the tribe of Levi was. while other villages sp-xialized in linen (I Ch 4: 11) or pottery (I Ch 4: 23). both in Israel and Judah. no doubt. P. Even in David’s day.~A *_~ ronr The firmness of these family ties was an inheritance from tribal organization The transition to settled life. employers and workmen. This transformation was complete.: 23 u attending feats by turns in one another’s houses @ I: 4..4: 6. away from the p&e &re David lived with their unmarried sister Tamar (2 S 13: 7. 1. Thus Yahweh. when a son married and founded a new family. had their own homes.’ The term go’d passed into religious usage. etc. developed in Ez 14: IZ-20. it is confirmed in Jr 3 I : 29-30 and . like the redemption of the patrimony. I. Pa 19: 15. the go’el could renounce his right or dcciine his duty without blame. .). and crafts were probably handed on. but it betrays its period when it describes Job’s I. etc. 7. and frequently in the second part of Is&s (Is 41: 14. cf. I: m PAMILY . A father could no longer put his son to death. the duty ofmutual assistance was neglected by relatives. . The principle of individual responsibility is . an order which is specifxd in Lv 25 : 49: first. that certain villages were composed of woodworkers or ironfounders (I Ch 4: 14. ‘.*.~. brought about social changes which affected family customs. Comparison of this law with the story of Ruth seems to indicate that the obligation of the l&rate was at first undertaken by the clan. and were~called mishpa@th. “’ Slaves were still counted as members of the family.. implying that their members WC~E united by kinship. CT p. Dt 25: 9 describes a similar action in the law of levirate.. if any. instead. By then the authority of the heaa of the family was no longer unlimited. from fathcr to son. remained. 39: 20. F&f<): ‘. Even the practice of blood-vengeance was circumscribed by the ‘::. blood will have its say. then his son. advent of forensic justiceand by the legislation on cities ofrefuge(Nb 35 : g-z. as the feeling of solidarity grew weaker. another social clvs made its appearance-that of wage-en. just as inEgypt. rich md poor. then other rclnrions.:L~ . ‘. Jr 7: 6: 22: 3). the paternal uncle. Living conditions in the towns set a limit to the numbers who could be housed under one roof: the houses discovered by excavation are small. 8. avenger of the oppressed. also. but we have already enmined this in connection with tribal organization. Jr 50: 34.1 One of the gravest obligations of the go’el was blood-vengeance. The obligation of the levirate was no longer as biding as it appears in the story ofJudah and “: Tamar (Gn 38). A world which consisted merely of family groups. few. Further.g. however.. 20). and saviour ofhis people. where the serwts lived with the master of the house.’ be rejected. 18). too. and. D t 1 9 : 1-13). a member ofa clan had yright of appeal ‘. but was later restricted to the brothcrin-law. because it is rooted in desert custom. 78: 35.22 I: PAMILY lNSlTrUTIONS j This story shows that the right of the go’el followed a certain order of kinship. : ~. but they were not so n~erous. II. 24. and in its place there me P society divided into king and subjects. 13.. only an extreme instance of a general practice. is called ago’rl in Jb 19: 23. and the prophets had to plead the cafe ofthe widow and orphan (Is I: 17. W.C. Ne II: 35). we rarely hear of a father surrounded by more than his unmarried children. 49: 7.. but there the procedure is meant TO bring the brotherin-law into disgrace. fmm the judgment of his clan to the king himself (2 s 14: 4-1 I). and judgment-even on &nces against a father or mother-was reserved to the elders of the town (Dt 21: 18-21). The family ceased to be self-suificienr. 43: 14. 18: ro-20. and still more the development of town life.$ stated in Dt 24: 16 and applied in 2 K 14: 6. The prolague to the book ofJob is a pastiche of a patriarchal story. the individual person began to emerge from the family group. These guilds ofartislnswcre ruled by a ‘father’.3 Oftbose great patriarchal families which unitedseveral generations around one head. p. or at least that they were grouped like families. under the Judges and the monarchy. but the latter too was scmn relaxed. Samuel’s father had two wives. and an e&u may be raised to the rank of wife. it is the desire for many children. are rarely polygamous.). Qeturah could have been his lawful. andEw had three wives who were of equal rank (Gn 26: 34. In alI these instances there is relative monogamy. which provide a picture of society in their age. son of Esau. the old restrictions fell into &use. which calls the wives of one man ‘rivals’ ( I S I: 6. who had children by his wife Milkah. I. in I S I : 6). however. and.1 There was. at the very beginning of the period). only toy&y could afford the luxury of a large harem. himself t&c* a concubine. N&r. just cited. Anna and Peninnah. who. that the most common form of marriage in Israel was monogamy. Sarah and Hagat. however. Much later. especially when the first wife is barren. wedded wife. seems to refer to Hagar and Qeturah. however. in Gn 16: 4-5) . for all rhe liberty allowed by Moslem law. It would seem that the patriarchs followed a less stringent code of conduct than that which prevailed in Mesopotamia at the same time. A barren wife would be despised by her companion (e. but it scans that there the barren wife was under an obligation to provide a concubine for her husband. ages quickly. It is hard to say whether bigamy of this kind.) Similarly. being married very young.2).. Jacob married the two sisters Leah and Rachel.g.. The hnsbmd can. or two at the tnost. cf. and commoners had to be content with one wife. no doubt. was very common. the same custonn obtained. Si 37: 12). which might be interpreted in a wider sense. which speakr of Abraham’s concubines in the plural. The attitude has left its mark on the language. it seems. In all this the patriarchs are following the customs of the time. Abraham also married Qeturah (Gn 25: I). also had a concubine. the Assyrian Code of Law assigns an intermediary place. It is noteworthy that the books of Samuel and Kings. the wife and the concubine who is a T slave. The husband’s preference for one of his wives could make this rivalry more bitter (Gn 29: 30-31. until eventually the law (Dt 21: 15-17) had to intervene to prcvcnt the children of his favourite from rrccciving more than their fair share of the inheritance.8: 9. and it was because she was barren that he took her handmaid Hagar. Qo 9: 9. at Sarah’s own suggestion (Gn 16: 1. wedded wife. 2. The patriarchs of Seth’s line (e. according to 2 Ch 24: 3. referred ro in Dt 21: 15-37 also. or ‘woman of the harem’ : a man may have several _arieu. Gideon had ‘many wives’ and at least one concubine (Jg 8: 3c-31). do not record a single case of bigamy among commoners (except that of Samuel’s father. Gn 30: I).C .C. 30: I+). one of whom was barren (I S I : 2) . or has borne only daughters. too. never mention polygamy. There is also the fact that the Evrern woman. Pr 31: IO-31). Noah in Gn 7: 7) are said to bc monogamaus. between. however. when Lamek takes two wives (Gn 4: rg). but ?i was probably no more frequent than with the Bedouin and fellahs of modern Palestine. Gn 25: 6. The Wisdom books. 1n the region of Kirk& in the fifiecnth century B . The book of Tobias. At the end of the second millennium B. (Against thin view. the priest Yehoyada had chosen fwo wives for King Joas. The same motives played their part. Reumah (Gn a: x-24) . Sarah. Pr 5: 15-19. Si 26: t-4 and the eulogy of a perfect wife which closes the book of Proverbs. each ofwhom gwc him her maid (Gn 29: 15-30. Bu: other examples show that these resaictions were not always observed. the husband may not take a second wife unless the first is barren. to the esirtu. Except for the text of Si 37: II. for he thus acquires another servant. no limit to the number of wives and concubiies a . and hc may not take another concubiie unless the first is barren.g. Sometimes self-interest leads a man to take a second wife. and the kings somerimes kept a large harem. and Eliphaz. a family 1 . and the barren wife could be jealous of one with children (as Rachel was of Leah. and polygamy first appears in the reprobate line of Cain. 1t is clear. but since rbis is related after the death of Sarah (Gn z3 : I-Z). Abraham had at first only one wife. The presence of several wives did not make for peace in the home. Israel. which covet the entire period of the monarchy.. Such war the traditional story of the origins of man. In practice. 36: I-S). even if his wife has borne him children. even ifthe latter were a slave (cf. but the concubine never has the same rights as the wife. the Talmud fixed the number of wives at four fur a subject and eighteen for a king.might have.2: MARNAGB 23 CHAPIER Two MARRIAGE H E story of the creation of the first two human beings (Gn 2: 21-24) presents nmnogamous marriage as the will of Gad. In the patriarchal age. in ancient Israel. and he loses rbis tight if the wife herself gives him a slave as concubine. Bigamy is recognized as a legal fact by Dt 21: 15-17. mote often. the many passages in these books which speak of a wife in her home all yield a better meaning against the background of a strictly monogamous family (~6. According ro the Code of Hammurabi (abour 1700 B.C . for example. I S I: 5). had both a wife and a concubine (Gn 36: 11-12). for there is never mote than one lawful. A similar custom.Y MSTmmONS 2: MdllRl‘wB 27 talc. the root meaning ofwbich is ‘to become master’ (Dr 21: I). though it had been paid to the fatber. also Jr 3: 6-u). so the married woman was under the authority of her husband. jwidiCal sense to words spoken by women in a moment of anger. concubine. fifty shekels is roughly the mm paid by the Pharaoh Amenophis III for the women of Gczer destined for his harem. The law on the fidfilment of vows (LV 27: 4-5) valued a woman at thirty shekels. It is true that the same prophet compares Yahweh’s dealings with Samaria and Jerusalem to a marriage with two sisters (Ez 23 . 1t was not a purchase price. as soon as Rebecca’s marriage . 62: 4-5). according to two very probable theoria. never refers to any but monogamous families. just as he is the ba’d of a house or field (Ex 21: 3. but this too was a penalty. This sum was adminisrtired by the father. as JW~ did for both his marringa (Gn 29: 15-30). whether she is of the same village or from some other place. The typical Inaelite mania~e Just as the onmarried woman was under the authority of her father. and partly on the story of Rachel and Leah (who complain that their father has sold them. Dt a: 22). According to Ex 21: 32. or his son’s. on whether the girl is marrying within her kin or outside the clan. The difference becomes clear if we compare themohar &age with another type of onion.“. or its equivalent. that of the elder Tobiu. The question immediately arises. Indeed. Gn 3 I : I 5). The future husband hereby acquires a right over the woman. A parallel. cf.). his ox and his ass. from one to fifty shekels of silver. The gifts presented by the bridegroom on the occasion of the wedding are quite different from the mohar: the two things are clearly distinguished in Gn 34: 12. The argmnenr is based partly on the vocabulary employed. though not to an alien (Ex 21: 7-11). in other words. Its amount varies from village to village. in law this is a different consideration. too. or to her children after their mother’s death. The amount varied greatly. . there the mohar is counted among the wife’s possessions. 54: 6-7. with the same name (mahr). whether this usage indicates that the wife wa really considered as her husband’s property. Iz 50: I. the law prescribed the payment of fifty shekels of silver (Dt 22: 29). But one need not give a formal. But. and according to the family’s income. For a compulsory marriage after a virgin had been raped. The word occurs only three times in the Bible (Gn 34: 12. Besides. that of Raguel. the tirhnru was given to the girl herself. The image of a monogamous marriage is before the eyes of those propheu who rep-t Israel as the one wife chosen by the one and only God (OS 2: 4. it is probable that the father enjoyed only the omfruct of the mohar. either a compensation to the girl for the loss of her virginity.. The mahr is a mm of money paid by the fiancC to the girl’s parents. However.. the ordinary tnohm must have been less. or if her husband’s death reduced her to penory. or a dowry intended to assist the wife if she lost her husband.at Elephantine. . along with his servants and maids. and it reverted to the wife ifshe was widowed. Ex a: 16. she was a slave. and with more reason. There is a close parallel in the marriage<ontracrs found in the Jewish colony . the supporters of the purchase-theory appeal above all. and that founded by the younger Tobias and Sam.. But the mokr seems to be not so much the price paid for the woman as a compensation given to the family. and. So. ‘to marry 2 wife’ is expressed by the verb b#d. or by accomplishing an . the amount depends. These presents offered to the girl and her family were a reward for their accepting the proposal of marriage. since this was a penalty. 2. and sometimes to the girl herself. in spite of the apparent raemblance. This would explain the complaint of Rachel and Leah against their father. but. was usually paid over to the girl’s father. The husband is called the b/al or ‘master’ of his wife. Furthermore. 22. that he had ‘devoured their money’ after having ‘sold’ them (Gn 31: IS). A fianc& could compound for the payment of the mohar by service. In Assyrian law. and Ezechiel develops the same metaphor into an allegory(Ez 16). and could be m-sold. a married woman is therefore the ‘possession’ of her ba’al (Gn M: 3. 24: I). and a girl under twenty years of a. it depended on the girl’s father (Gn 34: IZ).ge at ten shekels. Pr 12: 4.. 2 S II: 26. to the custom of the nwkar. Those concerned do not regard this payment as a real purchase.26 1: F. to the girl’s f&y obviously gives the Israelite marriage the outward appearance of a po&ase. though not identical. and on the social standing ofthe family (I S 18: 23). The amount could vary. and pan of the sum goes towards the bride’s trousseau. custom existed in ancient Babylonian law: the tirbatu. but this is merely to adapt the allegory of chapter 16 to the historical conditions which prevailed after the political schism. who enjoyed the usufrucr of it. I S 18: 25).4hm. thirty shekels was the indemnity due for the death of a female servant. this obligation to pay a sum of money. as David did for Mikal (I S 18 : 25-27) and Othniel for Caleb’s &&hter(Jos 15: ‘6=Jg I: 12). but he could not alienate it. The m&r was a mm of money which the fiancC was bound to pay to the girl’s fither. Jr 2: 2. etc. though not a necessary condition of the marriage. but the woman herself is not bought and sold. which really was a purchase: a girl Could be sold by her father to another man who intended her to be his own. had she been bought by him? It has often been suggested that the Israelites practised a form of ‘marriage by purchase’ (ethnographers have certainly shown its existence among other peoples). and that the latter reverted to the daughter at the time of succession. The Dccalogue (Ex ~0: 17) lists a wife among a man’s possessions. “i! appomted wk. is found among the Palatinian Arabs of to-day. in fact. which belonged to her in her own tight.28 I: FAMlLY lNSTIT”TIONS 2: MARRIAGE 29 had been agreed on. of reproach and of shame. there is no mention of any mohar in those texts which mention what seems like a dowry: the Pharaoh gave Gezet as a wedding gift to his daughter when Solomon married her (I K 9: 16). and the husband. or a piece of land (Jos IS: 18-19). 11. and therefore presumably boys too. By Assyrian law. to be exceptions to this general rule. continued to live with his father-in-law. parents might give presents to their daughter at her wedding--a slave. he only came to visit her. 57-58). II. from its name in Ceylon. Neither the girl nor.1 Her own consent was asked only afterwards (w. usually give the age of each king ofJudah at his accession.’ In Babylonian law. In Israel. though the latter present was made after the wedding. followed by the length ofhis reign and the age ofhis son (normally the eldest) who succeeded him. Bclhvl WY &ad. Rebecca left hct father and mother (Gn 24: 58-59). went m live with her husband. with the fadiqa union of the ancient Arabs. her clan. were married very young. the bridegroom distributed presents m the girl’s parents. As for Gideon. 2nd Llbln w11 the had orlk f. II. in addition. for boys. 29). so that this too is not a beena marriage. ‘a visiting husband’.uuon. Abraham’s servant brought outjcwelr and dresses for the girl. The books of ‘Kings. Laban. On the other hand. and Abraham would not allow Isaac to go to Mesopotamia unless the wife chosen for him agreed to come to Canaan (Gn 24: s-8). In general. In fact. while the story of Tobias is set in a foreign land. in that it is a true marriage but without permanent cohabitation. her father gave Tobias half of bis fortune (Tb 8: 21). 15: t-z). the husband having only the use of them. the woman continued to live with her parents. the father gave the young bride certain possessions. Was there. however. The woman is mistress of her own house. Ancient Assyrian law also provided for the case where a married woman continued to live with her father. comes as a guest and brings presents. He would have spoken differently if Jacob. instead. but the calculations are based on figures which are not alI reliable. this grant appears to be an advance of the inheritance. and when Tobiar married Sarra. where their research has been principally catred. Laban (Gn 24: 33-53). the ycmtb was consulted. According to the Code of Hammurabi. had become a member of his own clan. on the plea of matrimonia law that Laban opposed Jacob’s departure with his wives (Gn 30: 2sf. and. Assyrian law seems to contain similar provisions. Under these circumstances it is understandable that the patents took all the decisions when a m&age was being arranged. if I. rather. yld scwrs his connections with his own clan. however. but it must be noted that Samson did not stay at Timtnh with hio wife. Abraham sent bis servant to choose a wife for Isaac.). ban r. often. and Si 23: 22 seems even to repudiate it: ‘A woman who maintains her husband is an object of anger. Gideon had a concubiie who continued to live with her family at Shcchcm (Jg 8 : 3 I). Jacob. for centuties’tbin has been the custom of the East. They reverted to the wife if she were widowed or divorced without fault on her part. Amon and Josiar at fourteen. where the tirhatu was a gift of money made previously m the bride. and the serw. When Samson married a Philistine woman ofTim&. It was not. He stayed a further six years with his fatber-inlaw (Gn 31: 41) simply because he was afraid of Erau’r vengeance (Gn 27: 42-45) and because he had a contract with Laban (Gn 30: 25-31). 3. and joined his clan. by his mattinge. . Gideon’s marriage should be compared. and in many places it still obtains to-day. the text ~frews that the woman was a concubine. after marrying Leah and Rachel. known asjoz musanib.2. 5... a contribution on the part of the bride at the time of the marriage? It is difficult to reconcile any such custom with the payment of the mohar by the bridegroom. In later days the Rabbis fixed the minimum age for marriage at twelve years for guls and tbirreer. he merely blamed him for running away sctetly (Gn 31: 26-28). it seems certain that girls. Labm reproached him for taking away Leah and Rachel. The practice of martying the eldest first was not universal (Gn 29: 26). and he was not incorporated into . they had to restore twice what they bad received. a dowry. Etbnographetr calI it a beena marriage. A few marriages mentioned in the Bible seem. Solomon’s marriage. 29: 24.mily (CT “Y. where Samson visited her (Jg 14: St. By marriage a woman left her parents. The same custom is found in Mesopotamia. From these figures tie can deduce thatJoiakin mattied at sixteen. when hc stole away. protesting that they were ‘his’ daughten and their children ‘his’ children (Gn 31: ~$43). Thhr nxnrion of B&“d. however. however. 19. follows Egyptian custom. and her son Abimclek asserted the relationship which united him to his mother’s clan (Jg 9: t-z).nt arranged the contract with Rebecca’s brother. the custom of providing a dowry ncvcr took root in Jewish territory. The story of Satmon’~ marriage is more to the point. the man gave her ornaments also and made a present to her father. since Sarra war an only child. It is not so much a marriage as a liaison sanctioned by custom: &iqa means ‘lover’ or ‘mistress’. Choosing the bride The Bible gibes no information about the age at which girls were married. Rcbccu‘r fatha m V. But the comparison is not exact. Besides. to which her children would belong. for example (Gn 24: 59. and if they broke off the engagement. and rich presents for her father and mother (Gn 24: 53). and he is above convention. but it has not been proved that this kind of marriage (called erebu) crnrtitutcs a special type of marriage. Jacob’s fourteen years of service were equivalent to the mohar. Samson’s marriage has close similarities with a form found among Palestinian Atabs. Some think these marriages are a type ofunion in which the wife does not leave her father’s house. the husband takes up residence in bet home. An exception was made for women captured in war. . In short. the marriage between w and Rebecca.. IS. however. Ammonites. At the end of the Old Testament. These bans amount to the prohibition of incest. became common among subjects also. 13:23-27). and Judah arrvlged the marriage ofhis Grst-born (Gn 38: 6). the custom was a relic of tribal life. or perhaps to the law requiring heiresses to marry within their farha’s clan. Bathsheba to a Hittire (2 S I I: 3). It WY rarer for the girl to take the initiative. marriages with very close relations were forbidden. and Samson.27. Df 22: 28-29). for Sm was Raguel’s only daughter (Tb 6: 12).) and visited other people’s houses (Gn 34: I). too. which. cvcn in those days marriageable daughters caused as much anxiety to their parents as to-day (Si 42: 9). it is ‘a law of Moses’ (Tb 6: 13. They looked after the sheep (Gn 29: 6). Moabires. 7: 11-12). and those of Jacob with Rachel and Leah. but this text refers to the Greek period and to an exceptional state of affairs. however. They not only tainted the purity of Israel’s blood. parental authority was not such as to leave no room for the feelings of the young couple. An impediment of consanguinity exists in the direct line between father and I. This freedom sometimes expwd girls to the violence of young men (Gn 34: I-Z). drew the water (Gn ~4: 13. as did Saul (I S 18: 17. young people had ample oppommity for falling in love. were not always very effective (Esd 9-m. Hamor asked for Dinah as a wife for his son She&m (Gn 34: 4-6). to preclude the alienation of family property (Nb 36: 39)). went gleaning in the Gelds behind the rapas (Rt 2: zf. 29: II-U. Joseph an Egyptian (Gn 41: 45) and Moses a M&mite (Ex 2: 2x). In an&m times young girls were not secluded and went out unveiled. for example. . -ges between first cousins were common. I S 9: 11-13). and he forfeited the right to divorce her (Exzx 15. There were love marriages in Israel. asked her parents for her (Jg 14: z-3). she took a wife for Ishmacl (Gn a: 21). 25: 44). They could talk with men without any embarrassment (Gn 24: 15-x. Esdras and Nehemias both had to take suict measures. the main collection of precepts is found in Lv 18. So Abraham sent his servant to find Isvc a wife among his own family in Mesoporvnia (Gn ~4: 4). Naomi’s two daughters-in-law were Moabites (Rr I : 4) . affity being held to create the same bond as consanguinity (Lv 18: 17). The same considerations of patrimony and blood-relationship were the basis of the omgation of the Ievb m. made by kings for political reasons. when Isaac sent Jacob to marry one of his cousins (Gn z. bcuuse one does not unite with ‘the flesh of one’s body’ (Lv 18: 6). had authority over her.8: I-Z). md even with foreign women. a Sidonian (I K 16: 31). Laban de&red that he would rather give his daughter toJacob than to a stranger (Gn 29: 19). According to Tb 6: 12-13 and . Caleb decided on his daughter’s nurr+e(Jos 15: 16). the father might guide his son’s choice. as. or take his own decisionwithout consulting his parents.vards his widowed sister-in-law. her consent was asked only because her father was dad.g. but also endangered its religious faith (I K II: 4). David had a Calebite and an Aramaean among his wives (2 S 3 : 3). where a young -has a strict right to the hand of his cousin. too. Esau married two Hittire women (Gn 26: 34). but WC do read of Saul’s daughru Mikal falling in love with David (I S 18: 20).. and even against their wishes (Gn 26: 34-35). A&b m a r r i e d Jezebel. sic P. the elder Tobias advised his son on the choice of P wife (Tb 4: u-13). and Solomon’s harem included.: 10. but the man who seduced a virgin was band to marry his victim and to pay an enhanced mohm. especially the amount of the mohar (in 29: ~sfi. spaks of the young girls of Jerualem beiig confined to the house. because he was h-at kinsman. Nevertheless. Scant respect was paid to these prohibitions. Within the family. and for expressing their feelings.’ Marriages did take place. others represent later additions to the law. e. The Penta&. advised his son to choose P wife within his tribe (Tb 4: 1. Even the independent-minded Esau took his father’s wishes into account (Gn 28: 8-9). it seems. When Abraham expelled Hagar from his camp. in her abxncc (Tb 7: 9-12). Some are primitive. and the community which returned from the Exile continued to contract mixed marriages (Ml 2: II-U). Edomites. 2 M 3 : 19. Actually. The text in Tobias must &r either to the accounts of the marriages of Isaac and Jacob (cf. contains no such prescription. not her father. and Samson’s farhcr was saddened bccausc his son did not chwse a wife from his own clan (~g 14: 3) .9. If was the custom to take a wife from among one’s own kith and kin. especially e 24: 50-5. and the mother of Hiram the bronzeworker to P Tyrian (I K 7: 13-14). Israelite women.x. These mixed marriages. and the marriage of young Tobias with Sara was agreed on with the father of Sun. Altematively.30 WC I: FllMlLY LwmUnONS 2 : MARRIAGGE 31 interpret this by analogy with certain Mesopotamian texts. when he fell in love with a Philistine woman. Once the proposal of marriage had been put to the girl’s parents. Sidoniam a n d Hit&s (I K I I: I .& marriages are common among the Arabs of Palestine. they discussed the conditions. 34: 12). cc 14: 21). for they were very free. and were therefore forbidden by law (Ex 34: 15-16. The young man could make his preferaces known (Gn 34: 4.2).Ne10:31. and because her brother. Tobias’ request for Sara’s hand could not be refused. The veiling of women came even later. after the settlement in Canaan ug 3 : 6). Dt 7: 3-4).). however. Jg 14: z). between persons of different families. whom Israelites could marry after a ceremcmy symbolizing the abandonment of their country of origin @r 21: 10-14). were married to foreigners. it is true. I S 9: II). and Isaac in turn sent Jacob there to find a wife (Gn 28: 2). Tobias. Even to-day . ‘besides the pharaoh’s daughter. An equivalent formula is found in Tb 7: II. they could not take a wife who had been a prostitute. The custmn existed in Mesopotamia also. because the woman might have cried without being heard. Dt 27: 23). The rule was even stricter for the high priest: he could marry only a virgin of Israel. but ‘when the time came’ she was given to another man (I S 18: 17-19). cf. The impediment of &nity exists between a son and his step-mother (Lv 18: 8). because she should have cried for help: ifshc was assaulted in the country. the girl is stoned along with her seducer. where Sarra’s father says ro Tobias: ‘Henceforth thou art her brother and she is thy sister. is a promise of marriage made some time before the celebration of the wedding. Nb 26: 59). however. 1t is interesting to note that both in Israel and in Mesopo&nia. marriage was a purely civil contract. Ez 44: 22 adds also widows. Though Rebecca was promised to Isaac in Mesopotamia. M&al was promised to David on payment of a hundred foreskins from the Philistines. calls the bride ‘the wife of thy covenant’ (b’rltlt: Ml 2: 14). is forbidden by the laws ofLv 18: II. T&ii married Sarra as soon as the terms of the marriage contract were agreed (Tb 7: 9-16). Legal teas. On the other hand. Is 61: IO) and accompanied by his friends with tambourines and a band (I M g: 39). though not yet married to a girl. mother and son (Lv 18: 7). not sanctioned by any religious rite. The bridegroom. 20: 21). and in the allegory ofEz 16: 8 the covenant of Sinai becomes the contract of marriage between Yahweh and Israel. apart from these references. Gn 38: 26). An engagement was concluded by the payment of the tirhalu. but here the pact is simply the contract of marriage. The engagements of Isaac and Jacob are rather peculiar. the Old Testament mentions a written marriage contract only in the story of Tobias (Tb 7: 13). found in the desert of Judah. marriage betweenanephew and aunt. We possess several marriage contracts originating from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in the fifth century B. and b’rith is often used for a religious pact. Jr 3 : 8). unless they were widows of a priest. Jacob waited seven years before marrying. Maxiage with two sisters. the amount of the mohar was discussed with the girl’s parents at the time of &engagement. father and granddaughter Qv 18: IO).. and was no doubt paid over at once if: as usually happened. which might seem to be authorized by the example of Jacob.C. between a man and the daughter or granddaughter of a woman he has married (Lv I 8 : 17). and the custom was firmly established among the Jews in the GraecoRoman era. is excused from going to war. hut she wore . A certain interval elapsed. I” Israel.’ In a contract of the second century after Christ. The story of David and Saul’s two daughters is clearer.’ Marriage was. The formula pronounced at marriage in given in the Elephantine contracts. proceeded to the bride’s house. it is true. 20: 19. According to LV 21: 7. The custom existed in Israel. She was richly dressed and adomedwithjcwels (Ps4s: 14-15. Engagement. The chief ceremony was the entry of the bride into the bridegroom’s house. between father-in&v and daughter-in-law (Lv 18: 15. the wedding took place only when she joined him in Canaan (Gn 24: 67). show that engagement was a recognized custmn with juridical consequences. of course. The law of Dt 22: 23-27 makes provision for the case in which a betrothed virgin is ticlnted by a man other than her fiancC. or betrothal. If the crime was committed in a town. Dt 27: 22). Merab had b ten promised to him.er to make the engagement valid: ‘Today you shall be my son-in-law. 1~61: IO). but at the price ofa forfeit. 20: zo). a man who is engaged. which he brought ‘before the time had passed’ ( I S 18: z&27). is forbidden by Lv 18: 18.32 I: FOAMILY INS~TlJ~0NS 2 : MARRlAGE 33 daughter. but he had a special contract with Laban (Gn 29: IS-X). and it entailed j&ical consequences. between mother-in-law and son-in-law (Lv 20: 14. hke that from which~oses was born (Ex 6: 20. and in the collateral line between brother and sister (Lv 18: 9. Hirtite law contained similar provisions. the formula is: ‘Thou shalt be my wife. According to Dt 20: 7.rty could withdraw. Marriage with a half-sister. the equivalent of the mohar. Members of the priestly line were subject to special restrictions. acts of divorce were drawn up before the Exile (Dt 24: l-3 . and the Code of Hammurabi declares that a marriage concluded without a formal contract is invalid. wearing a diadem (Ct 3 : II . ‘am& which occurs eleven times in the Bible. which was permitted in the patriarchal age (Gn 20: 12) and even under David (z S 13: 13). 20: 12. 20: 17. from this day for ever. In Pr 2: 17 marriage is called ‘the covenant of God’. The textsjust cited may well allude to a written contract. is prohibited by Lv 18: 1z-r3. The historical books provide little information.’ The woman made no declaration. Malachy. it was paid in money. only the mm is put to death. How far back it dates is hard to say. Perhaps it is merely by accident that they arc never mentioned in the Bible. during which either pa. between brotherin-law and sister-in-law (Lv 18: 16. and Hebrew has a special word for it. or divorced by her husband. and it would be surprising ifcontracts ofmarriage did not exist at the same time. between the engagement md the marriage. The gloss in 1 S 18 : 21 probably preserves the formula spoken by the girl’s &d. The custom existed in very early times in Mesopotamia. which are made out in the name of the husband: ‘She is my wife and I am her husband. between a nun and his uncle’s wife (Lv 18: 14. an occasion for rejoicing. Jg 14: IO. and later regained her liberty by the death of her second husband or by divorce from him. but he had to pay 4 L . The feast normally lasted seven days (Gn 29: 27. 6: 7). Even before this 2: MbRBlAGE 35 1%. by Jesus.). The Jewish colony of Elephantine. We do not know whether Israelite husbands made much use of thio right. 19: 1-9 and parallels). In these three passages the feast took place at the home of the bride’s parents.4: I is ‘that he has found a fault to impute to her’. it proved the bride’s virginity and would be evidence if she were slandered by her husband @r 22: 13-21). and could even be prolonged for two weeks (Tb 8: 20. nor could a man who had been compelled to marry a girl he had violated (Dt a: 28-29). Even at the beginning of the Christian era. it is certainly with reference to Gmtilc customs. Si 23: 36 had told the husband: ‘If thy wife does not obey thee at a . If the Gospel envisages the possibility of a woman divorcing her busband (Mk I O: 12. then given to another man and Mly taken back by David (I S 18: x-27. could not ask for a divorce. The Wisdom books praise conjugal fidelity (Pr 3: 13-19. of the indissolubility of marriage. but the circumstances were cxceptiona. 2 S 3: 13-r6). but had become a prostitute. examples of which survive in Ps 45 and in the Song of Songs. This explains why Rebecca veiled herself seeing Isaac.&me. on the other hand. It has been suggested that these games are a survival of marriage by abduction. during the procession. did allow a woman to divorce her husband.+al and a glance.bi. however trivial. As a general rule it was cettlinly given at the bridegroom’s house (cf. the first husband could not take her back (Dt 24: 3-4. says Yahweh. But the marriage was consummated on the first night (Gn 29: 23: Tb 8: I). 10: 7). But not until New Testament times do we fmd the proclamation. but not in the parallels). Mesopotamia and Elephantine. the husband could dkmrce his wife by pronouncing the appropriate fotmula. and he has to make a show of capturing her by force. The brandishing of the sword is symbolic: it cuts away bad luck and drives off evil spirits. escorted by her companions (Ps 45: IS). Jr 3: I). or merely that the husband preferred another woman. In Assyria he said: ‘I repudiate her’ or ‘You are no more my wife.9: 23-25). Jg 14: IZ). The bride. and Malachy teaches that marriage makes the two partners one person. P sword is carried by the bride or in front of her. the wedding songs and the v&g of the bride.’ But in Israel. the God of Israel’ (Ml 2: 14-16). bccaureDavidhadnever divorced her. There seems to be little foundation for these comparisons. sent her huband Kostabar a letter of divorce. Nor did the law apply to h4ikal. but the more liberal school ofHillel would accept any reason. the husband had to drnwupawritofdivorce(Dtz4:t. The Arabs of Palcstine and Syria have preserved similar customs-the procession. Next came a great feast (Gn 29: 22. whether we interpret them literally or dlcgorically. and the incident at sbiloh is explained by exceptional circumstances which are recorded in the story. which seems to have been very far-reaching.Is~a:t:Jr3:8)whichallowedthe wwnan to remarry (Dt 24: 2). The blood-stained linen of this nuptia night was presetved. and how Laban was able to substitute Leah for Rachel atJacob’s first marriage (Gn z.’ she form ofdivorce was simple: the husband made out a declaration con&&g that which had sealed the marriage contract: ‘She is no longer my wife and I am no longer her husband’ (OS 2: 4). and sometimes she performs the dance of the sabte. was conducted to the home of the bridegroom (Ps 43 : 16. A writ of divorce dating from the beginning of the second century of our era has been found in the caves of Murabba’at. Love songs were rung in Praise of the bridal pair (Jr 16: 9). If a divorced wife remarried. advancing and retiring before it. when S. He uses the same argument as ‘Malachy: ‘what God has joined together. according to the Code ofHammum. The rigorist school of Shammai admitted only adultery and misconduct as grounds for divorce. and in the Rabbinical age there war keen discussion on the meaning of this text. 1n Palestine itself the custom is attested in the second century of our era by a document fioom the desert ofJudah. Tb 7: 14). In some tribes the bride pretends to escape from the bridegroom. In the colony at Elephantine he pronounced in front of witnesses the words: ‘I divorce my wife’ (literally: ‘I hate my wife’). A man who had &Ixly accused his wife of not being a virgin when he married her could never divorce her (Dt 22: 13-19). The law laid few restrictions on the husband’s right. the story of the men of Benjamin and the girls who danced in the vineyards of Shiloh would be an example from the Old Testament (Jg 21: 1~3). her fiancC (Gn 24: 63). Sometimes. cf. first married to David.3. In Mesopotamia. The same naive custom still obtains in Palestine and other Moslem countries. and that the husband must keep the oath sworn to his partner: ‘I hate divorce. Osee’s double marriage (OS z-3)-if. Women. he did t&e back a wife he had divorced-is not forbidden by this law. The motive accepted by Dt 2. There is nothing to suggest that the Shulamite’s dance was a sabredance. The expression is very vague. 3. Repudiation and divorce A husband could divorce bis wife. 23: 44. which she took off only in the bridal chamber. Qo 9: 9). which was subject to foreign inIluence. such as the charge that a wife had cooked a dish badly. Mt 22: z. let no man separate’ (Mt 3: 31-32. the sister of Herod. separate from her. as it reems. Gn 24: 67). on 6. 6.34 I: FUIILY tNsIIT”nONs a veil (Ct 4: I.I. her action was held to be againstJewish bw. for in the meantime she bad not remarried. Some have compared this with the dance of the Shulamite in Ct 7: I. and. which presumably included the mohar. 5: z-14. a practice which is found among sonle Peoples. and her ptishment entailed disgrace (OS 2: 5. dies without having a child by his wife Tama (Gn 38: 6-7). pardon her. the wife’s parents might protect her interests by special clauses. but the rexr of Lv 18: 20 adds a relieious consideration. both of them difiicult to interpret and only imperfectly corrcs_ pending ro the law in Deuteronomy: the stories ofTamar and Ruth. hs own so. 7.36 I: FM. is not blamed for taking his pleasure with one whom he rhinks is a prosriture (Gn 38: IS19): his only faulr is in not observing the law oflevitate towards his daughterin-law (Gn 38: 26). on &is co~nr! a girl engaged to be married is treated exactly like a woman already marned (Dr 22: 23C). The brother-in-law can. in Ex 32: 21.._ law if he had no other sons. but he shirks this duty (38: II). it is likely that in Israel roe. for she belongs to her fnncC in exactly the same way as a married WD.. The husband is exhorted to be faithful to his wife in Pr 5: 15-19. 37 prostitutes dissipates his we&h and 1 oses his strengrh (Przg: 3. She is called the ‘strange woman’. The situation revealed by Assyrian marriage conrracrs is still more complicated. if brothers live together and one of them dies without issue. in Israel. 30. 6: 23-7: 27). In Lv 18 : 20 tr is ranked among sins against marriage: it m&s a Person ‘unclean’. except that a priest’s daughter who turned ro prostitution was to be burned alive (Lv 21: 9). Such love leads to death (2: 18. but this ‘death’ is generally synonymous with moral percbtmn: lr appears once as &revenge of the injured husband (6: 34). by making a declaration before the elders of the town. cf. ox of rbc surviving brothers takes his widow to wife. Judah ought now ro give Tamar his youngest son Shclah. howcvcr. 26: 7-11 represent adultery as a sin against God. so he frustrates his union with Tamar. Judah condemned his daughter-in-law Tamar to be bumed alive (Gn 38 : zd). The widow takes o&s shoe and spits in his face. ~a Assyrian law the husband could repudllte his wife without any compensation. never as the legal punishment of adultery. but he could also divorce her. the wife’s misconduct was punished severely: it is the ‘great sin’ mentioned in certain Egyptian and Ugaritic texts. WC have no information about unmarried women. so Tamar tricks her father-in-law into having intercourse with her (38: 15-19). the metaphorical use of the same term with refcrcnce to idolatry. the wife who separated from her husband paid the same ‘price of divorce’. :: 5. among acts which injure one’s ncighbour. Tamar’s inrcrcoursc wirb Judah may bc a rrlic of a rime when the duty oflcviratc fell on the farhcr_i. but Onan dots nor want ro have a child who would not be. Judah’s first-born son. but it is possible that in ancient times it was de& by burning. the husband who repudiated his wife could nor reclaim the mohar. If a mm commits adultery with a married woman. According toDr 32: z3f. Mt 22: 24-27). Yahweh brings about his death (Gn 38: &IO). This story of ancient times Presents the obligation of the lcvirate as much stricter than in the law of Deurer_ onomy. from the Latin lair. rranskting rhc Hebrew yabam (‘brother-in-law’). promised to his other son Shclah. for rhey often stipulate still more onerous conditions for the husband: when arranging the marriage. The wife could obtain a divorce only after a judicial decision recogruzing the husband’s guilt. Similarly. by the law of levirate. 31: 31.. and. Though rhe Old Testament makes no mention of them. then.: &17). Judah. adultery was a sin against one’s ncighbour. but he commits no crime in the eyes of rhe law. because ‘he does not raise up his brother’s house’. but his infideliry is punished only ifhe violates the righu ofanother man by faking a married woman as his accomplice. The latest collection of proverbs (Pr 1-9) &en puts young men on their guard qainst the seductions of a woman who is unfaithful ro her husband. but took away her personal property. n-12. but it is a disbonaurable action. 2: MARRI*GE The condemnation of adultery in the Decalogue (Ex 20: 14. The man who goes after According ro a law of Dt 25: 5-10. Dt 22: 22). for this sin. Dt 3: 18) is Placed between rhe Prohibitions of murder and stealing.Ez 16: 40 (cf. Er.belongs ro her husband. as everywhere in the ancient East. 23: zp). indeed. because he suspected she had given herself to a man at a rime when she was the widow of his son Er. rbc pen&y was death by stoning. in law. Ez 16: 37-38. but the wife could nor obtain a divorce at all. This institution is called levirate. According to the marriage contracts of Elephantine. the brother-in-law may not de&c the duty. 31.lILY INST. for example. and the tint-born of this new marriage is regarded UI law as the son of the deceased. both the pamers in c r i m e are put to death (Lv 20: IO. meaning Simply the wife of another mm (Pr 2: &rg. the ‘great sin’ which the king of Gerar almost committed with Sarah (Gn 20: 9.TUTIONS her compensation. decline this obligation. Only two examples ofit occur in the Old Tcsrament. The older parts of Proverbs rarely refer to adultery (Pr 30: 18-20) but they rank it side by side with prostitution (23 : 27). per husband could. and the stories of Gn 20: 1-13. varying according ro the circumstances. In conrrast with the licence which the husband enjoyed. and it passes to a~ the surviving brathcrs in rum (cf.. he paid the ‘price of divorce’. Jn 8: 5). It is the duty of bis brother Onan to marry the widow. . cc&n financial conditions were attached ro divorce. a K 17: ax). Th’e essential putpox is to perpetuate male descent. a woman could even take part in public affairs. Huldab the prophetess was consulted by the king’s ministers (2 K 22: 14t): and the books ofJudith andEsther tell how the nation was saved by a woman. Though the Code of Hammurabi does not mention it. earned her consideration. and therefore the child (probably only the first child) of a levirate marriage was considered the child of the deceased man. she addressed him. and there is evidence of it at UgL-it also. IO. for Ruth had no mote brothers-in-law (Rt I: II-12). nor daughters from their father. except when there is no male heir (Nb 27: 8). worked in the fields. The story of Ruth combines the custom of the levitate with the duty of redemption which fell on the go’rf. the Old Testament gives its own cxplulation.1T of the CHAPTER THREE THE POSITION OF WOMEN: WIDOWS she also called him ‘ad& ot ‘lord’ (Gn 18: 12. 3: IZ). Sometimes. his ox and his ass (Ex 20: 17. Within the family. All the hard work at home certainly fell to her. Most probably. The custom also existed ammw the Hurtites of Nuzu and perhaps in Elnm. and it explains why. his male and female slaves. his f&n& must marry the dead man’s brothcr. to be valid. for it was made ‘to perpetuate the name of the dead’ (Rt 4: 5. this may be due to a gap in the text. the ‘name’. The Decalogue includes a man’s wife among his possessinns. for this purpose. %c D. no doubt indicates P period ot a milieu in which the law of lcvinte wu a matter for the clan rather than for the family in the strict sax. Though they do not expressly state that the widow had to be childless. Her husband can repudiate her. but an exprasion of the importance attached m blood-ties. which seems sufficient. the Assyrian laws devote several articles to it. III any case. I. and so on.“I core probably. This consideration appear in Dt zj : 5. Jos 15: 19. the consent of father or husband and if this consent is withheld. Discussion about the purpose of the levitate seems to he endless. A vow made by a girl w married woman needs. Some have regarded it as a means of pcrpetwting ancestor-worship. along with his house and land. in the story of Ruth. she looked after the flocks. respect for a wife increased on the birth of her first child. at least the ownership. There are paraUeb to thii custmn among other peoples. and her children owed her obedience and respect. but similar. fat from lowering her stams. in fact. but he could never sell his wife. ot a subject his king. Jg 19: 26: Am 4: I). if not the use. The husband could divorce his wife. but she cannot claim a divorce: all her life she remains a minor. But. A man could sell his slaver. and in the law about daughters who are heiresses (Nb 36: 29). Dt 5: 21). Her husband became mote attached to her. Athaliah reigned wet Judah for several years (2 K I I). All this appaxnt drudgery. the tight of redeeming the land is linked with the duty of marrying the widow. and the Decalogue (Ex 20: 12) commanded equal I T has already been said that the wife called her husband ba’nl or ‘master’. as a slave addressed his master. Some of the Hittite laws also mention the levitate. and the child born of it was considered the son of the deccvcd (Rr 4: 6. note the explanation of the names which Leah and Rachel gave m their children). if a betrothed man dies. Israel honoured Deborah and Jack as heroines (Jg 4-5). of part of the mohar and of whatever she received from her parenrs (cf. the vow is null and void (Nb 30: 4-17). The law condemned the faults of children against their mother as much as offences against their father (Ex 21: 17. the married woman kept. others as an indication of a fratriarchd society. the ‘home’. Df 21: 18-21. A secondary. did the spinning. however. Lv 20: 9. which makes it a condition of the levitate that the brothers should be living together. especiallyifthechildwerea boy (Gn 16:4and Gn 29: 31-30: 24. they tteat engagement. which restored her freedom. For all this. The same motive is found in the legislation about the Jubilee (Lv ZS). 2: 20. it is the desperate act of a woman who desires childten same s-m& 1s her husband. but she was protected by the letter of repudiation. purpose was m prevent the alienation of family property. the intentiom and effects of the marriage were those of a letiatc martiagc. or even his daughter (Ex 21: 7). cf. and that this obligation proceeds in a certain order Rt. The wife does not inherit from her husband. The fact that some near r&rive must marry her. It was not mete sentiment. and especially among Irtael’r neighbows. whatever may be ttue of other nations. d 4: 17). the wife of an Israelite was by no means on the level of a slave. 2: 20). in exceptional circumstances. I . on the other hand. in just the same way as a consummated marriage. cooked the food. 27: 16). even though he had acquired her as a captive in war (Dt 21: 14).1 The law of Dt 25 does not apply. J g 1:‘s). but they ate less detailed. Deeds of exchange and donations. During his f&et’s lifetime. z-23). on the other hand. The social and legal position of an Israelite wife was. the wish is expressed that his young wife may be ‘like Rachel and Leah. 23: 2. too. A vow made by a wife continued to bind her after her husband’s death (Nb 30: IO). By the levirate law.m. AU these texts show that the Israelites wanted mainly sons. under such foreign influence. become the mother of thousands of ten thousands’ (Gn 24: 60). Lk a: t-4). As Rebecca leaves her family. who no longer had a family to assist them (Ex 22: 21. the widow in the Gospel. ot the two aged couples in the bwk ofTobias. Sterility. with alI the rights such a position entailed. especially those with children to support. and emphatically in Deuteronomy to: 18. a childless widow could continue as part of her husband’s family. to perpetuate the family line and fortune. together with orphans and resident &x-all those. as Judith did. Rachel and Leah all tried to clear themselves by adopting the child which their maids bore to their husbands (Gn 16: 2. or a disgrace. cf. The stoty of Tamar. she could re-marry outside the family (Rt I : 9). On his fatbet’s death he received a double share of the inheritance (Dt 21: 17) and became the head of the family. Among the sons. and the wedding guests often expressed the wish that the couple would be blessed with a large family. and to preserve the ancestral inheritance. to whom he was to cling (in 2: 18. cf. cf. take legal action. Mk 12: 41-44. I Ch 3: 4-because he war the first to emerge from his mother’s womb). Daughters were held in less regard. he took precedence of his brotben (Gn 43 : 33). 27: 19. shows that even during this period her father-in-law retained authority wet her (Gn 38: 24). 2 K 4: 1-7. note in contrast Is I: 23. there ate thirty-two names of women). 26: 4). a pomegranate is sometimes split open on the threshold of the house ot at the opening of the tent: its grains symbolize the ma& children their friends wish them. We have already said that she could obtain a divarcc. God promised Hagar. and the last chapter of Proverbs sings the praises of a good housewife. and sons are ‘olive plants around the table’ (Ps 128: 3). The Wisdom books insist on the respect due to one’s mother (Pr 19: 26. Judith was a rich widow. from which Sarah. Children arc ‘the tmwn of man’ (Pr 17: 6). ‘a reward. InEgypt the wife was often the head of the family. 2 S 14: 2. also survive.9). &houghZerab’s hand\asscen first. they would leave the family when they married. in fact. In ancient Israel. Si 3 : 1-16). however. bc a patty to contracts.Y lNErnUTI”NS $0 honour to be given to father and mother (d Lv 19: 3). and she even had a certain share in her husband’s inheritance. were in a piteous condition ( I K 17: 8-15. Lv . and so the strength of a house was not measured bv the number of its daughters. inferior to the position a wife occupied in the great countries round about. cf. for example ( I S I: @. And those tare passages which give us a glimpse into the intimacy of family life show that an Israelite wife was loved and listened to by her husband. at least for a time (Gn 38: 14.’ . happy the man who has his quiver full of them’ (Ps 127: 3-5). to have many children was a coveted honour. seems exceptional (Jdt 8: 4). The eldest could lose his right of primogeniturc for a grave offence. the Jewish wife acquired certain civil rights. and treated by him as an equal: Samuel’s mother. How long the periodof mourning lasted is not known. 30: 3. In Babylon she could acquire property. in which the contracting parties were women. Peres war the elder+f. etc. and thereby became liable to taxation (in a long list of taxpayers. 22: 17. that her posterity would be pastcounting (Gn 16: IO).0. where God is said to have created woman as a helpmate fat man. When Boaz marries Ruth. 30: 2. she is blessed with tbc words: ‘ 0 sister of ours. 38: 27-30.1: Fm. but to spend more than three years mourning. spending the interval before her second marriage with her own father and mother (Rt I: 8: Gn 38: II. and the pride ofher husband (PC 3 I : Ic-31). and the woman of Shunem (t K 4: 8-24). First Abraham and then Isaac received the promise that their posterity would be countless as the stats in the sky (Gn 15: 5. With twins. The widow wore mourning. More commonly widows. In the colony at Elephantine. the eldest enjoyed certain privileges. 24: 17-zr: 26: u-13. The position of widows calls for some special remarks. She could also own property. A %_/. the first to see the lieht was reckoned the elder (Gn 25: 24-26. Jdt 8: 3. also Jb 29: 13). I S I: 5) or a chastisement from God (Gn 30: IS). 20: 2. like atrows in the hand of a hero. Is I: 17. God himself is their protector. the two who built up the house of 1srae1’ (Rt 4: 11-n). blessed by her children. 1t was a faithful reflection of the teaching enshrined in Genesis.a: 13). according to Ps 146: 9. Jr 22: 3. 10: 3).. Jr 7: 6. 24) . was considered a trial (Gn 16: 2. And there is no doubt that &is was the normal picture. however. They were therefore protected by religious law and commended to the charity of the people. If then were no levir. CHILDREN T a peasant or Bedouin wedding in modem Palestine.2: 30: 17. 43 dclivety. Peres and Zerah. were born on the knees ofJoseph’. a woman in kbour perhaps sat on two stones placed at a slight distance from each other: these stones would be the equivalent of the chair of childbirth.) and gave thekiigdom to Solomon (I K 2: 15). IS ~:~o). The name becomes the expression of a hope. consequently. bewails the fact that he found two knees to receive him (Jb 3: 12). a midwife ot a relative. not Ishmael. and this is a feature found in all Eastern religions. Rom 9: 13. cf. 8: x6-18). The custom ofportponjng the naming until circumcision. This is the teason why it is so important for the belicvcr to know the true name ofhis God (Ex 3: IJ15. and Job. In Gn 30: 3. it was suckled by its mother (Gn 21: 7. and cf. David. but sometimes a child would be en&ted to a nurse (Gn 24: 59. The nrlme The child was given a name immediately after birth. cf. Moreover. in a metaphorical sense. Instead. to have power over it. I’. 34: 20). as Erau did by selling his birth-tight to Jacob (Gn 25: 29-34). the youngest in bis family. Gn 3. Nevertheless. such a custotn does exist among some peoples. 26: 17. in sorrow thou shalt bring forth children. is chosen from among all bis brothers and leaver his kingdom to Solomon.’ This was the common experience. The fwtbom. The child was weaned much later than nowadays (cf. Is 37: 3. 35: 8. by the prophets (Is 13: 8. and Job 3: IZ refers to the knees of a mother who is suckling her child. Gn 32: 30). &oEx 15: 14. and secret names among the Egypt&$. Birth According to a rather obscure text in Ex I : 16. Sometimes a particular circumstance of the birth provided the inspiration for a child’s name. a. his youngest son. Gn 25: 23). I S I : x-z3 . because the inheritance and the father’s tights pars to the youngest son.xs weaned at the age of three. and merely emphasize the tension betweenjuridical custom and the love which tended to make a father most fond of a son born in his old age (cf. and the pains of childbirth arc frequently used.. Jb 3 : 3). 50: 43: cf. 49: 3-a and I Ch 5: I). cf. 17). As a general rule. Gn 48: w). because he was the first-fruits ofmarriage. 44: 20). 22: 28. Rachel asks Bilhah to give birth on her knees. p. the name denotes the essence of a thing: to name it is to know it. Isaac’s weaning was celebrated by a feast (Gn zt : 8). for samuel I s I : xaj). 2 M 7: 27). cf. and. Joseph is his father’s favourite. this was the custom in ancient Babylon also. and is known ar ultimogeniture. 13: 21. 6: 24. 4: CHLLDREN 3. Jb 38: 89). etc. mentioned in Rabbinical times and still used in some parts of theEast.38:~8) and Ex I: 15 shows that there were professional midwives. But the examples quoted from Israelite history are exceptions to the ordinary law.. Some would tteat these instances as signs of a custom opposed to the right of the firstborn. and throughout the ancient East. Ex 2: 22. then Benjamin: Ephraim is preferred to Manasseh. 0s t~:t3:Ps48:7). when God allowed men to name the animals (Gn 2: 19-zo).g. The firstborn of a flock were sacrificed. for the God of Israel abhorred the sacrifice of children (Lv 20: 2-5. But the eldest son was protected by law against favoutitism on the pat of his father (Dt 21: 15-17). the sacrifice of Isaac in Gn a). rubbed with salt-Palestinian peasants still say ‘it makes them strong’-and wrapped in swathing cloths (Ez 16: 4. or he could surrender it. 21: 3.noh) a ma. From this some authors have concluded that childbirth sometimes took place on the knees ofmother person. or to bc able to do him good (e. as was the custom in Mesopotamia and Egypt. Gn 50: 23 says that ‘the children ofMakit. eight days later. many other examples could be quoted.butsometimesby the father (Gn 16: 15. In the earthly paradise. Finally. but those of mankind were redeemed (Ex 13: 11-15. cursing the day ofhis birth. Ex 2: 7-9: Nb I I: 12.qa I: F*MILY INSTITUTIONS xs Reuben did by his incest (Gn 35: a. According to Jr 20: 15 (cf. it was a sign that he war putting them under man’s power (cf. From Ex I: 19 we might deduce that the women of Israel had easy I. whom God knew by natnc. 35:18. the ~eviter were consecrated to God as substitutes for the firstborn of the people (Nb 3: 12-13. as so often occurs among the peasants and Bedouin of palestine to-day. a: 23. Among primitive peoples.. since the name defines the essence.: 3. The baby was washed. he pointed out David (I S 16: IZ. Isaac inherits. 2. 2 S 4: 4. is not recorded until New Testament timer (Lk I: 59. 2 K I I: z). and this custom is in fact found outside Israel. cf. the father war not present at the birth. But there is probably a simpler explanation: the texts about Rachel and Joseph must be referring to adoption (cf. Ex 33: 12. it reveals the character and destiny of the bearer. 17: 19. I K 3: 21. To know the name of a person is to be able to hurt him (hence ‘taboo names’ among primitive peoples. the displacing of the elder son by a younger one is a theme which often recurs in the Old Testament. the Bible states explicitly that these stories stress the fact that God’s choice is absolutely unmerited and quite gratuitous: he accepted Abel’s offering and rejected that ofhis elder brother Cain (Gn 4: 4-5): he ‘loved Jacob and hated Esau’ (Ml I: 2-j. This name was usually chosenbythemother(Gnz9:jr--lo:z4. son of Mulasseh. 2: 21). . It might conccm the mother who bore the child: Eve called her firstborn Cain (ad%) because she had ‘acquired’ (+. Moses. Apart from Jacob and Esau. the parallel story in Gn I : 28). 2 K 19: 3.Themotherwasassistedbyamidwife(Gn35:r7. But this isolated text carries little weight when set side by side with the curse pronounced against woman in Gn 3: 16: ‘I will multiply thy sorrows when thou art with child. ot a symbol which men try to decipher by rough etymologies. according to 2 M 7: 27 a child w. Jr 4: 31. Gn 35: 18). belonged to God. this may at times be an epithet of Yahweh. ‘son of my sonow’. There is evidence of it first at Elephantine. ‘he has give. 35: IO). Finally. but in Palestine itself. John Mark. Akbor ‘mouse’ and so on. however. Qareab ‘the bald’ and Paseah ‘the lame’.). hearing that the Philistines have captured the Ark. the divine element being understood (‘hypochoristic words’): e. not ofclans. Some are formed with ‘Baal’. Israelites or Jews by birth have foreign names. living in a foreign land (Ex 2: a). Lk I : 59). but if one recalls the significance of . the circmnstance may be an event contemporary with the birrh: the wife of Phinehas. ‘aqab (Gn 27: 36. and date from an epoch when no otber trace of totemism is found.g. and a man whosedaughter was born on a morning of heavy dew called her Endeyeh (‘Full of dew’). O. a viper or a vulture. some of these names were altered in the texts. Peres was born by opening a breach. No doubt the everyday use of these names tended to weaken their significance. The child himself might provide the occasion: Jacob was so called became. These names are to be explained in the same way as names of animals. The same custom of calling a child after the circumstances ofits birth obtains among many peoples. and some reflect the particular religious situation of an age. Moreover. S&me Alexandra. These facts prove that their real significance had not been forgotten. In the Graeco-Roman period a person might have a Greek or Roman name in addition m a Jewish one: e. while still in his mother’s womb. on seeing her son. Some are descriptive. instead of ‘Nathanyabu’.Th I: mM. the name concerns the &her: Moses called his son Gershom. 9. made up after the event and justified by some imaginary feature of the person named. but it is not always and necessarily so. or uncle.C. They express a religious idea. Zeitan ‘olive’. At the close of biblical times there arose the custom &giving a patronymic name. pew (Gn 38: ~9). ‘son of the right hand’ (Gn 35: 18). because he was born when Moses was a xer. ‘aqeb. alternatively. 8: 3). i. for ba‘al means ‘master’. but Jacob changed this name of ill omen to Benjamin. less frequently. Names of animals were commonly used. i. A perscm could change his name when he grew up.of Samaria. Tab&. and it seems to have been common at the beginning of the Christian era (cf. the power or the mercy ofGod. the child was called after its grandfather (less often its father). Thus a woman who had borne only daughterr called the fourth za‘uleh (‘Irritating’). they might be emended for the purpose of public reading. meaning ‘Where is the glory?’ ( I S 4: 21). he grasped the heel. a boy called Caleb. This is certainly tme of a number of examples. . whom he displaced. Qds ‘thorn’ and Tamat ‘palm-tree’. ‘Yahweh has given’: Mattan ‘Gift’. Nabash ‘serpcnt’. Bar-Tolomai. Aramaic names appear after the Exile and are very common in the New Testament period: Martha. Names taken from a child’s physical appearance are quite rare: Nahor means ‘the morer’. ‘ Baal’ being replaced by ‘El’ or ‘Yahweh’. They disappear after the monarchical period. The proportion oftbese names is especially high in the ostraka.e namc~ ofJacob’s sons tell a similar story (Gn 29: 31-w: 24): Rachel. those which contain some divine name or title. and&t the names are evidence ofprimitive totemism. not only in the colonies outside Palestine.e. etc. The Bible ascribes some of these changes to divine intervention. The names of Abram and Sarai were changed into Abraham md Sarah (Gn . Less often. &:. a noun or an adjective). Shephuphan ‘viper’. these ate only dialect forms of the same manes. Sometimes the name was translated into Greek (Mattanyah became Theodotos). Jacob’s name war changed to Israel for wrestling with God (Gn 32: 29. for example. then in Judaea in the third century B. With these we mzy compare a modem example: a woman from the district of Jerusalem exclaimed. but it is often the name ofthe Canaanite God. they are names of individuals. of his twin (Gn 25: ~6). denoted by his names of El or Yahweh (in shortened forms) or by some epithet or attribute.‘. Yerubbaal into Yerubbosheth. Deborah ‘bee’. The names are composed of this di&e word and a verb (or. dying in childbirth.LY INSmtJnONI 4: CHtLDRBN 45 The most important category ofnames is the ‘theophoric’. some authors have maintained that there were originally names of clam. 1 child may be called after the first animal seen at the time of its birth. Nathan.. IS 7: 3. the cwom still obtains with modem Bedouin. Under the influence of Yabwism. ‘But this child’s a negro (habash)!’ So they called him Habash. that ofthe Exile or ihe Return. or the Semitic name given a Greek form (such as Jesus or Maria). cf. which date from a period when the religion of the northern kingdom was corrupted by syncretism.6.7: 5. the feeling of kinship with him. Names taken from plants arc much rarer: ElBn meam ‘oak-tree’. similar names were known among the ancient Arabs and are found among the Bedouin to-day. But far more common than these are names derived from Israel’s national God. the Bible often gives a popular etymology. lie 2 dog. but they became much more common in periods of religious revival. Shephuphvl or Aiiah will be strong 01 terrible to his enemies. as when Ishbaal was cbanged into Ishbosheth.Egkh ‘heifer’. greatgrandfather. especially in the early ages: Rachel means ‘sheep’. Theophoric names could be abridged. instead ofMvlattany&u.. the help expected from him. 15). ‘Gift of Yahweh’. In the explanation of these names.g. Aiiah ‘vulture’.ccasio~Uy. brings to birth a son whom she calb Ikabod. We may compare with the last example the symbolic names which Osee and Lwias gave to their children (0s I: 4. or expressive of a wish: a girl called Deborah will be as busy as a bee. and Meribbaal into Mepbibosheth.e. and rhecighthTam~m(‘Enough!‘). Again. Yona ‘dove’. called her son Ben-Oni. OS 12: 4). In fact. including presentday Arabs. Caleb ‘dog’. whom he set on the throne. the Edomites. but also their servants. the Shechemites were ‘Hivvites’ (‘Horites’ in the Greek text). along with the Assyrians. Flavius Josephus says that the ldumeans (Edomites) were compelled to accept circumcision by John Hyrcanus. We have also observed that to name a petson is to assert one’s authority over him. but it was never done in the sanctuary or by a ptiest. The same tradition says it was actually on the eighth day after his birth that Isaac was circumcised (Gn 21: 4). the fast of& tsraelite community (Ex 12: 43 :49). bar-&& bear witness to the custom from the third millennium B. and as a general rule. I S 17: 26. w-108.Jr4:4). the wound healed ouly after several days of rest (Gn 34: 25. he made him t&thenameofJoiaqim(z Kz3: 34). consequently. The Patriarchs contiuued to observe the custom (Gn 34: 13-24).Uy. Among the peoples with whom the Israelites had direct contact in Palestine. ‘uncircumcised lips’ are those which cannot speak (Ex 6: 4 : CHILDPEN . God ordered it as a sign of the covenant he had made with Ab&am (Gn 17: 9-14. On the other hand. and this explains the changes of name imposed by a mater. There was no ruling about the place where it was to be performed. According to the biblical narrative. 23-27). The chief eunuch changed the names of Daniel. by the fact of their circumcision. Ez 32: 21-30 consigns Fhharaoh and his army to Sheol~with the uncircumcised. where it was petformed at the age of puberty. The Israelites were commanded to circumcise not only their children. With adults. The ceremony was to be petformed on the eighth day after birth. the episode of the Shechemites who were compelled to circumcise themselves in order to marry tsraelite maidens (Gn 34: 13-24). Edom. a change of name would mark a change in the pctson’s destiny (cf. the philistines were uncircumcised (I S 18: 25. But.’ 4. the Elamites. the hordes of Meshek and Tubal. by a physician or a specialist (I M I : 61). Misael and Azarias into ~altassar. Gn 17: g-14. both native and foreign (Gn 17: tz-13). or with whom they mingled in Palestine. &ich shows how ancient the custom is. and yet some of the mummies are not circutncixd. however. Shadrak. all the princes of the North and all the Sidonians. 1.16). Ananias. and must therefore have been circumcised. to Sedecias (2 K 24: 17). but with them the practice took on P patticular religious sipnificance. cf. and very probably true ofancient Egypt. circumcision war first practiscd by Abraham’s clan after its entry into Canaan. texts mention it. I S 14: 6. 36) and the tetm ‘uncircumcised’ (without any addition) is sometimes enough to describe them(Jg 15: 18. Odgina. it certainly seems to have been obligatory for the priests. according to the law of Lv 12: 3 and the Priestly account of the covenant with Abraham (Gn 17: 12). a subject which will be considered in counection with the king. According to Ex 4: 25 and Jos 5: z-3. later. Jos 5 : 8). On the contrary. metal instruments came into use. Gu 17: 6.zamples involve the problem of the coronation name in Israel. It seems. Jr 9: 24-25 mentions the Egyptians. batan. These last . the obscure episode of Ex 4: 24-26 seeflls to refer to marriage also.. On the other hand. yg 14: 3.3o:6. in later times. We may add that the Hebrew words for bridegroom. and the Pseudo-Bardesauus says that the Remans tried to forbid this practice in Arabia. The pharaoh gave Joseph the name of Saphemthpane& (in 4r : 45). but. Only circumcised foreignerr. Aristophanes asserts the same of the Phoenicians. The operation was carried out by the father [Gn 21: 4). all the Phoenicians and Syrians of Palestine were circumcised. flint knives were used. that the Israelites were not distinguished from the Semitic population which they displaced. pp. according to Gn 34: 2. According to the pre-Islamic poets. There is. and Jos 5 : 4-5 tells us that it was maintained throughout the sojourn in Egypt. This is cettainly true of many A&can tribes which practise it to-day. if we are to believe Herodotus. cf. could share in the Passover. which means in Arabic ‘to circumcise’. In Egypt. they appear to have adopted this custom when they settled in Canaan (cf.C. along with Judah.46 names 1: FAMfLY “isTtTUTl”NS &cussed above. ~3-2~. but resumed on entering the Promised Laud (Jos 5: 4-9). 47 YetJon 5 : P appears to describe uncircumcision as ‘the disgrace ofEgypt’. 31: 4). who are never so described. When the pharaoh installed Elyaqim as ring of Judah. the ancient Arabs wete circumcised. J OE 5: z+). Moses was not circumcised. circumcision seems to have been an initiation-tire before marriage. this implies that they constituted a nonSemitic enclave among the population. for the pretence of circumcising Moses makes him a ‘bride_ groom ofblood’. The custom must originally have had the same purpose in Israel: the stoty of the Shechemites expressly connects it with marriage (Gn 34). for the available evidence is uncertain and contradictory. in the exceptional case ofEx 4: 25 by the mother. The metaphorical uses of the word confirm this interpretation: the ‘uncircumcised heart’ (Jr 9: 2s) is a heart which does not understand (contrastDt10:16. then. of coutse. Circumcision Circumcision is the removal of the foreskin. 1t is d&cult to determine the extent of the practice of circumcision in the ancient East. and the Arabs as being circumcised in the flesh but uncircumcised in heart. Thir distinguishes them from the Canaanites. Herodotus speaks of it. Meshak and Abed Nego (Dn I : 67).The’uncitcumcisedear’isanearwhichdoes not listen (Jr 6: IO). acco&ug to the story of Ex 4: 24-a% The custom was forgotten in the desert. or. whetha servants or resident aliens. and sunilarly Nabuchodonosor changed the name of Mattanylh. it also initiated a man into the common life of the clan. sonin&w and father-in-law are all derived from the same toot. 46) and m give him a general education (PI I: 8. zaf. A Rabbi was to say: ‘He who does not teach his son a useful trade is bringing him up to be a thief.ONS 4: CmLDRmi 49 12. was done by word of mouth. and the divine commands given to their forefathers (Ex IO: 2 and the other texts just quoted). slmples of which have been found in excavations. did not pnctisc it. Above all. and the commandment of Dt 6: g. etc. It was a sign ofincorporation into the life ofthe group. Dt 6: 7. apparently. so also were the Ammonites. and the crabs were handed down in the family workshop. The same author ad& that in his time. according to Jdt 14: 10. and especially Si 30: 1-13). cf. and according to Josephus. or played with little clay models. Jews who followed HeUcnistic fashions tried to hide the marks of their circumcision ( I M I : 13. the first Jewish-Christian controversies.). Education During bis early years a child wa left m the care of his mother or nurse. Si 30: I) . in practice. This would account for certain ancient references: Ez 32: 30 count the Sidonians among the uncircumcised. gained ground only gradually. in writing. vizier to Assuerus. II: 20 presumed that every head of a family could write. Horace) and had to contend with the invasion of Greek conventions. Circumcision. whose mission was m teach. Apart from the education he received at home. The content of the instruction was very general. The importance of circumcision as a sign of the covenant with God was therefore all the more strongly emphasized. judging by the stories ofJezabe1 (I K 21: 8) and of Isaiah (Is 8: I).MtII:16).’ This educational rdle of the father explains why the priests. 32: 7. Ac rj : 16: 3 . Dt 4: 9. 1n New Testament times the duty of circumcision took precedence of the law of the sabbath (Jn 7: 2% 23). cf. have always played with dolls. the pupil repeated the story.. and private secretaries like Baruch (Jr 36: 4).). especially of their moral formation (Pr I: 8. The little Israelite spent most ofhis time playing in the streets or squares with boysandgirlsofhisownage~r6:11. and asked or answered questions (Ex 13: 8. I Cot 7: IS). cf. Most teaching. It also explaim how Joseph. religion gaye the tire a more lofty significance.g:zo. John Hyrcanus compelled the ldumeans to circumcise themselver.48). therefore. and as a sign of the covenant which God made with Abraham and his dercendantr (Gn 17: 9-14: from the Priestly tradition). which was still being recited in the days of the Maccabces (I M g: 20-x). 6: 20). etc.4s I: PllMLY *NST. Indeed. She might continue m advise her children even in adolescence (cf. the custom was bemg pmgressively abandoned among the nations surrounding Palestine. 5. 6: 20. 2 M 6: IO). 18: 19). the names of all the chiefs of his clan (Jg 8: 14).ZaS:~. Proselytes were obliged m accept it (6. the relationship between teacher and pupil was expressed by the words ‘father’ and ‘son’ (2 K 3: 12. Writing was in common use at an early date. The father handed on to his son the national traditions (which were also religious traditions). but as the boys grew up m manhood. Similarly. 29: 15. trades were usually hereditary. in connection with the Passover (Ex 12: 44. I K 4: 3. into the community of Israel (cf. children were also taught literary passages. 30). is regarded as that which makes a man fit for normal sexual life. 6: 7.. ‘my sons’and ‘Hear. like those employed at the coutt for administration (2 S 8: 17. at the sime time. 13: 8. PI 31: I). The religious importance of circumcision. Hence it is prescribed as an obligation. Dt 8: 5. This custom aroused the scorn of the pagans (Martial. gave explanations and asked questions. such a David’s lament over Saul and Jonathan (2 S I : I 8). ones: a young man of Sukkoth was able to give Gideon. they were usually entrusted to their father. and obtains even to-day in Koran? schools. It was the mother who gave her children the first rudiments of educaion. Besides the professional scribes. The father also gave his son a professional education. 22: 15. the young Israelite had . Ex 12: 47-48).TnT. little girls. the frequent use of’myson’. the first century of our aa. The teacher told his story. Ps 78: 3-4. 17. It was only during the Exile that circumcision became the distinctive mark of a man who belonged to Israel and m Yahweh. it is an initiation to marriage. however. my son’inthe book of Proverbs). while. Antic&us Epiphanes forbade it in Palestine. which did not accept it. the Jews were the only inhabitants of Palestine who had themselves circumcised. 2 S 7: 14. who became the pharaoh’s counsellor. could be called his ‘second father’ (EL 3 : 13 or 8: 12). The first references m pagans being circumcised when they accepted the Jewish faith are found in Jdt 14: IO and Est 8: 17 (Greek). This significance mmt have died out when the operation wa performed scat after birth. Pr 3: 12. The explanation is not hard to fmd: the exiles lived among peoples who. P&us. it would seem. The laws of the Pentateuch make only passing references m it. Gn 34: 14-16. was l&e a ‘father’ m him (Gn 45: 8). and in&red cruel punishment on those who resisted his orders ( I M I : 6041. 0ne of his most sacred duties was to teach his son the truths ofreligion (Ex IO: 2. are called ‘father’ (Jg 17: IO. 12: 26. with the pur&cation of women after childbirth (Lv 12: 3) and as a term of comparison with the first fruits of trees (Lv 19: 23). The whip and the rod played their part in this training (Pr 13: 24. &embers of the ruling class could write. compared with 2 K 2: 3. This method of teaching continued under the Rabbis.2of. But these were not the onlj. however.Theysang and danced. both late documents. xx: 25. Gal 2: 3). even after he had been weaned (2 S 4: 4) and was learning m walk (OS I I : 3). and how Aman. sf . the prophets and teachers of wisdom gathered pup& around them to whom they gave a more continuous training (PI 8: 32. It is certain that under the monarchy the prophets were the religious and moral teachers of the people. guardians and teachers of the Law. It is probable.Dt3~:6. too. Their teaching was handed down in the gatherings ofthe elders (Si 6: 34). who taught them what they needed to know for their duty as wives and housekeepers. however. 50: 4). The preceding paagraphs concern only the education of boys. I). in fact.Y MSnlvnONS ample opportunity for learning. And prophetic inspiration lent to their preaching the authority of a word of God. 30: 1-13).’ We might see a reflection of customs of adoption in those passages where the relations between Yahweh and Israel are expressed as those of father and son(Ex4:22. Girls remained under the control of their mothers. ‘were born on Joseph’s knees’ (Gn 50: 23). and ‘0 the arrangement of commercial transactions. which were preserved in oral tradition and later preserved in written collections (Pr I O: 1.but these are hardly mote than metaphors. named by Rachel and regarded as her sons (Gn 30: 3-8). as it were. this was at least as much a part of their task as foretelling the future. in the streets and at the cross-roads (Pr 1: zof. . sitnilx training-schools existed in Mesopotamia. Rachel gives Jacob her servant Bilhah. The prophets. in the open air. given. in conformity with a custom attested by the Nuzu texts. In the middle of the second millennium B . its grandfather or its grandmother. in the conversation at festive meals (Si 9: 16). about 130 B. the child being ‘adopted’ by its stepmother (cf. where the civil servants were trained. ‘instruction’. where he would hear the chanting ofthe Psalms and the recounting of those historical episodes which were connected with each great festival. and. As in the Middle Ages. who was brought up among Pharaoh’s c:. the T&ah. Ephraim and Manasseh. theii influence increased after the Exile.Is63:16. 8: z f. or of Genubath. According to a Jewish tradition. we may add. Manasseh’s son.ddren (I K I I : a. There is. no proof of an organized system of schools until a late period. Along with them ‘wise men’ taught men how to live a good life. when wise men and scribes became identical terms.50 I: F*M”.31:9.5: I. too.D.). it was only in A. that the children of M&r. if not always the most heeded.C . We are told. Thus we cannot regard as real adoptions the instances ofMoses. The legal consequences of such an adoption are therefore not far-reaching. at the city gates. the best of all their teachers. p. which by etymology tneans ‘directive ’ . At the village gates he would listen to the palavers of the elders. Its object was to secure for barren couples the benefit of children. z. The Old Testament laws contain no directives about adoption. the legal acknowledgement of one born outside the family as having the rights of a child born into the family.). and thus to provide them with help and support in their old age. Certain men had a special mission to instruct the people. . 63 that the high priest Joshua ben Gimla decreed that every town and village should have a school which all children would have to attend from the age of six or seven. Lk 2: 41f. at Nuzu. he heard men sing of the ‘justices of Yahweh’ (Jg 5: x-11). We are almost bound to see in all these cases one and the same rite expressing adoption: the child was laid on or between the knees of the man or woman who adopted it. The story of Abraham’s planning to leave his go& to his servant because he had no child (Gn 15 : 3) bar been explained as the adoption of a slave. and from which anyone could benefit. had a mission to instruct the people. This tradition is contested by some scholars who date the institution of public instruction froti the time ofJohn Hyrcanus. The historical books record no example of adoption in the strict sense. Some didactic teaching was probably given at an early date in the centres of worship: the boy Samuel was en-ted to Eli the priest ( I S 2: 21. etc. without any mention of the rite Gn 16: 2. and that Rachel may thus have a child. But these are not adoptions in the full sense. if this explanation is correct. as his own (Gn 48: 5) and puts them ‘between h+ knees’ (Gn 48: 12). with the legal rights and duties of a true child. that schools for scribes existed at an early date in the two capitals. ix.C. The word ‘school’ (bAh-midrash) occws for the first time in the Hebrew text of Si 51: 23. in which the idea ofdivine fatherhood I_ B”f cf. and the Bible itself does not represent the act as an adoption. through B&h: Bilhah’s two children are.0~11:1~et~. too. to the settlement oflawsuits. IS 8 : 16. it reveals the influences of a Mesopotamian custom in the patriarchal age. Naomi takes Ruth’s newborn child to her breast and says: ‘A son is born to Naomi’ (Rt 4: 16-17). 6. Some other examples are clearer. in Egypt and among the Hittiter. for they all take place within the family and in the direct line. these three examples all occur on foreign soil. The child accompanied hu parents to the sanctuaries (I S I : 4.64:7. Adoption was practised in Mesopotamia from a very early time. First of all came the priests. to whom Mardochai gave a home when she had no father or mother (Est 2: 7. the liturgy was a powerfid medium of religious instruction. when occasion offered. so that Bilhah may bear a child on her knees. Adoption Adoption is an an by which a man or woman acknowledges a person of different blood as his or her son or daughter. In the caravans and by the wells.ere used to cover all mmner of economic transactions. 22: 17.21) or to the temple at Jerusalem (cf. and Joas was instructed by the priest Yehoyada (2 K 12: 3).Jr3:19. but it does not prove that the custom took root in Israel.). and moral education was combined with study of the Law. Moreover. 26). Finally. 15). or of Esther. contracts of fictitious adoption \. Apart from this teaching.. in the region of Kirk&. who was treated as a son by Pharaoh’s daliihter (Ex 3: IO). Jacob considers Joseph’s two sons.) They expressed their teachings in epigrams.). war known in Old Testament times. to share the inheritance with her son Isaac (Gn 31: IO). the son of the slavewoman.~~: ro. 111-11. and he shall b. taken in conjunction with Nb 38: Q-9). The fundamental rule is that sons alone have a tight to the inheritance. Mote significant is Nathan’s prophecy about the king ofDavid’s line: ‘I shall be a father to him. fade into background before that ofGod as Master and Creator. indeed. ?ie law safeguards the right of the eldest by forbidding the father to show favour to the son of the wife he prefers at the expense of the eldest son (DC ZI : 15-17). and they concern particular cases. he gave verbal inrtructions about the distribution ofhis property (cf. with the other passages de et&m on it. Sarah did not want Ishmael. and the house. and.) Probably only the movable chattels were shared. The sons of the slave-women Bilhah and Zilpah were given equal rank with those of Rachel and Leah (Gn 49: 1-28) and had an equal share with them in the land of Canaan. Is 38: I). 01 at least not divided. at Nuziand a. I. in the juridical sense. unless their father had given them equal rank with the sons of free-born wives. They need to be supplemented by incidental information from the biblical narratives. (This law retrospectively condemns Abraham for expelling Ishmael [Gn 21: rot] and David for preferring Solomon to Adonias [I K I: 17.tCht7: 13.Onlyonetextisexplicit.. and Abraham was downhearted at sending him away (Gn 21: II). cf pp. But Sarah pretended she had forgotten her promise that Hagat’s children should be recognized as her own (Gn 16: 2): lshmael therefore.e. z K 2: o. would be allotted to the eldest. Only in the New Testnment will it be brought into full relief. metaohoricallvl. by legal adoption. 33: 24). But before he died. In the early days of Israel. However. Mari. but had little influence on daily life. Among the sons. and these narratives are not alwavs easy to interpret. the sons ofconcubines who were slaves had no share in the inheritance. SUCCESSION AND INHERITANd i:“’ N ancient Israel there was no such thing as a written will or testament. This would keep the family property intact.e a son to me’ (2 S 7: 14. i. and in the event Abraham left his goods to Isaac. had a right to the inheritance. a father used to ‘set his house it. which certainly seems to be using a formula of adoptical we may conclude that the notion of adoption. which I .~8:6:Ps8~:27). The same provision in made ii the Assyrian l&s.: cf. with the ancestral holdings. as a general rule in Mesopotamian law-codes. %atofPs2: 7.52 1: FAMILY INSTlnlIlONE \. and only made presents to the sons of his concubines (Gn 25: s-6). he had to conform to law and custom Only two legislative texts refer toinhcritance (Dt 21: 15-17 and Nb 27: r-11. order (2 S 17: 23. Dt 21: 16. the eldest had a privileged position1 and received a double share ofhis father’s eoods iDt 21: I. d 2: IS]. it ~1% unknown in later Jewish law. ‘Thou at my son: w-day I have begotten thee’. 2 K w: I. and might explain the text ofDt 25: 5 about brothers who ‘live together’. Si 14: 13. dates from an age when cusmtn had grown much more liberal. Rt I: E). Indeed. born of a prostitute and not of a concubine (Jg II: I). the father had absolute freedom in the distribution of his property. Job’s three daughters received a share of the inheritance along with their seven brothers (Jb 42: I 3-15). cf. in the following order: his brothers. a childless widow either returned to her father (Gn 38: II. in which the story is ret. and this. is sometimes quoted (Jg I I : a). Some late passages show that the father could make advances of the inheritance long before his death (Tb 8: 21. This precedent was established at the instance of the daughters of Selaphchad (Nb 27: I-E). however. distinct from the legacy left by her husband. Daughters did not inherit. Judith had receivcd from her husband quite a fortune. g) is difftculr to explain. This may represent Inter custotn. The cae of Naomi. and Naomi appears to be acting as the guardian of their rights.54 t: FAMILY MsctTunONs 5: S”CCEsSION AND INHmIT*ANCB 55 was Jacob’s inheritance. Lv 22: 13. Later usage reemr to have been less sttict. they provided for her support. In Israel. But the reason is that they had been adopted by Rachel or by Leah (Gn 30: 3-13). Lk 15: 12). The contracts of Elephantine allow a childless widow to inherit from her husband. including both movable and immovable goods (Jdt 8: 7). his father’s brothers. By contrast. except when there were no male heirs. but Jephthah was an illegitimate son. or at least that she was to keep what she had contributed to the marriage and the gifts she had received from her husband. the property passed to his male kinsmen on his father’s side. Under this law the daughters ofEleazar married their cousins (I Ch 23: zz). There is one notable exception. but it may simply be an instance ofarbitrary confiscation. perhaps the purpose was to show the enotmou~ wealth ofJob and the ideal happiness of z. and she disposed of it quite freely before her death (Jdt 16: 24). or remained a tnetnbet of her husband’s family by a levirate marriage. is probably that ‘law of Moses’ to which Tb 7: II refers. Babylonian law and the usage of Nuzu both laid down that a widow did have a share in the inheritance. If a man died without issue. and when the way was already being prepared for that recognition of a widow’s rights which was eventually sanctioned by Jewish law. too. she may have managed the property left to them as their trutee (this would explains K 8: 3-4). Si 33: 20-24. family in which all the children were treated equally. excluded from his father’s inheritance by his halfbrothers. Kilyon and M&km. but we should at least notice that in Rt 4: 9 the land is regarded as the joint property ofher two sons. Thcsc two were also dead. The case of Jephthah. His widow had no right to the inheritance. . bis nearest relative in the clan (Nb 27: g-11).~ If a widow had grownup children. The episode of Nab& (I K a: IS) bar led some writers to conclude that tb e property of tnen condemned to death reverted to the king. and so prevent the family property from passing to another tribe (Nb 36: I+). for the book of Job is past-Exilic. o&ring for sale a piece ofland which had been the property of her &ceased husband (Rr 4: 3. The money owned by Mikayehu’s mother(Jg 17: 1-4)~~ perhaps her own personal property. this story. If the children were still young. ot perhaps it was then imagined that in patriarchal timcs. but with the proviso that they were to fmd husbands from a clan aftheir father’s tribe. andadeadmanisadead’saul’. Lk 7: 14). cf. for the soul continued to feel what was done to the ba. The poor were simply laid to rest in the ground. ccxnmon tombs. a: 9). such as shafts opened in the rock. The normal type of Israelite tomb is a burial chamber dug out of soft rock. instead of ledges. to bum a body was an outrage. in&ted only on notorious criminals (Gn 38: 24: Lv 20: 14. it seems to have been a departure from traditional usage. cf.cf.Lvat:~r.Ez~9:~). in the subterranean abode of Sheol (Jb 26: j-6. and the parallel passage in I Ch IO: IZ omits this point. andEz 32: 27 tells us that soldiers were laid to rest in their amtour. and the corpses plnced inside. as it still is in the East. are later than Old Testament times. but incense and perfumes were burned neat the body. There remains one d&cult instance: the people of Yabesh in Gilead burnt the bodies of Saul and his sons before burying their bones (I S 3 I : 12) . and conveyed uncleanness to those who touched than (La 21: t-4. Samuel came up from Sheol with his cloak around him (I S 28 : x4). but carried on a bier (2 S 3 : 3 I . The seventy days’mouming before the transfer ofJacob’s body is exceptional. the soul exists.. It is probable that it was then prepared for burial.az:t9. or making use of a natural cave. except in days long before the coming of the Istaelites. 2 K 13: ZI). ate explicitly ascribed to Egyptian custom (Gn 50: z-3). There does not seem to have been any fixed rule about the position of the bodies. There is sometimes a cavity in which the bones of skeletons were placed. a cl 4 . and the tomb which contained it. T In Gn 46: 4 there is an alhuion to the custom of closiig the eyes of the dead. 19: 39-40). These funeral offerings. Death is not am&&on. but it is the only example recorded. Some personal belongings and pottery were put beside the corpse. to make way for new burials. from IM) B. and death. not placed in a coffin (cf. Men’s ideas on the fate of the dead had progressed. which speak of a fire being lit at the death of a king who died in peace with God: this is certainly not cremation. In addition we must not co&se with cremation the references given in Jr 34: 5.CHAPTnR SIX DEATH AND FUNERAL RITES H E distinction between soul and body is something foreign to the Hebrew mentality. We do not know the interval which elapsed between death and burial. Nb 19: 11-16. is not regarded as the separation of these two elements. the Israelites never ptactised it. there was a ‘tomb of the sons of the people’. therefore.D. it is probable that. in a condition of extreme weakness. 2 Ch 16: 14. the boner were laid to rest in coffers of soft limestone: great numben of these ossuaries have been discovered in the ncighbourhood ofJerusalem. at the end of the Israelite period. with their swords under their heads and their shields under their bodies. a prey to the birds and the wild beasa. Ag 2: 13. stone sarcophagi and wooden or leaden coffins. in the K&on valley. Embahning was never pracdsed in Israel: the two examples known.C .Jr16:4. These ideas account for the care bestowed on the corpse and the importance of honourable burial.dy. and this also in to be explained by Egyptian custom (Gn 50: 26). in fact. _ . as a general rule. were both considered unclean. ~2: 4. and. this almost universal custom is perhaps simply explained by the resemblance of death to sleep. intended for the use of the dead. to A. wasrhewotstof111cunes(~Kt4:11. Th e de 1ay was probably very short. are confined to a few vases ot lamps. A live man is a living ‘soul’ (wphrrh). For at least two hundred years. The precept of Dt 21: a-23 concerns only the bodies of those who had been executed: they had to be removed before nightfall. Not every family could afford the expense of owning and maintaining such tombs. The nearest relatives embraced the body (Gn 50: I). The corpse WT. burial took place on the day of death. In the Hellenistic period a new type of tomb appean. Jn II: 44. 21: 19. These tombs are. and at Jctus&n. On the contrary. like a shade. Joseph’s body was placed in a coffin. other methods of burial. and their offerings had only symbolic value. In Palestine. Hence to be left unburied.adead‘nepherh’(Nb6:6.. 100. for the Egyptians accorded the Patriarch a royal funeral. The pins and other ornaments found in excavated tombs show that the dead wete buried fully clothed. There is no evidence that corpses were cremated in Palestine. are not so nunemus or rich as in the Canaanite pctiod. Is r4: 9-10. So long as the body exists and the bones at least remain. those ofJacob and Joseph. but we have no information earlier than the New Testament (Mt 27: 59 and par&b. ot among groups of foreigners.Yetthe corpse which was doomed to corruption. Ez 43: 7). Ez 32: 17-32). The entty is a narrow passage opening on one of the sides: on the other three sides are ledges on which the bodies were laid. used by a family or clan wet a considerable period. Nb r9: 13). narrow niches are cut perpendicularly into the wall. or upon enemies a man wanted to annihilate for ever (Am 2: e). 28 : 27). (The ‘nakedness’ of Mi t : 8 means this rudimentary garment. Jb 3: 14). and at the sane time emphasizing that the tics ofblood reached beyond the grave. in public calamities and in seasons ofpenance. this raises the question whether a cult of the dead was not practiscd on the high places. St James and Z&arias) all date from the end of the Greek or the beginning of the Roman period. Jdtt6:24. 15: 30). the inhabitants ofYabesh fasted for seven days ( I S 31: 13). and Absalom. belonging to important persons in Jerusalem. in the old city of David (I K 2: IO. and were later wrecked by quarrying. the first action was to tear one’s garments (Gn 37: 34. 2 Ch. Jacob set up a stelc over Rachel’s tomb (Gn 35: 201. 11: 43.Sizz: tz. ofJacob and Leah (Gn 49: 29-32: 50: 13). 23. down to 2 K 16: 20.Jbz:1~. they hoped for it during life (2 S 19: 38). many items of which were customary on occasions of great sorrow.Ez~7:3a). or grouped in places where the natwe of the sail was favourable.48:37. Except for the kings of Judah.E~7: 18. which Abraham bought for the burial of Sarah (Gn 23) became in later days the tomb of Abraham himself (Gn 25: p-to). 30).4t:~. the bamo”rh. aMm:zs. The nectopolis of the kings ofJudah. king of Byblos. 2 K 6: 30. and his bamah (here: the place ofhis tomb) with the rich (or: with evildoers)‘. orin apiece ofland bought as a burying place (Gn 23).Jr6:26. on the other hand. and it is the pose of weeping women in certain Egyptian bas-reliefi and on the sarcophagus of Ahiram. where the bodies cf ‘stateless persons’ and condemned ctiminah were thrown (Jr 26: 23 . except on feast days. usually worn next to the skin. there is no evidence that the dead were buried inside the towns. 2 K z3 : 6).3:31:13:3t. where David and his succcssots until Achaz were buried. had a stele prepared for himself near Jerusalem (2 S 18: t8).23) ot veiled his face (z S 19: 5. . 3. which may be the remains of these tombs. which record the deaths of great Old Testlment figures.Isz~:1~. provided themselves during life with burial-places worthy of their rank (Is z. The site of a tomb might be marked by a pillar: thus. Ez 43 : 7 needs no correction: ‘Never again will they defile my holy name with their prostitutions. This suggestion can claim the support of a few biblical texts which have been corrupted ot badly understood.jB:t7). for the taint of heathenism they preserve. 14: 31. ci. cf. Mourners would also shave their hair and beard. are condemned by Lv 19: 27-28. 14: ts. lay inside the ramparts. Conversely.Is58:5. and their widows will not weep for them’. went through a certain ritual. and by Dt 14: I. they have been opened several times. 14: 2. It war thus that family tombs were established: the cave of Macpclah. and lie or sit among a heap of vh~s(Est4:3. to be excluded from the family tomb was a punishment from God 59 (I K 13: x-x. The tomb was family property. but the original meaning later took on a deeper sense. cf. The mourner would put earth on his head (Jos 7: 6. 23). and swlae wcte also erected on the high places. cf. a man covered his beard (Ez 24: 17. 2 M 3: 19). Jr 2: 37). according to the expetts.) The mourners took off their shoes (z S 13: 30. The rich. reads: ‘Their sutvivon will be buried in batdth. Jdt to: 3). 6: DEATH *ND PUN. 16: 31. patriarchs and kings of Israel or Judah. and people were surprised that he did not fast for his dead child (2 S 12: 20-x). at least partly. Am 8: I O). and make cuuontheirbodies~bt:zo. The tombs in the Kc&on valley which have monumetxs over them (the sc-zdled tombs of Absalom. with a very simple change of vowels. Mi I: 8) and headdress (Ez 24: 17. Is 53: 9 should read. Lastly. and the words became a solemn formula signifiing death. The first written mention of it occurs in connection with the tomb of the Maccabecs at Modin (I M 13: 27. around the waist and below the breast (cf. and with the funeral stelae (p&r) of their kings in their barn&h. Ne 9: I. is noted as something exceptional (Jdt 8: 54). perhaps referred otigimlly to this custotn of a family tomb.SB I: EAMILY INSTIlUTlONS common trench. however.47:~. Mourning rites The deceased person’s relatives. according to the Qumran manuscript: ‘They set his grave among the wicked. Jasaphat. After burying the remains of Saul and his sons. It is probable that to put one’s hands on one’s head was a regular sign of mourning: the Bible speaks of this gesture as an expression of sorrow or shame (2 S 13 : 19. The tombs were scattered over the surrounding slopes. I S 4: 12.BITES David kept a day’s fast for Saul and Jonathan (2 S I : 12) and also for Abner (2 S 3 : 3 s). Excavations have brought to light two galleries in the rock. but cf. on the other hand.2: 16.hewouldroUhishead(Jb16:1~). in spite of the parallel of Is 20: 2-4. who had no son ‘to make’his name remembered’. the usual period of strict mourning(Gnso:to. Some s&e were definitely funeral rnonutnentr.Ez27:30). But the construction of a manument over the tomb or in connection with it is a late practice. Jb 27: 15.ThefactthatJudith continued to fast. At news of the death. whether it stood on land hclonging to the family(Jos 24: 30.). it was a coarse material. 31: 5. throughout her widowhood.or even his whole body (ti I : IO) in the dust.Jtt6:6.Jbt:2o). Ez 24: 17. The expressions ‘to sleep with one’s fathers’ and ‘to be reunited with one’s own’. 2 S 2: 32: 17: 23).2S1:11. of Isaac and Rebecca. Yet.bufcf. mourners refrained from washing and using perfumes (2 S 12: 20. and David made this gesture as a last tribute to the bones of Saul and his descendants (2 S zt: 12-14). These rites. 32.Then’sackcloth’wgspuron(Gn37: 34. and those present at the death and funeral. and the remains of well-tended tombs. can still be seen at Sbiloah. I S 15: I: t K 2: 34). It was normal for a man to be buried ‘in the tomb ofbin fathcr’(Jg 8: 32. 2 S 3 : 3 I) . ‘Alas. but rhis precept is taken from the pagan book entitled The Wisdom oJz4hiqur.Or9:4). Somerimes the argument is that the deceased person was feared. the making of food-offerings to the dead person (Ba 6: 26). Perhaps we should explain the very awkward text of Dt 36: 14 by reference to the same customs. and that the living therefore wanted to protect themselves from him. or fasting) are found as penitential rites.60 1: FAMILY INsnTUTlONS 6: DEATH AND FUNERAL RITES 61 Neighbows or friends brought mourning bread and the ‘cup of consoladon’tothcrclativaofthcdcceascd(Jrr6:7. it is argued that the living attributed a kind of divinity to the dead.Ez~4:17. which they me to depict the misfortunes of Israel.for the unclanners which was attached to the house of rhe dead prevented food from being prepared there. There is no foundation for either opinion in the Old Testament. as an act of piety whichwasrheirdue(I S31: 1. Thus the lament OYL’I Judas Maccabce. which the wailers then applied to the individual. Am 8: IO. then. some texts mention. ‘Alas. Finally. my brother!’ or. our of the tithe. Interpretation ojrhese rites I. these rites formed part of that duty to their parents enjoined by the Dccalogne. Ez 19: 1-14. In its simplest form it was a sharp. A father would all on his son by name (a S 19: I. There were fixed forms. which is holy and reserved ro the poor (v. a qinah. Lord! Alas. 16-x. men or women (2 Ch 35: 25. Am 5: I-Z). 28: 12-19. composed in a special rhythm (2 S I: 17. For children. nor made any offering to the dead. The mourners praised the qualities of the dead man and bewailed his fate. David wrote one for Abner. In the elegy on Saul and Jonathan. of its kings and of ia enemies (or 9: 9-11. .~~.erc. or. ‘Alas. which might be placed on his tomb (Si 30: 18 [Greek: in Hebrew ‘before an idol’]). or to secnre his goodwill. and P stock number of themes. there is deep human emotion. at the very least. At the other extreme. 26: 17-18. ‘Alas. For the death of an ody son. restricted to funeral services. It is true that many of these rites were used in times of great sorrow and national disaster. Si7: 33. hut that no cult was paid to them. But to say that the rites are merely the expression of sorrow is not su&ient. they indicate nothing more than a belief in survival titer death and a feeling of affection towards the dead. the lamentation was particularly heart-rending (Jr 6: ~6. 6.. for example. but it is a most striking fact that the examples preserved in the Bible never have a religions content. repeated cry. The best example of all is the book oflament&ns.9. if it were a member of the roya family. in rhe immediate context of the book of Tobias. where to ‘make mourning’ means ‘to perform the lamentation’).~~: II12). either use would have made the entire tithe unclean. Dt 14: I) certainly had a religious significance. The self-mutilation and shaving of the head which the Law condemned (Lv 19: 27-28. compared in Mi I : 8 to the call of the jackal or the ostrich. 2 S I I: 26). 50: IO. for some of them (wearing sackcloth. The Israelite there declares that he has taken norhing as mourning food. cf. These cxclamatians of IOIIOW could be developed into a lament. and. The oldest and freest is that sung by David far the death of Saul and Jonathan (2 S I : 19-27). could be interpreted of alms given on the occasion of a funeral Whatever be the rrne interpretation of this text. 25-36. thougheveryoneprerenrjainedin(~ S 25: I. 28: 3. Ez 32: 16). It was a trade or profession which they taught their daughters (Jr 9: 19). they were not. belief in a life beyond the grave. too (2 S 3 : 33-34). for that attitude never existed in Israel. Prayer and sacr&ce of expiation for the dead (borb incompatible with a cult ofthe dead) apppenr at the very end of the Old Testament. The food-offerings express. the beginning of which is quoted in I M 9: 21. Za 12: IO).~ Sz.. Majesty!’ (Jr 22: 18. it was the duty of close relations (Gn 23: 2. even though we cammt now define it. On the orher hand. 3: 3r. at other times. 27: z. TkeJimeral lamcnrarions The chief f?meral ceremony was the lament&m for rhe dead. These cries were uttered by the men and women in separate groups (Za 12: 11-14). 5. These funeral rites have sometimes been explained as evidence for P cult of the dead. alas!’ (Am 5: 16).1: I3-I4. and can therefore have a religions meaning. 3). my sister!’ ( I K 13: 30). in 2 M 12: 38-46. Am 5: 16)~ especially women (Jr 9: 16f. such and similar customs continued for a long time. for example. though in mockery. We conclude that the dead were honoured in a religious spirit. 34: s). But these laments were usually mmposed and rung by Professionals. it has been held that these rites were merely the expression of sorrow at the loss of a dmr one.z. but nor a word of religious feeling. They cried. Excavations show that there was a time when the Israelites followed the Canaanite custom of dcpositig food in the tomb.cf. They are not acts of worship directed towards the dead. 32: z-8. and still do conrinue in parts of the Christian world.Tb I: 17-19. In the Prophets we find imitations of these funeral hymns. 13). these ceremonies were regarded as a duty which had to be paid to the dead. Am 8: IO). repeaa the words of the lament over Saul and Jonathan. In Tb 4: 17 the elder Tobias counxls his son to be lavish with bread and wine on the tomb of rhe just. 2 S I: 11-12. PART II CIVIL INSTITUTIONS . ca Levites over a month old (Nb 26: 62). Before the departure from Sinai (Nb I : x-46).000 men liable for military service in Israel.ooo men of military age would imply at least five million inhabitants. In particular. the lack of accurate statistics makes the problem complex. though he excludes non-Israelite territories. and there are ~w.550 men over twenty years of age (cf. besides their families and a mixed multitude who went with them. some numerical information in the Bible. We must simply acknowledge that there figurer are artificial.POPULATION could determine the size of its population. Moreover. There is no great discrepancy between these various figures.600. and the relative importance of the original tribes. which is impossible. the total strength of the tribes is 601. in order I T would help to a better understanding of the institutions of Israel. Judah is the strongest and Simeon the smallest. In the plains of Moab (Nb 26: s-~1). when it included Tramjordan and stretched as far as Tyre and Sidon and the Oronrer. Another census is recorded. This is a record of the kingdom at its widest extent. to interpret these figures (or those of Numbers) as including the women and children is to go against the explicit statements of the text. More reliable evidence is found in 2 K 15: 19-20.~iw foot-soldiers came out of Egypt. and gao. TiglathP&X III imposed on Israel P tribute of P thousand talents of silver. would mean nearly twice as many people to the square mile as in the most thickly populated countries of modem Europe. of course. but it is not very helpful. if we . which. and there are 23.ooo in Judah. for Palestine. and 8. a detailed count of the tribes gives 603. Ex 38: 26). In the parallel passage (I Ch ZI : 1-6) the Chronicler has put the figure for Israel even higher.z over a month old (Nb 3 : 39). According to Ex 12: 37-38. The lower total. In 738 B .730 men over twenty. It lists 8~0. There is. the Levites are counted separately. for the time of David (2 S 24: I+).3co. A demographic survey is essential for any sociological research. is still far too high: 1. but.z.C . in 2 S.580 between the xga of thirty and fifty years (Nb 4: 48). as usually happens when ancient civilizations are the subject. They are merely the expression of the way in which men of a much later age imagined the wonderful increase of the people. but they presuppose a total population of several millions leaving Egypt and living in the desert. and much of it was mote sparsely populated. women and children were taken from them as prisoners of war. they may include outsiders who had merely taken refuge inside the city walls. This deportation affected mainly the capital. and 745 ‘Judeans’ in 583. Nabuchodonosor deported 3.000 inhabitants. making 4. The population of the country must have varied from time m time. For Samaria and Jerusalem other sources of information are available. If this referred nor to a deportation of captives. for the latter was only onethird as large a Israel. The grand total.150 men. in our Lord’s time the city had about twenty-five or thirty thousand mhabitants. and it was a relatively important city. The archaeologists who have excavated it also assert that the town must have contained about thirty thousand inhabitants. but to a census of the defeated enemy. 8~ citizens ofJerus&m in 587. They were. and would scarcely pass the million mark even with the addition of Judah. and no bigger. and that .’ this means that there were in lsracl. which is independent. and was wholesale. and in roughly the same space. The populaticm cannot have been much bigger in Old Testament times. By way of comparison. of course. for the texts have preserved varying traditions.014. foreigners and slaves (also uncertain. According to the estimate of its excavator. Menahcm levied a tax of fifty shekels each from all thegill&! hnrl ofhis kingdom. The Annals of Sennacherib record that in the campaign of 701 against Ezechias. and are roughly equal: about ten thousand were deported. between three and four hundred thousand souls.C. Certain centres were larger. The Annals of Tiglath-Pileser III give a list of the towns in Galiiec conquered in 73~. It is astonishing to xc from excavations just how small they were.2go persons from Samaria.. Ifwc rcckan three thousand shekels to the talent. and d&cult to interpret. were exiled in 597.C. thanks to the progress of commetce. It is certain that the territorial conquests and the assimilation of Canaanite enclaves which took place under David. the ancient Debir. This makes all calculation precarious. forty-six towns and innumerable villages were captured. no doubt concerns special classes of captives. Most of them could easily be fitted into Trafalgar Square.ooo inhabitants for the whole kingdom of Israel. For Jerusalem. which was not captured. contained two or three thousand inhabitants during the time ofits greatest prosperity. P&tine had 1.coo in Jerusalem and sold as many again as slaves. the number would give us the total population ofJudah except for Jerusalem. according to which Antiochus Epiphanes put to death 40. but fewer still). as in parallel passages of the Annals. in the first halfof the eighth century B. the total population of Israel and Judah cannot have been much more than one million. with all the blacksmiths and locksmiths.0x3 ‘Judeans’ in 597 B. industry and agriculture. At a reasonable . at that time.600 in all. sixty thousand heads of families who enjoyed a certain prosperity. before the great Zionist immigration. A few years ago this was just the population of the Old City within the walls. Unfortunately the text.ON 67 to pay it. Nor can we rely on 2 M 5: 14.2 This would give us. This estimate of the population of Judah may be confumed by a nonbiblical document from approximately the same date. but they were fewer than the gibb&! hail). with their wives and children. bnt the doublet in 2 K 24: 16 reckons only seven thousand persons of quality and a thousand blacksmiths and locksmiths. To them must be added the lower classes. Even so. then. the artisans and the poor (their number is uncertain. villages like those of to-day. According to L K 24: 14. This last list. then. we may note that at the British census of 193 I. and still more the economic prosperity of Solomon’s reign. they are d&cult to establish. Tell Beit-Mirsim. at the height of this prosperity. but it must have included those who had taken refuge there during the siege.66 n : ClyIL lNSTlTUnONs 1: POPULAT. but. and the number is then too high. Finally. this continued during the following two centuries. the figures of Nabuchodcmosor’s deportations are ditficult.IYI The ‘towns’ of the Bible were not large. according to Jr 52: 28-30.a~. The inscription is probably an error for ~. The figures given in 2 K 24: 14 and 16 should not be added together. would not amount to 800. Sargon II says that he carried offzT.~st~tnatc. . It is questionable whether the country could ever have supported many more people in ancient times. produced a sharp rise in population. The figures of the population of Jerwakm given by the Pseudo-Hecataeus and Josephus are still more exaggerated. and some would scarcely fill the courtyard of the National Gallery. the number of captives varies bctwcen hw and 6gc--and this king used to deport entire populations. is clearly referring to captives carried offas prizes by the victors.. without the assistance of those artificial resources which modem economy provides. These represent only part of the population. ten thousad men of rank and station. on the other hand. Some think this term means all the adult men-those who wore a beard. It is to avoid such misleading compatisons that we prefer to speak here of ‘divisions of the population’. based on the clan. ‘men of good birth’. Est t: 3. t : 2. rettled in a town which was usually no mote than a village. adultery (a: I@). but all Bedouin regard themselves as ‘noble’ compared with the settled cultivators. who form a sott of council in cvety village (I S 30: 26-31). whether grouped in the two capitals or posted in the provinces as representatives of authority. These words are therefore almost synonymous and denote the ruling class of the monarchical period. between ‘nobles’ and ‘plebciuts’. for&n alternates with n’dlbfm. In Is 34: IZ and Qo to: 17 the f&n are parallel with the lior&n. Settlement on the land. Za 12: 12-14). as The men of rank and inq%ence CHAPma Two THE FREE POPULATION: ITS DIVISIONS I I. The same two words appear side by side.. owing to the variety and uncertainty of the vacabuIary in use. Some tribes are ‘nobler’ than others. But it would be a mistake to see in ancient Israelite society the contrasts found in other societies. According to the mm and its derivatives in languages related to Hebrew. the rules about the cities of refuge (Dr 19). 22: 26. II. survived to some extent under the monarchy. From all that we can discover it was the same with Israel so long as it led a semi-nomad life.s~ apart: they form part of the family. ‘capitalists’ and ‘ptbletatiat’. In relation to the kiitg. In Nb 22: 7 and 14 and in Jg 8: 6 and 16 they appear alternately with the f&m. and the levitate (25: s-m). explicitly in Esd 8: 29 and probably in Esd. 22: 9.AmON: ITS “M. and in many cases are indistinguishable from the heads ofthe great families. I I : 4. both in foreign kingdoms (Gn 12: IS. 146: 3. Even slaves do not constitute a c1a. CT p. and alongsidegibbM hail (see below) in 2 K 24: 14. the ‘chiefs’. administraton and heads ofinAuentia1 families-in I. 4. in Jg 8: 14. these are ‘free men’. Often too they ate civil o&i&. . some of whom became very rich while others sank into poverty. or off&h in general (Jr 24: 8. 22: 7). Above all. rebellious som (21: I&zt). Esd 7: 28) and in Israel. where they formed a powerful body with which the kiig had to reckon (it 38: 24-25). They were specially numerous in the capitals.1 But among the people they enjoyed a privileged position. however. l&e the ‘elders’ of PI.“3N. But it is not so easy to define them. They were men of influence. detached from. 21. unknown murderers (21: I+)). The king’s o&i& civil ot military. 2.g. destroyed the equality between families. Jr 25: 19. The same word f&m denotes the heads of families. In the texts from Deuteronomy quoted above. etc. as synonyms. Ps 113: 8).. 2 K 23: 8). The two words appear M be synonyms in Is 3: IQ also. The two terms are therefore to some extent equivalent. Social life became a life of mull towns. these officen were merely ‘Setvants’ (2 K 19: 5. always used in the plural. the ‘excellent’ men. they were rich and powerful (Ps 118: 9.’ and was still a living force at the return from the Exile (Ne 4: 7.2: THE PRPg PoP”r. 8: 24C In Jb 29: 9 the i&i sit at the gate of the town. formed a kind of caste. Social evolution N a nomad civilization there are simply families. the mishpa!rah. the play ofecanamic life. It is much mote likely that they are the ‘elden’ (the corresponding adjective means ‘old’). These bad a seat of honout in the assemblies ( I S 2: 8. from whose tanks they were often recruited. 34: 19. 38: t7f. The centtalizatian of the monarchy.). and it is relevant to tmte that the old. municipal affairs are in the hands of the +‘qcnEm. Samaria and Jerusalem. The s’arin~ ate sometimes the offuets or oficizls of the king. and in Jr 27: 20 horlm takes the place of iarlm in the corresponding text of 2 K 34: 14. but it often clashes with another sense. and sometimes opposed to. 2 K I: 14. The unit was no longer the tribe hut the clan. brought about important changes. 55: 2 S 24: 2. In Nb 21: 18 and PI 8: 16. there never really existed social classes in the modem sense of groups conscious of their particular interests and opposed to one another. etc. 17: 18.). governors (I K 20: 14. the heads of families. and basic. The king sometimes gave them lands ( I S 8: 14. is quoted alongside z’qenlm in I K 21: 8. They may be rich or poor. Often they are military officers. brought about a profound social tramformation.. I K 9: 22. 2: 18. however. framework of Deuteronomy is largely municipal law: e. This word. commanders of a unit ot of the whole army (I S 8: 12. such as Solomon’s ministets (I K 4: 2). municipal interests. business deals and the sale of land. where we learn that there were seventy-seven of them at Sukkoth. 110. &rim may have this meaning in some other texts too. past ot present. This organiudon. but the ttibe is not divided into different social classes. for they might even plot against their master (2 K 21: 23).). 1n Israel. etc. 36: mf. Pr 19: 6). zagan-gathered in popular assembly. implies no ntorc than the distinction between the people of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem in Jr 25: 2. ‘The people of the land chose Joachaz. But it seems that this term meant originally (and often does mean in the Chronicles) the valiant men. or the peasants as opposed to the townsfolk. the n’gidint are equated with the iarlm. Examination of the texts shows that the last explanation is the only one which can be accepted for the earliest period. 13 for the whole community of Israel. [b) the king and hisservants. In Gn zj: 7t 12-t. J g I I: I ) . the citizens of Hebran. the ‘people of the land’ punished the murderers of Amon and proclaimed Jasias king. 16: 2. enjoyed a certain standard of living. Some authors used to regard thcgibbM boil as a class of landed proprietors.(d) the chiefs. the parall e 1 frotn Nb 13: 28. (a) the king or the prince. Nahuchodonosor left ‘only the poorest of the people of the land’ in Jerusalem. The ‘people ojrhe land’ The texts often speak of the ‘people of the land’. let us conridcr the texts where it tcfers to non-Israelites. but it is very tempting to adopt the Samaritan reading: ‘they are more nttmeroos than the people of the land’. The ‘people of the land’ are distinguished from. Jt 5: 5. After the Exile other tutnes appear. According to 2 K 24: 14. who is only a resident stranger there. 2 K 21: 24. 20. like gibb&lm on its own. 18. ‘the people who dwell ot. the plebs as opposed to the aristocracy. three periods may be discerned in the use of this expression. against the kings of Judah.13. The law of Lv 4 distinguishes the sin-offerings which have to be o&cd: Y. Many believe it means the lower social class. Ez 7: 27. the land’). At the return from the Exile it continued to he wed in this gcncral sense (Ag 2: 4. having to provide their own equipment. Before the return from the Exile. Others. is used as an altemative for the ‘people ofJudah’: compare 3 K 14: 21. the gallant knights. the brave warriors. on the contrary. Y. directed against Athaliah and her foreign entourage. In 2 K I I : 14. the common people. and of Rt 2: I. The obligation of punishing certain offences rests upon all the ‘people of the land’ (Lv 20: z-4). 22 for a chiet v.. 2 K 16: r~.Jr~7:~. But in the earlier texts the word means ‘governor’ and is borrowed from the Babylonian. In Jb 29: g-to. even if they possess no property of their own (Jos 8: 3. This is the sense which best answers the text of 2 K tj: 23. therefore. P. enjoying civic tights in a given territory. nagfd. The term was then applied to those who wete boundto armed service and. an expression which has been interpreted in several ways. Jon 3: 7). they arc simply called the ‘great’. where Boaz is simply a man of substance. in contrast with the sons ofJacob. ‘the people of the land means the Hittiter. Nowhere does the expression mean a party or a social class. 20 cotmasts the ‘people of the land’ with the city. for in the Massoretic text the Pharaoh calls the Hebrews ‘the people of the land’. But the reason for the distinction is that the court rcsidcd in Jcrusalctn. This would justify translating it by ‘the common people’.~4:tg. These men of influence and position can no doubt be called ‘nobles’ in a broad sense. Others. by contrast with Abraham. the priests and the prophets. with all the oflicials and supportcrs ofthc rcgimc which had been overthrown. with Jcruralcm. where they are contrasted with the poorest people of the land. we have the . 2 K 20: 5). ‘all the People of the land’ acclaimed Joas and destroyed the temple of Baal: this was a national revolution. stands for the whole body ofcitizens. where the enumcrarion of 2: THE FREE POPUL4TION: IIS DtYNONS . I I. 27 for anyone of ‘the people of the land’. a sott of Parliament or House of Comtnons. Ex 5: 5 teems to contradict this interpretation. where there ate sixty thousand of them. of 2 K 24: 14.Qganfm mentioned with the Eorim in Ne 2: 16.(c)~echiefsandthepriests. where Menahem taxes thegibbsri !~a?! of his kingdom in order to pay tribute to the Assyrians. and in I and 2 Ch the two are in practice equivalent. also ES 22: zg). and with the iarEm in Esd 9: 2. Za 7: s). ir was used principally by 2 K. On the other hand. Turning now to Israel. that is.. thegdollr. and apply it to the king appointed by Yahweh ( I S 9: 16. then.Jr~:t8. the men of position. see them as the representatives of the people in the government. Jr I : 18 : ‘ against this whale land. 45: 22.R. like Saul’s father in I S 9: 1. The contrast in Y. They arc never contrasted with another class of the people. 1t is true that v.70 I. In Gn 42: 6 it means the Egyptians. 2 S 5: 2. The ‘people ofthe land’. That is why the expression. regard them as the body of free men. Jr and Ez. to: I. but they do not form a nobility in the proper sense of a closed clvs to which one belongs by birth. denoting the same group. ‘ani ha’are:. One feels that in his vocabulary this word replaces z’qenlm. This emerges also from the texts just quoted. 7: 8: 1 K 14: 7.: CNn lNSIlT”TtONS I I short. or contrasted with. They relied mainly on 2 K TV: 20. and the qualification inscrted indicates that the term itself does not stand for the poorer classes (cf. In other texts.44:~~. gut the pte-cxilic texts use only the singular. which enjoys certain privileges and owns a large part of the land. ‘All the people ofJudah chose Ozias’ with 2 K 23: 30.’ In the same way. but that the meaning of the term gradually changed. ‘the elders’. applied to the kingdom ofJudah.. 3 for the high priest. Ez a: 24-29. First. Y. . and this word is frequently used in the Memoirs of Nehentias for the influential people. which he does not use. in contrast with the Israelites (cf. their chiefs (&trim) their priests and all the people of the land’. again. in Nb 14: 9 it means the Canaanites who are masters of the land. a sort of squirearchy. 4: t3. and it is found cvcn in Dn 9: 6. (2 K IO: 6. v-1. they were defenceless. I S 9: of.. ten loaves and ten cheeses (I S r7: 17).. d Ps 82: 3-4). II. for instance. pp. Wealth came from the land. made vast profits from their lands.C. and Is 2: 7 says: ‘The land is full ofsilver ad gold. Am 4: I. and the land had been shared out between the families. and t~eaures past counting. with skins of wine. 32. 18. our fathers. and his father sent him brothers in the army. but the story portrays Job after the manner of a great sheikh of the patriarchal age (cf.r In every sabbatical year. Mt 26: II). and we do not hear of any other families in the same circles being any better off. supplementing the law ofEx a: zs-26).MX) goats and. II: 4. if houses. Rich and poor In the early days of the settlement. above). IO: 2% 31. 4. as we saw. but Deuteronomy reflects the social conditions of its period. a skin of wine and a kid (I S 16: 20).000 sheep and I. 1~) bunches of dried grapes. the small men. 2. cf. 23 : 6. Here it denotes the non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine. in entertinment (Is 5: II-12. 5: II). The rich were found mostly among the influential people. says that when a debtor is poor. Mi 3: I I. the produce of the land was lefr for the destitute (Ex 23 : II). each ofwhom guarded its property jealously (cc once more the story ofNaboth in I K 21: x-3). At Tirsah. the modem Tell cl-Farah near Nablus. and many passages in the Prophets condemn the two together.~ camels. According to another tradition. with the commentaries in the rest of the chapter). In OS 12: 9. Jr 5: 28. Prosperity was the order of the day. to: 2. the houses of the tenth century B. a social revolution had taken place. and the law too protected them. Saul’s father was a gibb6r bil (cf. and the creditors knew no pity (Am 2: 6-8. and debts were cancelled (Dt 15: I). but there were regulations which aimed at preventing pauperism and restoring a certain equality between Israelites. the judges took bribes (Is I: 23. Others. 5” she-asses. In themselves. there had been th e precepts of Ex 22: 24-26. Am 6: 4) and in dress (Is 3: 16-24). 3.. they take them’.). 5: 12. It was well understood that the poor would always be with them (Dt 15: . I have amassed a fortune’. of course. who suffered from these burdens. ‘the peoples of the land’ or ‘ofthe lands’. Abraham in Gn 12: 16. exceptions: Nabal. The monarchical institutions produced. all the Israelites enjoyed more or less the same standard of living. Mi 2: it).1. ‘so that there may no longer be any poor man among you’ (Dt IS: 4). he brought a present of five loaves. and Saul ploughed the fields himself (I S II: 5). by hard work OI good luck. 17: 20.I. hinder the observance of the sabbath. Mi 2: 2. All this represents a very modest standard of living. Am 8: 5. Job’s wealth was even greater: 7. 200 fig cakes. In the Jubilee year a general emancipation was to be proclaimed and every man was to have his ancestral land restored to him (Lv 25: IO. his wife Abigail could send 200 loaves. 24: 35). his security most be given back to him before sunset (Dt 24: 12-13. But the poor did not form a separate social class in contrast with them: the poor were individuals. Thus the way was prepared for a third meaning. the words ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ carry no moral or religious I. a class of off&Is who drew a profit from their posts and the favoun granted them by the king. The term is used in the plural. who hinder the work of restoration. Jb I: 3. 9: I. and the buying and selling of real estate for profit. and with whom mixed marriages are made. There were. all the people of the land’ recalls those of Jeremiah and Ezechiel. the Ammoniter and the Moabites. In contrart..m the same way as its neighbonrs. in order to appease David. Am 3: 15. They condemn the buying up of the land by those ‘who add house to how&and join field to field till there is no room left’ (Is 5: 8). and precisely because they were isolated. our princes. Between these two centuries. It is a complete reversal of the pre-exilic use.000 sheep. 500 pair of oxen. The ‘peoples of the land’ are contrasted with the ‘people of Judah’ in Esd 4: 4. 2: Tm FREE PoPuL*TION: ITS DMSlONS . MsTITUIIoNs 72 ‘our kings. David looked after the his flocks (I S 16: II. The wealth of the day was in fact badly distributed and often ill-gotten: ‘If they covet fields they seize them. I have become rich. cf. On the other side we have the weak. 7: 3). when David was called into the king’s presence. were as yet unimportant factors in economic life. In days gone by. 13: 6. the first two kings of Israel came from only moderately well-to-do families. and with the ‘people of 1sne1’ in Esd 9: I. but he sent his son to look for the lost she-asses.’ The prophets condemn their contemporaries for their luxury in building (OS 8: 14. and protects the hired labonrer (Dt 24: 14-15). It is these latter who are the ‘people of the land’ or of ‘the lands’. It promulgates the duty of almsgiving (Dt 15: 7-11). Ne 9: 30. and again the explanation lies in the basic meaning of the expression: the community of the Return are not the ‘people of the land’ because they do not enjoy the political status accorded to the Samaritans. The contrast is striking whm we pass to the eighth century houses on the same site: the rich houses are bigger and better built and in a different quarter from that where the poor hous are huddled together. cf. But the meaning changes in Esd and Ne. II. 34f. In the Rabbinical period the ‘people of the land’ are all those who are ignorant of the law or do not practise it. The prophets took their cause in hand (Is 3 : 1415. IO: 2. the poor. are all of the same size and arrangement. Commerce. The rich landlords would speculate and defraud others (OS 12: 8. bushels of parched grain and dressed mutton. Esd 3: 3. I S 25: z. though it is hard to say how far they were actually put into practice. 28. 8:6). Each represents off to 73 the dwelling of a family which 1wed. Excavations in lsrarlite towns bear witness to this equality in standards of living.: CNII. was a rich stock-breeder in the highlands of Judah: he had 3. Epkaim (Israel) says: ‘Yes. with a measure of parched corn. . the ‘people of the land’. as the Levites did for their own profession (Jg 17: 8-m). all you humble of the earth’(So z: 3. became gcrhn. not slaves. The people of Beeroth had taken refuge in Gittayim. and the laws for the protection of society class Levites andgerim together (Dt 12: 12: 14: 29. Za 7: IO). The g&m of Israel. As a rule they were poor. Abraham was a zer at Hebron (Gn 23: 4). They can offersacrif~es (Lv 17: 8. 22: 18. the workmen and ‘all those who dwell with you’ in Lv 25 : 6. This paved the way for the status ofproselytes. 11: 6. impious rich men who oppress the poor.a man of Ephraim was a ger at Gibeah. 14). and the cities of refuge were open to them (Nh 35: IS). though Dt 14: 21 says that ager may eat a dead carcase. and in the produce of the Sabbatical year (Lv 25 : 6). 23: 9. where the Benjaminites live (Jg 19: 16). the original inhabitants of the Peloponncse. they considered themselves the legitimate owners of the land. a line against which Job protests. The assimilation of theseger!m. and his Anointed will do them jmtice (Is I I : 4). becaw they had no land of their awn (Jg 17: 79. From the religious point ofview. The spirituality ofthe ‘poor’ wu developed in the second part of Isaias and the post-exilic Psalter. unless they were assimilated by marriage ot reduced to slavery. and ate grouped with the poor. akin in race and of the same faith. Thus it seems that at the end of the monarchy the number ofgerfm in Judah had increased. 26: 12). There had probably been an influx of refugees from the former northern kingdom. lNsIIT”T*ONs property. and Ezechiel foretold that in the 1srae1 of the future they would share the land with the citizens (Ez 47: 22). cf. with the slaves. Ps 39: 13). Another liie of thought stats from the more cantnon experience of life and from the facts denounced by the prophets: there are wicked. The word may be used of individuals or groups. the gleanings after the harvest were to be left for them (Lv 19: IO. thejnr was the refugee or lone man who came seeking the protcction of a tribe other than his own. thegnim were reduced to hiring out their services (DC 24: 14). 22: 3. and it was by this Greek word that the Septuagint translated the Hebrew word ger. the leavings of the grapes. but by then the terms for poverty had lost their sociological associations: neither before nor after the Exik were the poor a religious patty or a social class. He connotation. thcgerim. The Israelites were to help them. They wete to share in the tithe collected every third yeat’(Dt 14: 29). 23: 8). Lv 17: 15 forbids this tog&m as well as to Israelites. 25: 40. In legal actions they were entitled to justice just like the Israelites (Dt I: 16).a. and fast on the day ofAtonement (Lv 16: 29). The r&hab appears also with the wage-earning workmen in Ex 12: 45. remembering that they themselves had once been gerim in Egypt (Ex z. From these texts it seems that thestatusofthe rdrhab was like that of thegcr. 23: 22. was easy. When the Israelites had settled in Canaan. The Israelites were gerZm in Egypt (Ex . part of the population consisted of resident foreigners. 19: I). . Somegerim acquired a fortune (Lv 25: 47. Cf p. Levites in general wete in the same class.2: 20. They can Eden celebrate the Passover with the Israelites. 18: 3). The ancient texts considered an Israelite who went to live among another tribe as a ger: . IIZ: 1-3.: 20. They must observe the sabbath(Ex 20: IO. and provision had to be made for them. Pr IO: 15-16. Jr 7: 6. 3: 12-13). etc. x). Among the ancient Arab nomads. Nb 9: 14). cf. They ma. however. cf. this we find in texts like Ps I: 3. where they lived asgcrim (2 S 4: 3).’ In the same way the fer is essentially a foreigner who lives mote or less permanently in the midst of another comnnmity. 10. Dt 24: 18. all the ‘economically weak’ who were recommended to the Israelites’ charity. Otherwise they are subject to the same laws of cleanness (Lv 17: S-13.~. wealth is a reward of virtue and poverty is a punishment. the former inhabitants. But they acquire moral overtones in two opposed lines of thought. Nb 19: IO).~~). Since all landed property was in Israelite hands. Sometimes the term r&hub OCCUIS alongside that ofger (Gn 23: 4. On the theory of earthly rewards. but had no political rights. It is noteworthy that nearly all these passages wcte written shortly before the Exile: Deuteronomy. A nun ofBe&&hem went with his family to settle as ager in Moab (Rt I: I). Dt 24: 19-21. Dt 28: 43). but the poor are beloved by God (Dt IO: 18: PI 22: x-23). and they take part in religious festivals (Dt 16: II. wete in the beginning less fortunate. MI 3: 5). Dt ID: 19). but were liable to the same penalties (Lv 20: 2.74 If: Clvu. 24: 16. and so differed from Israelite citizens. Dt 5: 14). In everyday life there was no battier between&n and Israelites. they were under the protection of God (Dt I O: 18: Ps 146: 9. 25. though not exactly the same. Like the rest of the poor. where he is accepted and enjoys certain rights. Besides the free citizens ofIsrael who formed the ‘people of the land’. and must have helped to hasten the assimilation ofgeriwl of foreign birth. the widows and the orphans. provided that they are circumcised (Ex 12: 48-49. and for the same teason they were charged to love these aliens as themselves (Lv 19: 34. Lv 25: 23. cf. From the social point of view these resident aliens wets free men. 18: 26.y be compared with the perioikoi of Sparta. who retained their freedom and could own I. Dt I O: 19. Nb 15: 15. Ez a: 7. the olives left behind on the tree. but they did not possess fill civic rights. Thus the way was prepared for the spiritual tramp&ion of vocabulary which begins in Sophonias: ‘Seek Yahweh. Jeremias and the Law ofHoliness in Leviticus. and to these were added immigrants. 33 : ZI). 23 : 9. zg). Lv 22: IO. The fallen fruit. 16. and Moses in Midian (Ex 2: 2. and travelling foreigners who could count on the customs of hospitality but were not protected by law (Dt 15: 3. I Ch 29: IS. The craftsmen ofone trade lived and worked together in a certain quarter or street. In Judaism these guilds were to be given legal status. like Malkiyyah of the same corporation (NC 3 : 31). 31: 7). as they do inEastern towns to-day. workmen were paid either in money or in kind. appearing mostly in texts edited after the Exile. Apart from lnbourcrs. jewellers. that is.53. or ofthe means ofproduction. a perfumer by trade (Ne 3 : 8). ‘father’ of the Valley of the Smiths. Si 34: a). Besides the sl.g. etc.). The head of the guild is called a ‘father’. arc. There is clear evidence of this aiier the Exile. sometimes assisted by a handful of workmen. if we admit that certain signs often engraved on the pottery. and a ‘Goldsmiths’ Quarter’ (Jr 37: 21). at an agreed wage. 14: 6). a journeyman goldsmith. According to I Ch 4: 23. at the rate of a paid man.orbytheyear(Lv~3:~o. As time went on. Excavations indicate that weaving and dyeing were Aourishing industries at Debit. since the value of a slave was thirty shekels (Ex 21: jz). but it would be pointless to compare values between two such distant periods. Its meaning would then be that a slave who has served for six years has repaid his master double his own worth. but the passages quoted. Lv 19: 13 and Dt 24: 14-15 lay down that workmen must be paid every evening (ct Mt 20: 8). as Jacob had done with Laban (Gn 29: 15. again. The same code presumes that the yearly wage will amount to ten shekels or thereabouts. barbers.). The labourers in the Gospel (Mt 20: z) earn a denarius.n: cmn lNlnTunoNs 76 seems less assimilated. the modern Tell Bcit-Mirsim. a village would specialize in one industry. socially and religiously (Ex *z: 45. 30: 28. e. In Mesopotamia. which represents much more. It is difficult to drcidr. and perhaps this may explain Jg 17: to and the difficult text ofDt ‘5: 18. and Hananyah. These crafumen who worked side by side gradually organized themselves into guilds. e. Many trades are mentioned in the Old Testament: millers. The foundry at Esyon Gebcr under Solomon. It was from these 3: THE FREE POPULATION: ITS DlvISlONS . slaves or paid men. mirhpahorh. The Old Testament gives no direct information on the amount of their wages. Sometimes they would even have their own places of worship: there was a weavers’ synagogue in Jerusalem. and unjust masters did not even give them their due(Jr 22: 3. or good sites for ventilating the furnaces. Lv 22: IO.g. and especially in metals. like modem ‘day-labourers’ (Lv19:13.e. 21: 16. Dt 24: 141. LV 22: IO). for the crafts were.dMt2o:8). called themselves families or clans. if not the owner’s name. excavated some years ago. and the older parallels from Mesopotamia. clay or wool. a ‘Gate of the Potsherds’ near which the potters worked (~1 19: If. and to make rules for the protection of their members. ¬es a worker in wood or stone. They worked as herdsmen (Am 3: IZ.). and that the Benjaminites worked in wood and metal in the rggions of Lod and Ono (Ne I I : 35). Geographical and economic circumstances accounted for these concentrations. a smith. locksmiths. I Ch 4: 14. ore. but is some nun’s drhab (Lv 22: IO. show that these guilds originated long before.Dt24:1~. 77 fullers. a ‘Fuller’s Field’ (Is 7: 3). where the fathcr handed on the craft to his son. as a general rule. Si 37: II). A more general term. potters. and the prophets were their champions against oppression (Jr 22: 13. This specialization was carried still further in the Gracco-Roman and Rabbinical periods. trade-marks of a corporation. the potters of Netayim and Gcdarah worked in the royal workshop. who will be the subject of the next chapter. They worked on the system of the family workshop. and rather less for the rest of the year. hereditary. but some contracts fixed much smaller sums. The influence of the professional organizations in the Graeco-Roman world must have hastened this development. but iu any case. In early days it was mostly agricultural labourers who were hired in this way. during this pre-exilic period. Uzziel is a ‘son’ of the goldsmiths (Ne 3: s). all important enterprises were in the hands of the king. as harvesters or grapepickers (perhaps Rt 2: 3f. less firmly rooted in the land and also less independent: he has no house of his own. harash.1 At Beth-Ashbea there are mirhpahoth of lien-makers (I Ch 4: 21). Ml 3: 5. following the model of the family system from which they had sprung. Thus we learn that textiles were made at Beth-Ashbea in the south ofJudaea (I Ch 4: x). and the journeymen are called ‘sons’. not of a family workshop. Si 7: XI). some families grew poorer and lost their lands. founder or carver. weavers. the presence of the raw material. These groupings were also founded on tradition. At Jerusalem there was a ‘Bakers’ Street’ (Ne 3: 31-jz). Perhaps they may date back to the monarchical period. for P certain time. Resident or travelling foreigners also hired out their services in this way (Ex 12: 45. there were Paid workers. cf. The fact remains that the condition of the wage-labourers war far from enviable (Jb 7: I-Z. such as supplies of water or fuel.. when the craft guilds. and so an increasing number of Israelites were obliged to work for wages (cf Dt 24: 14). 2 K 4: 18.wes. was a state factory. Yet the law did make some effort to protect them. According to the Code of Hammurabi they were paid one shekel of silver a month during the season of hard work. cf. Mt 20: If. 25: 6). It is a later word. etc. They could he hired by the day. free men who hired themselves for a dcfmite job. Yoab. bakers. i.1~16:t4. economic progress and the development of urban life multiplied the number of independent craftsmen. It was in the Diaspora and by force ofnecessity that the Jews became mer_ chants. the Egyptian story of WenAmon tells us that the prince of Tmis had a merchant navy and that the king of Byblos kept a register of the business he did with the pharaoh.-zg)but this interpretation of the text is not certain. he also observes that a merchant cannot live without sin (Si 26: 29. wise men. 116 2nd >a->o. Foreign trade. Private citizens in Israel did business only in their own locality. Solomon also traded with desert caravans (I K to: IS). 9: 27. but th. Ez 27). In Egypt.C . the kings of Mesopotamia owned camvans. some of them lived in the city. these too may have been Tyrians. and the queen of Sheba ( I K I O: 1-13). and again under ffammurabi. as the Sytian king could in Samatia (I K 20: 34). a ‘Canaanite’ meam a ‘merchant’inJb4o: 30. Cyprus and other lands had merchants in their service. we know from the papyri that some were traders bankers ot broken.1. was a royal monopoly. who WCIC the universal agents of the East (cf. *NETlrtlllONS 78 workshops that those jars with an o&al stamp came. 8. And the tradition was of great antiquity In the third millennium B . to: x1-14). Other words describe themerchant as ‘one who travels around’. This kind of business went on all wet the Near East in ancient times. for. Even after the Exile the Jews brought agricultural products to Jerusalem. his agems bought horses in Cilicia and chariots in Egypt and then x-sold them both (I K IO: d. Solomon’s counterparts were the king of Tyre ( I K 5: r3-26. Real commerce was in the hands of foreigners. hence there was no merchant class. and tan a forwarding agency. IO: II. the stamp was presumably meant as a guarantee of their capacity. Though BenSirach says that the profits of commerce are legitimate (Si 42. on the other hand. were fat from approving of it. Za 14: 21. and peasants the produce of their fields and herds. caravan drivers like the Midianitcs of 1. In Babylonia the descendants of those exiles who did not uke part in the Return are found as clients or agents of big commercial firms. which was m batter the products of the Esyon Gcber foundry against the gold and wealth of Arabia. this is yet another royal concern. OE merchants on foot who touted the country. Cf pp. in the Hellenistic period. This business was on a very small scale and the producer sold ditcct to the consumer withom any middleman.. A similar enterprise war planned under Josaphar but did not succeed ( I K 22: 4~90). Achab signed a commercial agreement with Benhadad. or by a root connected with the verb ‘m walk’. 27: 2).1 The Israelites did not take to cmnmetce until late in their history. Pr 3t: a.: I). They were foreignus. where the market was held (2 K . according to Ne 13: 16. Solomon equipped a fleet on the Red Sea (I K 9: x%8. and (according to Na 3: 16) the Assyrians also.. but the Tyrians sold imported goods thcrc (NC 13: 15-16). The Palestinian Jews gradually followed suit. 5). Is 23 : 2. In the town or village square. This state of affairs is reflected in vocabulary. by which he could set up bazaars in Damascus. in the Amarna period the kings of Babylon. craftsmen sold their wares. With the help of Hiram of Tyre.C . a). especially the Phoenicians. ot big business. and later the Rabbis. Pethaps the tirsr Israelite merchants we know of in Palcstinc itself ate those who worked under Nchemias when he was restoring the ramparts (Ne 3: 32). selling theit imported rubbish and buying the local products for export. G n 37: 28. in the eleventh century B . .: ClYIt. it must be given the chance to surrender. the Amalekites car&d off all the inhabitants into captivity (I S 30: z-3). These Phoeniciatu. etc. which provided the State with its first slaves. cc pp. I. of the obstacles to total conquest (Jos 17: u-13. Yahweh till judge the nations who ‘have drawn lots for my people. because a man’s rektions with God are often conceived on the model of his relations with his earthly sovereign. all the rest having been put to death to carry out the anathema (Nb 31: IS-IS). both derived Gom xwus. it is to be totally destroyed and no living thing may be left in it. Hndrian sold the prisoners taken in the Second Revolt. Moses. 8: 26. too. We may compare it with the develop tnent of its equivalents ‘servant’ in English or ‘setiteur’ in French. and some were Israelites. women.. is war who were suspect. my a fresh extension of meaning. cf. The fact is proved by some eady tern which speak of slave in contrast with free men. king of Israel. Moreover. S&a’s army. . and ftnally to the mysterious Servant of Yahweh. ‘inshu~rigenur vorak’. boys and girls. men and women. But it does show that the enslavement ofprisoners ot brothers by race was not unheard of. The flexibility of the vocabulary may also be deceptive. who is the property of a master. By ‘slave’ in the strict sense we mean a man who is deprived of his freedom. If it agrees. must also have been slave-dealers. ifit refuses and is captured. who is bought and sold. After the sack of Siqlag. and J14: 6 says she sold Judaeans there. in lsrael and the neighbowing countries. 33. have denied that real slavery ever existed in Israel: at least. According to Ez 27: 13.r The slave traffic was general throughout the ancient East. but it is unreal: the age of territorial conquest and foreign wars was long past. they maintain. they have traded boys against harlots. There is a semblance ofjustification for this view if we compare ~sracl with classical antiquity.: 6). offtcen and ministers. and ofDavid’s wars (2 S 8: 2. It is uncertain what credence should be given to this story. or born of resident aliens (Lv 25: 44-45: cf. all the men are put to death and the women and children are reckoned as booty. would have shared out the spoil: ‘a damsel. But the Chronicler records that Peqah. the whole population is condemned to forced labour. C&a and Tyre arc condemned for dealing in prisoners. who were set free at the protest of a prophet (2 Ch 28: S-15). It reflects the memory of the ancient curses (Jos 6: 17-z. though the custon. who were the chief traders in Israel. Jg I: 28. The law allowed Israelites to buy slaves. In the Hellenistic age. The cttstom obtained in Palestine. slave-traders followed the armies of Antiochus Epiphates in order to buy the Jews whom they would take prisoner (I M 3: 41. but he may never sell her.. Later. had absolute power. especially hit mercenaries. The existence of slavery in Israel been victorious. Ex 12: 44. had it C 1. When P town outside the Holy Land is attacked. 1” its present form. and consequently the word ‘ebed also means the king’s subjects. where Varro could defme a slave as ‘a son of talking tool ’. in his war against Judah. the parallel in 7: x-6). in this sense there were slaves in Israel. is a parallel example: the virgins were shared among the combatants and the whole community. the presence in Israel of foreign prisoners as slaves is presumed by two laws of Deuteronomy. at least. who makes UEC of him as he likes. two damsels. Lv 22: II. This implies that he could have sold her. Tyre bought men in Asia Minor. I S 15: 3. and the existence of slavery is presupposed also by the laws about emancipation. a slave. at least for a time. Dt 2: 34. Slaver offoreign origin Throughout antiquity. In the days of the Judges. if he had not married her. war was one of the chief sources of supply for the slave-market. and was applied to Abraham. 2. and especially Jewish scholars. The king. lill-9 . for captured prisoners were generally sold as slaves. to every warrior’ (Jg 5: JO). 30. AU these are examples of Israelites enslaved by foreign enemies. took ~oo. however. Israelites were never reduced to slavery. by joining his service they had broken off their other social bonds. or which speak of their purchase for a sum of money.j:sravEs 81 SLAVES ERTAIN writers. there nevc~ existed those enormous gangs of slaves which in Greece and ~otne continually threatened the balance ofsocial order. IZ: 31).oca prisoners. On the other hand. The story of Nb 3 I : 26-47. ‘t-bed became a title for pious men. Strictly speaking ‘rbed means a slave. which relates the sharing of the spoil after the war with Midian. of foreign birth. Josue or David. which has no parallel in the Books of Kings. wage-earners and resident foreigners. 2 M 8: IO-II). Nor was the Position of the slave ever so low in lsrael and the ancient East as in republican Rome. The law of Dt M: m-18 deals with the conquest of towns. this law breathes the spirit of Deuteronomy (cf. If a town stands on the land assigned by God to Israel. the word became a term of courtesy. In Am I : 6 and 9. a man who is not his own master and is in the power of another. Qo 3: 7). for wine they have sold the maidens’ (J14: 3). 35). the G we. was abhorred by right-thinking men. I O: 28f. Dt ZI : IO-I~ considers the else of a female prisoner whom her captor t&s as wife: he may later divorce her. above).) But these laws were not obeyed. Dt 5 : 21). the children belonged t” the master (cf. but “one of you shall ever exercise such absolute power “vet your brethren. they were deh‘ulting debtors. uld must be treated with consideration. if not always. and were a cheap addition t” his domestic staff. is applied t” Israelites only in certain conditions. “I his relatives’. and by the analogy of documents from Nuzu. poverty. A ‘Hebrew’ slave who has bee” ‘bought’ is to E. adds: ‘You may have them as slaves. 2 S 21: 16. 0” the other hand. the& could not become slaves permanently . cf. Gideon took ten ofhis servants to demolish the sanctuary ofBaa (Jg 6: I.A”ES 83 Slaves who had bea bought for money arc distinguished from those born in the house (G” 17: IZ. condemns this particularly hateful seizure of a free person. The biblical texts would preserve traces of a” archaic usage. if a ‘Hebrew’. man “I woman. in which the &iru sell themselves as slaves. : Sr. If he declines t” be freed. XC not f r e e d . Yahweh asks the Israelites: ‘To which of my creditors have I sold you!’ Nehemins’ contemporaries sell their sons and daughters into slavery as securities for the payment of debts (Ne 5: I-S). is sold t” one of his brethren. except in one late text (cf. (According to the Code of Hammurabi. It is difficult t” say whether this law was ever applied. the law must be late. since it is a substitute for earlier laws. ifhe refuses his freedom he becomes a slave fcr life. that the expression does not refer only t” those born in the house. Jr 2: 14): y’lid bayyrh. which condemns this practice. but they apply only t” male slaves. though only for a limited time. and who have cerain obligations t” the master of the house when it is necessary t” take up arms. he must be treated as a paid worker or a visitor. If they had been brought up in the family. I” Nehetis’ time the Jews bewailed the fact that they had had to sell their sons and daughters as slaves. it may include all those who are attached t” P house as slaves. the”. The only ream”” why a” Israelite was ever reduced to slavery was his own. cc p. and eve” if this argument Gem silence is not pressed. uld their status is similar t” that of female prisonrn of war (Dt 21: 10-14. It seems. 27. The Israelites. t” become concubines “f their tnzter “t his son. Usually. The law ofEx 21: Z-II is much older. Dt 5 : IS). but they certainly refer f” Israelites. which is clearly distinguished from the very detailed commandment about crimes against justice (Ex 2”: 17. We know for certain that there were slaver of foreign origin. On the other hand. and confirmed by the other passages. a term which. Lv 25 : 47-53 deals with the case of an Israelite who has ‘sold’ himself t” a resident alien: he can be redeemed by his kin a can redeem himsex. Dt and Jr. This is the law referred t” in Jr 34: 14. The Laws of Ex 21 and Dt IS fixed a maximum duration of six years. These provisions arc identical with those ofDt 15: 12-18. Possibly the prohibition in the Decalogue (Ex 20: 15. It is because of this dificulty that the ideal law of Lv 25 allows for a” extension which may am”unt t” fifty years. but were Israelites ever reduced to slavery? We have just mentioned the text of z Ch 28: 8-15. There were. “I persons given as security for the repay”ient of a debt. In addition to those who had been reduced t” this state by poverty “I debt. they would be more attached t” it and would be better treated. cf. these slaves are t” be set& in thejubilee year(Lv 25 : 40). This would explain the 3x8 y’lidt bayh. he must serve him for six years and be set free in the seventh year. and it is forbidden by Lv 25: 46 wbicb.’ Yet Lv 25: 39-43 speaks of a” Israelite who is ‘sold’ t” vlothet Israelite. but they had the same social status as those who had bee” bought. Girls sold as slave. 4. however. it ended ““ce the debt was paid or cancelled (Lv 25: 48. who were the ‘partisans’ of Abraham (G” 14: r4).82 II: CI”” lNSTlTUTI”NS . the laws ofEx 21: 16 and Dt 24: 7 prescribe the death penalty for abducting a” Israelite in order to exploit “I sell him PI a slave. Jon I: 9). In Dt 15: 12-18. Lv 22: II. these s&es ate called ‘Hebrews’. It is possible. and Nehetis implored the people to cmcel their debts and to free persons who had give” themselves as security (NC 5 : r-13). I?& . then. and not as a slave. Ex ZI : 4. Whether their marter is Israelite or foreign. after speaking of foreigners. md the use ofyolld when referring t” war (Nb 13 : 28. Israelite slaves under Israelite masters. The theory can be supported from I S 14: 21. or mamy off those he had. It is interesting that in the texts quoted from Ex. and under certain safeguards. there were thieves who could not clear themselves and were sold to repay the cat of their theft (Ex 22: 2). certain slaverfordebt could not be kept for more than three years. as Jr 34 shows. There is no allusion to the law ofLv 25.1 This is presumed in the laws of Lv 25 and Dt 15: z-3. Ne 5: 8 and II). he becomes a slave for life. that this law is later than the time of Nehanias. It has been suggested that the word means those Israelites who forfeited their freedom by a semi-voluntary slavery. where the Israelites who entered the service of the Phihstines are called ‘Hebrews’. The number and value of s!mer We have very little information about the number of domestic slaves in Israel. 2 K 4: 7.Z~. In Is 5”: I. but purs the master under the obligation of treating his slave like a wage+amer or a guest. This explains why such slavery was not permulent.18). but thelaw does allow them to be ‘sold’ as real slaves.FX sii years and t” be freed in the seventh yea. the children of Israel. A master could buy married slaves. concerning the liberation of ‘Hebrew’ slavves under Sedccias. Eliseus performs a miracle to help a wonxm whose tw” children are about to be taken as slaves by a money-lender (2 K 4: 1-7). The situation is therefore utterly different from that in Greece cn Rome. persuaded Naaman to give him two talents of silver. compared with those indicated in contemporary papyri. The ancient laws of Mesopotamia presume that he is branded. : SLAVES . After Saul’s death. she took five maidservants with her ( I S 25: 19. Dt 15: 17). purchase OI inheritance. Gehazi. some large landowners in the days of the monarchy may have bad a comparatively large household. with tattoo marks or a brand made with hot iron or by some kind of label attached to his body. shared in the sacrificial meals (Dt 12: 12. Prices doubled in the Neo-Babylonian age and rose even higher under the Persians. 23: IZ). IS). (That was why he had to be circumcised. It was the same a! the price of an ox. servant of El&us. steward to Saul’s family. and from two to fwe in the Net-Babylonian era: in Assyria the figures were a little higher. Yet in the ancient East no one ever quite forgot that the slave was a human 85 b&g: slaves had their rights. We cannot be sure that this was so in Israel. but this was not a brand in&ted on him. had an unstated number of slaves. the slave is a chattel. show how intimate master and slave could be. even in Mesopotamia slaves had legal remedy against unjust violence. with which. and that was also the average price of a slave in ancient Babylon. Eliscus says. in which work was scarcely conceivable outside the framework of the family. belonging to his master by tight of conquest. but it was usually tolerable. but the practice is not clearly attested in the Old Testament. records 7. Siba. and even succeed to it in the absence ofheirs (Gn 15: 3). menserwnts and maidservants’ (2 K 5: 20-26). But the master retained supreme control over his slave’s property: 2 S 9: IZ states clearly that ‘all who lived with Siba were in the service of Mcribbaal’.) He joined in the family worship. but na‘ar. 5. A man who blinded his slave or broke his tooth was bound to set him free in compensation (Ex a: ZLZ~). prices had risen: when Nicmor promiwd the traders ninety captives for a talent. like cattle. Ne 7: 66). rested on the sabbath (Ex 20: IO. A priest’s slave could at the holy offerings (Lv 22: I I). and so ‘servant’. Obviously.360 free persons. Lv 25: 49 certainly allows a slave to redeem himself if be has the tneans. wife of the wealthy Nabal. similarly. The census of the community on its return from the Exile (Esd z. a man on his own was without protection or means ofsupport. for he hoped to attract the traders by the prospect of an enormous profit. More than that. a steward. and this is the sum given to Judas to betray Jesus (Mr ~6: 15).337 slaves of both sexes as compared with 42. 42). 14). the owner of the bull owes compensation to the slave’s master. A slave who declined to be freedhad his ears pierced (Ex 21: 6. The nearest analogy to this is the name of Yahweh written on the hands of the faithful in Is 44: 5 to signify that they belong to God. including the Passover (Ex 12: 44). True. but they were exceptions. We know of . who had fifteen sons and twenty shves of his own (2 S 9: IO). oliveyards and vineyards. but they were commonly applied to runaway slaves who had been recaptured and to those who might be tempted to run away. and in Israel the laws protected them even more explicitly. In a community which attached such importance to the family.: IO). In practice. they thought that the master had been suff&ntly punished by the loss he had incurred.). Evidence about the value of slaves is equally scanty. ‘young man’. the market price of a slave was thirty shekels of silver at Nuzu. he was to be punished (Ex 21: XI). Still. Pr I. like the name of the Beast marked on his followers in Ap 13: 16-17. which visitors and wag-mers could not (Lv a. he was a ‘domestic’ in the original sense of the word. attached to a master’s service. If a man should beat his slave to death. carry on business and have his own slaves.xys: ‘Better a shrewd servant than a degenerate son’ (cf Si IO: 25). the matter makes use of him as he wills and can sell bim again. about thirty-three shekels a head (2 M 8: II). the property of the royal family was valued by Siba. In the middle of the second millennium B .84 n: CF. had twenty slnves (2 S 9: IO). But by the Greek period. T/I~ position ojslaves Strictly speaking. ‘assistant’. and in the celebration of religious feasts (Dt 16: II. and when she went to marry David. but this clause shows that even in Israel the slave was thought ofas his master’s chattel. the Code ofHammurabi punished cruelty only against another man’s slave. for here the Hebrew word is not ‘e&e-d. Joseph wu sold by his brethren for twenty pieces of silver (Gn 37: 28). that is. Gn 17: 12-13. he was asking an absurdly low price. it WM a symbol ofhis attachment to the family. probably always a free man.: 2 s. Other cases are sometimes quoted: the servant who went with Saul had a quarter of a shekel in his pocket (I S 9: 8). He could share in his master’s inheritance (Pr 17: z. The slave was at least assured of the necessities of life. but has its pamllel in Mesopotamia. for ‘it was his money’ (Ex 21: ax).C . where a family of substance had one or two slaves in the earliest periods. but if the slave survived for one or two days the master was exonerated. ‘slave’. from which the visitor and the wagesarner were excluded. forty at Ugarit (Ras Shamra). The Rabbis allowed P slave to be marked in order to discourage him from running away. but the text does not give any more derail. In Israel a slave cost thirty shekels according to Ex 21: 12. he would be able ‘to buy gardens. not all slaves bore these marks of identity. In everyday life the lot of a slave depended largely on the character of his master. Abraham’s relations with his servant (Gn 24). In Mesopotamia and in Rome the slave could save mopey of his own.: 64.lL INSTI~“TtONS * j: 27). Abigail. he really formed part of the family. flocks and herds. But these cases do not afford conclusive proof. because the slave WPE his master’s property. Ex 31: p states that if a slave is gored by a ncighbour’s bull. or the tattoo marks of the Hellenistic cults. Other Mesopotamian laws were less strict. for the wife and children remained his property (Ex . The later law of Lv 25 makes no mention of them. but does not mention their being taken as concubines. and NC 3 : 5 spelks of the violation ofIsraelite girls by their master. he tells David’s messengers (I S 25: IO). Liberationcould also occur as compensation for a bodily injury (Ex 21: 26-27). This seems to mean that by this period there were no slave-concubines. Gn 16: 6) unless their master freed them (cf. refusing to give him up. etc. and even if he were well treated he might be tempted to run away. she ceased to bea slave(Dt 21: IC-14). they are God’s creatnres(Jb 31: 33-v). or merely hiding him. Dt makes no distinction between men and women in the treatment of Israelite slaves: the wanan is freed in the seventh year like the man. If he intends her to be his son’s wife. certain cares are provided for by law. He might take a slave-woman as his concubine. foreign slaves were bound to slavery for life. at the request of their childless wives.also~S3n:1~). the slave’s only way of escaping from his master’s cruelty was fight (Si 33: 33). In these last two cases. She is not freed in the seventh year like the male slaves. obvionsly. Similarly Jr 34 makes no distinction between male and female slaves. Peter recoils when Jesus wants to wash his feet (Jn 13 : 6-7). when John the Baptist protests that he is not worthy to untie the sandals of the one he announces (Mt 3 : II and parallels). Two of Shimei’s slaves fled to Gath (I K 2: 39). The Denteronomic law makes similar provisions for female prisoners of war who are married by their captors (Dt 21: 1*14). The ancient law ofEx 21: 7-11 allows an Israelite father who is poor or in debt to sell his daughter to be the slave-zoncubine of a master or his son. for. Abraham and Jacob. The present which they received from their master (Dt 15: 14) was only a meagre insurance for the future. Leviticus prescribes that a slave of Israelite birth is to be treated favourably: he is to be like a visitor or a wage-tamer and is nor to be made to do the work of a slave (Lv 25: 39-40). and no doubt often did so. They had still more cause to remain if their master had given them a wife. Lv 19: 20). Male slaves (according to Ex 21: z-6) and female slaves as well (according to Dt 15: 1x7). 2 K II: 2). The master obviously had the right to free his slave if he so willed. Thus Shimei was able to recovtt his two slaves whofledtorhekingofGarh(~K~:4o. generally speaking. Dr 23: 16-17 forbids anyone to hand river a slave who has escaped from his master and sought refuge. Jg 16: ZI). Israelite law contains only one article on runaway slaves. if only to enjoy that freedom to which every man has a right. Rsnaway daver As a rule. They could refuse this freedom. was in theory temporary. in the spirit of Is 16: 3-4. or taking offhis master’s shoes or washing his feet (cf. This provision has no parallel in ancient law and is difficult to interpret. for example. he may resell her to her family. he means he is less than a slave. It does not seem to apply to an Israelite slave deserting an Israelite master. because that is a task only for a slave. after all. took slaves as concubines. for he would naturally return to bis family or clan. We have already had occasion to note that female slaves formed a special category. for fear of falling into poverty once more: this. For the same reason it does not apply to an Israelite slave fleeing from a foreign mater. It seems then that the law must deal with a foreigner coming from abroad and admitted to hrael as ager or a hkab. and the wise men ndvised masters to meat them harshly (Pr 29: 1% 21). I S 25: 42.86 n: ClvIL INST1TlnKJNS 3 : sL*vvEs 87 one slave who married his master’s daughter (I Ch 2: 34-35). Nabal was a man of wealth and selffihness and must have known something about this: ‘There are too many slaves running away from their masters nowadays’. however. he must leave intact all the rights of the first. and like him she can refw her freedom (Dr IJ: IZ and 17). Jdt IO: 5. 7. It was the same everywhere.9. To deal with slaves who took refuge abroad. The Code of Hammurnbi prescribes the death penalty for aiding and abetting a runaway slave. If a man took a female prisoner ofwar as his wife. The master arranged their marriages at his discretion (Ex 21: 4). and further. and were bequeathed with the rest of the inheritance (Lv 25 : 46). he must treat her as P daughter of the family. Hence in the New Testament. was precisely what had led them to sell themselves. If her muter is not satisfied. 1 S 25: 41). some treaties between states provided extradition clauses. he is to be welcomed and well treated. But. But they kept their status as slaves (cf. at Nuzu anyone who harboured a fugitive slave paid a fme. but may not sell her to a stranger. But unlike Ex 21. note that the unconditional wording of this text does not allow us to restrict it to Israelite slaves. in the town he has chosen.). had to be set free after six years of service. Commenting on this text. and her lot was then improved. like him. the slave was @sofato emancipated. 30: 3. z S 4: 4. The slave had of course to obey and to work. like turning the mill (cf. Devout men added a religious motive: Job protests that he has not neglected the rights of his servant and his handmaid.cf. They attended to the personal needs of the mistress of the house (Gn 16: I. but it was to the master’s interest to combine with it justice and humanity (Si 33: 25-33). Firmness there had to be. The enslavement of Israelites. Extradition would be refused and all the Holy Land would be considered a place of refuge. or nursed the children (Gn 25: 59. If he takes another wife. the Rabbis laid down lhat he should not be given tasks which wers too exacting or too degrading. The provisions already quoted from Lv zs ccmcem the liberation of Israelite slaves. it xems that in Israel there were also State slaves. In his time. 3: SLAVBS 89 0 and the big commercial or industrial enterprises which were the monopoly of the king. It is unthinkable that f&e Israelites could have been conscripted for it. ‘servile levy’. at least in any number. The Ophir fleet. and perhaps Dt 15: 18. 9: IO). S 12: 31). in the Assyrian laws and the ktcr Assyrian documents. either before or after Nehemias. in remote regions and under appalling conditions. This conclusion could only be derived from non-Biblical analogies: at AU and Nuzu. they seized them again. and employed it on the making of bricks. however.5: 41. II : 28. It is possible that these State slaves offoreign birth worked also on Solomon’s large buildings (I K 9: IS-~). of Greece and of Rome. Though the Old Testament laws deal only with dome?& slaves. would have cost him very dear. Before this period they can be redeemed or an redeem themselves. who were recruited‘from the descendants of the camunites. in connection with the jubilee year. carried out with workmen’s tools. But there is nothing in the Old Testament to suggest that these freed persons formed a special class ofsociety. to signify these labourers. but when the siege was raised for a while. involving the liberation of persons held as sewrity(Ne 5: 1-13). CT p. the people of Jerusalem had liberated their ‘Hebrew’ slaves. therefore. A freed slwe is called hcfihi in the laws ofEx zt and Dt 11.T”TIONS 21: 4). which is explicitly based on Deuteronomy. ‘freed’. To some extent their names betray P foreign origin. midway between the slaves and the landowners. Under Solomon. figuratively. where there were no welldefmed social classes. and it required a slave population in the king’s service. had ‘Solomon’s slaves’ for crews. and so he did for all the towns of the Ammo&es’ (?. according to the early documents of I K 5: 27. and that a workman earned about ten shekels a year. II: 3). Now after the Exile we fmd ‘descendants of the slaves of Solomon’ who had returned from Babylon and lived in Jerusalem and its suburbs (Esd 2: 55-58. They formed the less important personnel of the saxtuary and were at the service of the Levites (Esd 8: 20). and it is unreasonable to apply one or other of these meanings to Israel. I.l We may question this distinction. They are mentioned along with the n’rhfnfm. The only possible translation is. tn these d&rent social backgrounds the same word has many different connotations. in the Amama letters and the Ras Slumra texts. and in 1 S 17: 21 (where it means exemption from taxes and forced labour). ‘16 uld %I. therefore. and counted with them (Esd 2: 43-54. during the siege under Nabuchodonosor. the addition of ‘servile’ may be to distmguish this levy from that to which the lsraelites were subjected.zThere is. no evidence that the law was’ever applied. and there is no need to assume any such massacre. the work in the mints of the Arabab and the foundry at Esyon Geber. in Jb 39: 5. Though the term does not appear in preexilic texts. unless the jubilee year was very near. But their connections had changed.5 : 48-53). but the translation just given makes perfect sense. The prophet denounces this as felony against their brethren and transgression of a law of God. These ‘given’ lived on mount Ophcl. huprhu denotes a class of the population. who makes no reference to it when he orders P remission of debts. at least at the end of the monarchy: Ez 44: 7-9 reproaches the Israelites for introducing foreigners into the sanctuary and entrusting part oftheir duties to them. David ‘set the population handling the saw. But the important point is that he adds (I K 9: 21) that the Canaanites remained slaves ‘until this day’. at the end of the monarchy. Is 58: 6. They seem to have been serfs. After the capture of Rabbah. The editor of the book of Josue was already acquainted with . farmers and sometimes craftsmen. near the Temple (Ne 3 : 3 I . except.’ In this year both they and their children are to go free (Lv z. The only question is whether it mans reduction to slavery for the service of the State. for public works 1. 2 Ch 8: 18. and he became a slave for life. For a long time it was thought that &is text described a strange massacre of the inhabitants. as a symbol of his final attachment to the house. 22) to which they had in fact been subjected. or simply subjection to forced labour. The text uses the term mar ‘abed. working alongside the slaves of Hiram of Tyre (I K 9: 27. as was the practice in all the temples of the ancient East. must have caused fearful mortality. there ~1s a similar institution in existence. whose institution was ascribed to Solomon. cf. the ‘given’.88 tt: CIV” niST.Jb 3: 19). On his liberation the slave belonged once more to the ‘people of the land’. by which the redactor tries to exempt the Israelites from a burden (d v. Prisoners of wax provided the states of the ancient East with the servile manpower they needed for the sanctuaries and the palace. for three ycus’ wage was enough to cover the price of P slave. ~nsuch acase &slave had his carpierccdagainst thedoorpostar lintel. These laws do not seem to have been strictly observed. picks and iron axes. and in Jr 34 (d also Lv 19: 20. The price of his freedom. 54). 1t is even likely that slaves of foreign origin were attached to Israelite sanctuaries from the beginning. pp. The word is never used in any context but that of the liberation of slaves. According to Jr 34: 8-22. there were State slaves. I I : 21). which expatcd the half-finished products of the factory at Esyon Geber. ‘75. or become too old to earn his living as a free man. CF. counting the years left before thejubilee at the price of P hired man for each year (Lv 1. NC 7: 57+X0. according to the Code of Hammurabi. We saw that a slave was valued at thirty shekels (according to Ex 21: 32). These provisions seem somewhat Utopian: a shvc who began his term ofservice soon after the bcgimting of a jubilee period might well die before seeing the end of it. Ne 7: 4656). I S 5: 8). there weren’t emoires: the Emtisan~ which for centuries counted the petty kings of Palestine and Syria as iu vxssals. but. After the Exile. The same idea of the State is found in the five Philistine principalities on the coast. Moab. Imel and Be various Earrem notionr of rhe Sfare . ar in neighbowing countries. was often of foreign birth. the ‘slaves of Solomon’ were merged with the ‘given’. who at the time ofthe Hyksos and in the Amamapcriod.II: CIVK EiSTITUTmNS 90 Gibeonites who cut wood and carried water in the Temple (Jos 9: 27). Succession to the throne was normally on the dynatic priiciple. not by a professional army. From the list of the first kings ofEdom(Gn 36: 31-39). both of foreign origin. thsNw-Babylonian and the Persian These we&+lyorganizcd~ sfa&Luniting h&&geneous populations across vast territories won by conquest. 8: 19 emphvizes that it is the Levites who were ‘given’ to the priests for the service of the sanctuary. though not necessatily hereditary. It was the form the Hyksor domination took in these regions. II: I-2). It is such foreigners who are alluded to in Dt 39: 10. CHAPTER Foul8 THE ISRAELITE CONCEPT OF THE STATE H E N the Israelites conquered Canaan.C . W I. and all wece attached to the service of the Temple. hereditary. there were two classes of State slaves. relying on an army drawn from his own people and reinforced by mercenaries. They bore the names of peoples-Edom. National feeling was hardly developed at all. It is true that these formed a federation (Jos 13 : 3 . the land was divided into a host of principalities. Two centuries earlier the Amama letters reflect the same state of affairs and show that Syria too was divided into principalities. Amman and Aram. for deceiving Israel (Jos 9: 23). and the army which defended the territory and made the conquests was P professional army embodying mercenary formations. The authority was mpnarchical and the succession1 in theoty. In conttxt with these pygmy states. some national states made the(r appexance. with the disappearance of royal institutions. but it dates back still further: Egyptian decrees of banishment witness to it at the beginning of the second millennium B . but this war true of the four Gibeonite towns also (JOE 9: 17). Under the monarchy. Jg 3: 3. and this list is not a complete inventory of the towns on the political map of Palestine. without coundng the apparently ad hoc alliances between the Canaanite kings (Jos 10: 3t. Nb 3: 9. Jos 12: 9-24 recwds the defeat of thirty-one kings by Josue. These political units are confmed to a fortied city with a small surrounding territory. The government was monarchical. They were confined to the territory where the nation lived. At the end of the second millennium B . and usually prisoners of war or their descendants. and at first made no attempt to spread by conquest. the king’s slaves and the Temple slaves. in reaction against this employment of foreignen. Each was ruled bya king. saying that their fathcrs had been condemned to this task by Josue. Esd 8: 20 ascribes the institution ofthe n?hlnlm to David. The country was defended.C . by calling to arms all the menfolk ix time of danger. but by the nation in artns. then d~As!ytia_n. then. but this condusion seems to go beyond the texts on which its claims arc based.’ This may well be true. there were twelve tribes of Es&s dewendmts established in Tramjordan (Gn 36: 10-14. Attempts were made. They acknowledged one and the same God. I 5 . for it wiU reappear Inter. and precisely in those related peoples who bad passed through the same stage of social evolution. 13: 25. which Gideon refused (Jg 8 : z. The punishment of the ouuage of Gibeah (Jg 19-20) shows us the tribes acting in concert to chastise a particularly odious crime. The reign of Abimelck(Jg 9) was an isolated episode which a&ted only the Canaanite town of She&m and a few IsracIitc clans. %cbclor. Similarly the sons of Isbmael are ‘twelve chiefs of as many tribes’ (Gn 25: n-16). provided we do not press it too far and tty to find all & features of the Greek amphictyonies in the Israelite federation. It has recently been maintained that both Jerusalem (2 Jebusite town conquered by David) and Samaria (a new town founded by Omri on land bought by him) had the status of city-states of the Canaanite type inside the kingdoms ofJudah and Israel. the Israelites asked for a king in order to be ‘like the other nations’ ( I S 8: J). The compari_ son is helpful. and especially Deborah and Baraq). This Is an aspect which it is important to note. with hereditary succession. were. They shared a cotmnon statute and a common law (Jos 24: 2s) and they assembled to condemnviolations of&is customary ot written law (Jos 14: 26). The notion of the State in Israel is in fact closer to that of the Aramaean kingdoms of Syria and Transjordania. 13: 5). The twelve tribes were conscious of the bonds which united them. and the short-lived kingdom of Abimclek at Shechem was based on non-Israelite elemenu(Jg 8: 3 I . II: 29. who gave their names to the Aramaean tribes. particularly inEgypt. The 04 authority manifest in Israel at that time was charismatic. cf. then Israel and Judah. and like them they did not at once accept the dynastic principle. perhaps they settled disputes and points of law by appealing to a judge whose authority was gencrllly recognized: the list of ‘lesser’ judges (Jg I O: r-5 and 12: 8-15) would be evidence of this institution. Nahor had twelve SON. The parallel could no doubt be pursued further if we knew more about the early history and organization of these kingdoms. The narratives in the Book of Judges present the federation of tribes as a body without any organized government and lacking real political cohesion. According to Gn 22 : x-24. IZ adds Amalek). Nor were the original Israelites inclined to adopt their ideas on the State from the great Empires witb which they had been in contact. Again. These states emerged as the result of the solidarity of the ttibes which eventually settled dawn in a limited territory. It was only at the end of David’s reign and under Solomon that an attempt was made to realirc the idea of empire. Apart from such an extreme case. Yahweh (Jos 2. to which v. after liberating it from foreign oppression. the ‘infamies’. Nothing is said about their actual functioning as rulers. 1t is certainly noteworthy that these national states were formed about the same time as Israel. but they bad no commcm head. 24). But they did not imitate the Canaanite principalities whom they had dislodged. At Shechcm the twelve Israelite tribes joined in a pact which sealed their 93 religious unity and establizhed a certain form of national unity between them (JOS 24).? . 19). but it has long been recognized that this is an artificial present. national kingdoms. Gideon. in Israel’ (Jg 19: 30. 14: 6. like them. and celebrated his feasts at the same sanctuary.~. First Israel.. but the theory that there was a council of tribal representatives is far less probable.+ don. In the first stage of its settlement in Canaan. This organization has been compared to the amphictyonies in which Greek cities were grouped around a sanctuary: there they joined in cot.tfY). But its success was shortlived and all that remained were some features of administrative organization copied from Egypt. 6: 34. Parallels to this system are known. and the oldest tradition never mentions any personality comparable to Moses or Josue. Israel consisted of a federation of twelve tribes. they shared the same name. According to one Biblical tradition. IO.1.4: a. If.+ man worship and their representatives took counsel together. only their military achievements are recorded and Gideon expressly refused a permanent authority (Jg 8: 22-23). they had one trait in common: they were chosen by God for a mission of salvation (Jg 3 : 9. but this was quite unuwal. 9: tf. later on. Their activity did sometimes involve a group of tribes (e. 20: 6. like them they bore the names of peoples. 6: 14. However much these ‘judges’ differed from each other. The members formed one people and shared one worship. the change was no doubt due to a natural evolution or to the influence of the great neighbouring states. after a seminomadic existence. around the Ark. t. and together they formed ‘all Israel’. 2 S 13: 12).LsL 4: THE ISBAPUrP CcNcaPT OP THB STAT. and they were endowed with the spirit of Yahweh (Jg 3: 10.g. the symbol of Yahweh’s presence in their midst. the dynastic principle was established. but they came to nothing: it was this type of royal rank. The editor of Judges has divided out the period between chiefs who are supposed to have reigned successively over all Israel.p.: CNIL MSmLmONS 92 it appears that the kings owed their power to the fact that they had been either chosen or accepted by the nation. 4: 7. the ‘thiigs which are not done I.). Such a conception of the State never held sway in Israel. . At the siege of Rabbah. when David ordered his census of the people for the general levy. in spite of the opposition of Amasiis.~ 5.I The same distinction held goad in military matters. but the idea of empire persisted. I K 2: 39). 14: 21.: r6:1t. and completed by Solomon (I K 4: 1-6 and 7-19). II: 14-as). Political conditions may frequently lead writers to ccmtrast ‘Israel’. omits the territory ofJudah. of. z S 5 : 4-s states clearly that David bad reigned seven years and six months over Judah and thirty-three years ‘over all Israel rmd over Judah’. all through the politica separation of the monarchy. it was modelled. Thus. the God of Israel’. 2 Ch ~8: II). This political dualism. and other nations treat them as distinct entities. 9: IS). a real unity. But the notion of the State was rather d&rent in the two kingdoms.). the northern kingdom with ‘Judah’. On Solomon’s death. Jeroboam. This evolution involved an administrative development which was begunby David (2 S 20: 23-26).C . One fact at any rate is very clear: Israel and Judah are sometimes allies. one for Israel. in the ~nsc that the authority of the same sovereign was acknowledged everywhere. however. by their synchronized presentation of the history of Judah and Israel. which is known to us from a Syrian inscription of the eighth century B . David’s wars of aggression did bring into his kingdom non-Israelite populations. succeeded each other in twenty years. Philistines. the other for Judah (2 S 24: 1-9). which had a separate administration. The list of Solomon’s prefectures. Its success wa short-lived and its conquests were partly lost by David’s successor ( I K p: mf. at other times governors were set over them (2 S 8: 6. The principle of hereditary succession was never recognized in Israel before Omri.21:2of. in ccmtrast to 1srac1.) Amos the man ofJudah preached at Bethel. 1pb. the succession followed human rules. anointed by a disciple of Elisem (2 K p: If. Israel and Judah parted company.O~13:11). IX 1srac1 the charismatic aspect of Saul’s period was revived. claim to tell the story of one people. and at intervals in Israel. and once the choice was made. Tbc kingdom of David and Solomon had. The kingdom of Judah presents a striking contrasts Then the dynastic principle was admit. sometimes their kings were left to rule as vassals (2 S 8: 2. IO: 19. two lists were compiled. Though some authors have perhaps exaggerated the political tiuence of those canaanite enclaves which were subjugated by David and Solomon. he appointed him chief ‘over Israel and over Judah’ (I K I : 35). sometimes enemies. Lie a man of God before him. and formed two national states. it is the ‘land’ ofv. picked out an individual. a double state like the kingdom of Hamath and La’ash. There were palace revolutions in plenty in Judah. with their cxremal provinces ever diminishing. In the same way Jchu was named as king by Yahweh (I K 19: 16). four of whom were assassinated. thenation(2 K 11: 13-w. God’s choice. but ‘Israel’ always retained its wider connotation and Is 8: 14 speaks ofthe ‘two houses ofIsrael’. they ale brethren (I K 12: 24. In the Temple of Jerusalem. and the dynastic principle was never taken for granted. thanks to the loyalty of the ‘people of theland’.. 23: 30). which aspired to fill the place left vacant by the decline of Egyptian power. later. and then the kingdom wxs conquered by Assyrii.n: CIWL KwTrrLmONS % 1srac1 (2 S 5 : 3). Moabites and Aramacam (2 S 8: r-14) . and acclaimed by the army (2 K p: 13). which in the days of the Judges. but only of to which of David’s sons is to succeed him. and sanctioned by divine intcrvention: the prophecy of Nathan promised David a house and kingdom which would endure for ever (2 S 7: 8-16). but it comprised two distinct elements. who wanted to send him back to Judah (Am 7: x-13). There is no dispute round David’s deathbed about the dynastic principle. The notion ofa national sta. 14). who names Solomon ( I K I: 28-35). The throne was promised 97 to the first king. there survived the religious ida of 4: THE ISI(A=‘I~~ CONCEPI OP THB si-ILTE -- . God himself made and unmade the kings of Israel ( I K rq: 7f. Jeroboam was acknowledged by the people ( I K IZ: 20). It is probable that if our information about the two kingdoms was fuller and more balanced. Jehu’r a century. other institutional differences would come to light. who gave it practical expression by large commercial enterprises and by the external splendour of Israel’s culture ( I K p: ~&IO: 29).e. accepts Roboam. cf. a Dual Monarchy l&e the old Austria-Hungary or..ed from the outset. under Solomon (I K 5: I. This people is united by its religion.cf. i. they have national traditions in common. does not prevent the inhabitants feeling themselves to be one people.2K9:7f. here lights cm a particular family. and the Books of Kings. but they ue always independent of each other. worship was offered to ‘Yahweh. Solomon’s son. on the Egyptian administntion. by a prophet speaking in the name of Yahweh ( I K II: 31. 1 K 4: 7-191. at least as an ideal.B~tOsee~oaccusesthepeople of having made kings without God’s sanction (0s 8: 4). When David named Solomon as his successor. who came from Judah (I K 13 :. after which six kings. thanks to the long reign of Jerobonm II. Edomitcs. Ammonites. Judah.tc gave way to that of an empire. it seems. 37). 1srae1 and Judah were encamped (2 S I 1: I I). to t&e an example less remote in time and place. The kingdoms of Israel and Judah This Dual Monarchy and this attempt at empire lasted only two generations. Omri’s dynasty lasted some forty years. a: 24. and it is David himself. Furthermore. of comx.. Later on. but the Davidic line was always maintained. The unity of the regime proceeded from the fact that the two states had one and the same sovereign: it wa a United Kingdom like England and Scotland before the Act of Union. the kingdom ofDavid and Solomon wa no longer merely a national kingdom. not Yahweh. without dispute ( I K 12: I-X). Jr 23 : 5. 43: 7-9). It can be seen in one of the traditions about the institution of the kingdom (I S 8: I-X. approximated to that ideal (Ne IX 44-47). that of David and Solomon. as it was to gather the exiles on their return from Babylon. and their elders. 18. 44: 6) and in the P&u about the seign of Yahweh (Ps 47.Tostudyroyalinsdtwions we must glean what occasional information we can from the historical books. 4: TIHE ISRAELII% C0NCF. These texts accept the fact of kingship as something tolerated by Yahweh (I S 8: 7-9) or ar subordinate to his choice (Dt 17: IS). the Messianic adaptation of the royal psalms).1Kzz: Ig. Mi 5 : I . 6: 7). misbpa~odz. One current of opinion was hostile to the monzrchy. On the other hand there is a stream of thought which is favourable to it. Persian and Seleucid. 17. but it is hard to say how far it paxtratcd 01 modified the people’s mentality. Henceforth Judaea was an integral pat of the successive empires. 6. Between the two. the monarchy. the post-exilic community. etc. this suggests some continuity of institutions at the level of clan and town. cf. is merely an accessory element. It was a theecmtic regime. This municipal life is also the only aspect of public life considered by the legislativetexts.: CWIL MSlTr”TIONS the federation of the Twclvc Tribes. It was religion which federated the tribes when they settled in Canaan. which subjected it to the customary law of thdr provinces: even when the Hasmonaeans laid claim to the title of king. in actual fact 1srae1 lived without it for the greater part of its history. for four and a half over Judah. 43: ‘5. II: I-I I. that of Zorobabel and Nehemias. the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. idealized. zzf. NeoBabylonian. ruled by its own religious law under the government of their priests. a king after the image. and Ezcchiel (Ez 34: I-IO. who represented the people before the authorities (Esd 5: g. The Chronicler. in the royal psalms (Ps 2. and the ‘rights ofthe king’in I S 8: 11-18 (cf. The kings who had governed Israel were only his viceroys (I Ch I. 20. Is 6: 5). Andtbatisnll. 28 : 5 . one which is fimdamental to Israelite thought. IO.Iz:Iz. and believed that the Jewish community of the ~etum. Old customs were maintained. Clearly we cannot speak of one Israelite idea of the State. in the denunciations of Osee (OS 7: 3-7. from Nathan’s prophecy onwards (2 S 7: S-16).98 I. to what is called ‘the ideology of kingship’. held its ground for three centuries over the tribes of the North. IO: zs). the conception of theocracy. and the evil which kingship entails(r S 8: I*-18. in the study of Israel’s religion.). Within the limits of what cultural and religious autonomy was lefi to them. no doubt.P~ OP THB sr*m .Nb23:2I. and in all the texts on the royal Mess&h. who allots only a very obscure rirle to the ‘prince’ (he avoids the word ‘king’) in his programme of future restoration (Ez 45: 76. and the Prophets looked forward to its reunion in the future. Thereis indeedthe ‘law ofthe king’(Dt 17: t4-zo). the kingship of Saul. which proclaim that the future Saviour will be a descendant of David. 1t was religion which preserved the unity of the nation under the monarchy. in spite of the division of the kingdoms. by the clans. II: I-S. they were still vusals. The post-a&c community returned to the pre-monarchical type of life with remarkable ease. All this should warn us against the tendency of a certain modem school of thought to attach too much importance. and here again an ancient idea was reaKumed and restated: IsraelhadGodforking(ExIS:IB. The human rulers of this people are chosen. of the great king ofIsrael (Is 7: 14. 8: 4. IO: IS. IO: 18zs). Israel is Yahweh’s people and has no other master but him. That is why from the beginning to the end of its history 1~1x1 remained a religious community. which in practice means the monarchy. Dt 17: 16-17). reviewing the history of his people. The post-w&c communify The fall of Jerusalem marked the end of Israel’s politica institutions. But these two opposite convictions are inspired by the same conception of power. in the second par? ofIs& (Is 41: zt. Neither the federation of the Tribes nor the post-exilic community were states. they warn 99 against imitating alieu (I S 8: 5: Dt 17: 14). The federation of tbe Twelve Tribes. accepted or tolerated by God. 15) in all the passages glorifying David and his dynasty. The idea was often expressed during and after the Exile. 9: s-6.1S8:7. saw in the reign of David the realization of this kingdom of God on earth ( I Ch II-zg). q6-w). in its varying forms.: 14. at a municipal level. the Jews formed a religious community. but they remain subordinate to him and they arejudged by the degree oftbeir fidelity to the indissoluble covenant between Yahweh and his people. iqenlm. but thesein no way resemble political charters. 13: g-II). The Deuteronomic editor of the Books of Kings condemns all the kings of Israel and nearly all those ofJudah. We may even go further and say that there never was any Israelite idea of the State. 21. it finds expression in the other tradition on the institution o’f the kingdom (I S g: t-m: 16. In this view of things the State. in the omissions in Dt 17: 14-20. but there was no longer any idea of a State. g3 . all these are so many different regimes. 2 Ch g: 8).Jg8:23.). from Gudea. who did not die until some time later ( I K 2: I-I O). every enthronement meant a renewll of the Davidic covenant and an adoption of the new sovereign by Yahweh. It is possible that this choice between the som took place only if the first-born. succeeded by his eldest son. We m”st therefore devote some attention to them. was dead: with Solomon this would be Amno”. T We have seen that while the dynastic principle was “ever really accepted in the northern kingdom. king of Senjirli. ‘Marduk chose his name for the kingdom over the world. was a legitimate heir. this can be very helpful. and Is 45: I. Some modern historims list a whole series of them: Josaphat. as was the ordinary rule.opund to choose his eldest so”. and at all periods. although she was not his first wife (compare David and Bathshcba) and he gave Abiyyah. but WC are not told that he was at once anointed. but because his choice was exercised at each accession. But these are only hypotheses whose main purpose is to harmonize the discordant data ofBiblical chronology. I” the Aramacan kingdoms of Syria. In Egypt and Assyria the father was uswally. Ozias and Manassch in Judah. royal institutions had an um&iable inauence on some of ~srael’s religious conceptions. Moreover. down to Nabonidus. 1srac1 lived under a monarchy. and the situation is not quite the same ar in Egypt or
[email protected] of the ncighbouring countries. of whom a Babylonian document says. whom ‘Sin and Ncrgal chore to reign when he was yet in his mother’s womb’. Moreover. however. I” Israel too. though this inflwncc may have been exaggerated by a recent school of exegesis. but then we run the risk of attributig to Israel ideas or custooms which were foreign to it. the eldest surviving son of David. We can of cause make good this deficiency by examining the org.’ The idea is carried to cxtremc~ in Egypt. I” the kingdom of Israel. Jonm succeeded his brother Ochoziar because the latter died without male . Unfortunately our information is one-sided. in the Aramaean kingdoms of Syria. ‘1t is I (Yahweh) who say to Cyrus: My shepherd’. In the two certain cases. it was ‘because it umc to bim from Yahweh’ (I K 2: 15. but this e was probably the mle among the Hittiter. who was later placed on the throne by the Pharaoh and given the name Joiaqim (z K 23: 31 and 36).’ Thd ynvtic principle does not neccswily involve primogeniture. but appointment by the king was also required (2 ch 21: 3)s for the king was not \. Solomon and Yotham assumed power bcca”se their fathers were too old or ma ill to rule.’ With this we nztuIally compare Is 44: 28.__ . Joachaz succeeded Josias.27). and Jeroboam II in Israel. which is sometimes better known. uld Cyrus.5 : THE PBRScx-4 OP THE KING 101 THE PERSON OF THE KING H E fact remains that. Similarly. This idea of divine choice is universal in the ulde”tEast. because the Biblical writers were not specially interested in studying imtitutiau. Ma&ah’s eldest son. it is incomplete. eve” when a king ruccecdr his father. Similarly Y&am assumed power when his fither O&s became a leper (2 K 13: 5). 30). accession to the throne implies a divine choice: a ma” is ‘king by the grace of God’. Solomon was anointed king duri”g the lifetime of his father ( I K I : 32-40). the run-god. Women were excluded from the succession.’ This Z&r was a usurper. The king appointed the hcirapparent and took him as a partner in the government during his lifetime. precedence over his brothers. a rival party supported Solomon (I K I: I O). not only because God made a c”vc”ant with the dynasty of David. of whom nothing is said at the time of the succession. it was always observed in J&h. Ifthc kingdom descended to Solomon uld not to his elder brother Ad&as. king of Hamath and La’ash. d I Ch 28: s). uld he chose the younger so”. the normal heir. though not. hoped to be king (I K 2: 15 and a). and we have just seen that Israel held another view of the royal power. though there may have been others not mentioned. and Ba’al Shamain has made me king. thoughnot always. 2: n). at Ugarit the king appointed the heir from among his ~011s. ad this is precisely the period when its political organization is best known. But the situation was compliwcd when a king had several wives: Roboam preferred Maakah. Though Adonis. and. in the hope that he would be king (2 Ch I I: 21-a). It is affirmed in Mesopotamia. Z&r. yet he said: ‘My master Rekub-el has made me sit on the throne of my father. from which most of ““I documcntr have come. It lay with David to choose his s”ccessor (I K I: m. for a period of several centuries. the term co-regency is therefore somewhat inaccurate. This seems to have been the astom also in Assyria. primageniture was a title to the succession. who is ‘the shepherd designed by Ningirsu in his heart’. but Bar-Rekub. These arc the only two cc-regencies expressly mentioned in the Bible. ‘Thus says Yahweh to Cyrus his anointed. apparently. where every king is held to be a so” of Ra. are all said to have reigned at the same time as their fathers. although he had an elder brother. as we shall YC. Solomon (I K I: 17. says: ‘Ba’al Shamai” called me and stood by me. and was supported by a whole party (I K I: 5-9. it is m&y about Judah. and with Joachaz it was the Yohanan mentioned in I Ch 3 : 15. Even in Judah. Another synonym is h6q. in 2 K II: 14. which would be a good parallel to 2 K I I : 12. in the manner ofyahweh’s ‘decree’ in Ps 2: 7-9. the priest crowned the kiig and handed him the sceptre. We are in fact told that when Sadoq came to Gion he took the horn of oil ‘in the tent’ and anointed Solomon ( I K I: 39): this. but the two accounts agree on the essential rite of anointing ( I K 1: 39. Athaliah seized power on the death of her son and reigned for seven years. We may compare this with 2 K 23: 3. as it does in that ofJoas. during the ceremony Joas remained ‘standing near the pillar. concerning Solomon (I K I: 32-48) and Joas (2 K II: IZ-20). but it is a most flimsy theory. It is mentioned from the beginning of the monarchy. According to . 2 K 11: 12). we presume. According to 2 K II: 12. and the second in the royal palace. We fmd that Ps 89: 20 gives ‘diadem’ as a parallel to the ‘covenant’. would be the tent which David had erected for the Ark (2 S 6: 17).g. Apart from Solomon and Joas. We shall consider these points in order. for David 1s king ofJudah (2 S 2: 4). then. “wrnvTTO?iS descendants (2 K I : 17. it recurs in the story of Abralom’s usurpation (z S 19: I I). In Egypt it was the bestowal of the cmwns and sceptres of Upper and Lower Egypt which made a man Pharaoh. acclamation. CC 3: I). 7: ‘He drinks of the brook by the wayside’. This protocol contained the Pharaoh’s coronation names. The coronation or imposition of the diadem does not appear in Solomon’s wring. in 2 S 1: IO. inrerpredng PE IIO as a coronation psalm. Ez 21: 30-31. Ps 89: 40. in addition to the special tradition in I S 16: 13. the spring of Jerusalem. (a) The setting: the sanctuary. The word ‘edtkh is more d&cult: it means ‘testimony’ or ‘solemn law’. 132: 1x-12. point to the allusion in v. The meaning of nerer is certain: it is the diadem or crown. or recalling the covenant between Yahweh and the house of David (2 S 7: 8-16. which was supposed to have been written by the hand of the god: e. the first of which was performed in the sanctuary. n: cNu. But perhaps in the sacring rite we ought to keep ‘edtith.z K II: 14. anointing. ‘bracelets’. Thutmoses III says: ‘He has put my diadem on me and established my protocol’. where the word ‘edl. and ofJehu in Israel (z Kg: 3. And in fact. according to 2 Ch 6 : I 3. Both situations are excep tional: Solomon’s accession was the last event in a long intrigue and took place in his father’s hfetime. now b’rfth is sometimes synonymous with ‘edL. This dais is perhaps the one which Solomon erected in the middle of the court. 132: 18). (c) The atminting. the two rites are so similar that they must represent the general custotn. It is much more likely that Solomon was consecrated at Gihon because the sanctuary of the Ark was there. and near it would be the altar at which Ado&s (who was quite near by. which would have been royal insignia. Jr 13: 18. We may compare it with the ‘protocol’ mentioned by Egyptian enthronement tires. where. which Achaz took out of the Temple to gratify the king of Assyria (t K 16: 18). the affirmation of his divine sonship and power. Is it because water played a put in the ceremonies. We may then ask ourselves whether. which show the 103 king ( or a worshipper?) standing on a pedestal before an image of the God. Writing of Jw. as the custom was’. IO: I). Though a century and a half passed between the two coronations. Saul’s diadem and bracelets.th. In Judah. There were two parts to the ceremony. and it is probably true 5: THE PERSON OF THE KING . It included the following: investiture with the insignia (not mentioned for Solomon). there is no special name for it. 6). In Assyria. that a special place was reserved for the king in the Temple. 23: 3 and z. Ps 89: x38. z Ch 23 : 13 adds the detail that this place was ‘near the entrance’.) and his functions as judge (Ps 45: 7). (b) The invesrifure with the insignia. we should not translate ‘on the dais’ instead of ‘near the pillar’. Joas was consecrated in the Temple. which shows us Jo&as ‘standing near the pillar’ during the reading of the law: the pamllel passage 2 Ch 34: 31 merely says ‘in his place’.r/i occurs). the new king stood in this place during the ceremonies of consecration. and when it is carried by the king it seems to signify his executive power (Ps z: g: IIO: z. the crown and sceptre were placed on cushions in front of the god. So we may connect it with the ‘king’s dais’ (in Greek) and the ‘entrance for the king’. at the Fuller’s spring. but her reign was regarded as unlawful and was terminated by a revolution (2 K II). It may be that the new king ofJudah was given a similar testimony affirming his adoption by God and promising him victory over his enemies. the priest Yehoyada gave Joas the near and the ‘edttrh. But it is certain that all the kings ofJudah were anointed. and the ‘tent of Yahweh’ where Joab sought refuge (I K t: 28). it was an act of legitimation. ‘decree’. just as there was a place for the Pharaoh in the Egyptian temples. the consecration of the other kings of Judah after Solomon took @CC. enthronement. at least in Judah. for Saul ( I S g: 16. which is the royal emblem par excellence (2 S I : IO. We possess two iiirly detailed accounts of an enthronement. Ch 23: 13. homage of the high officials (not mentioned for Joas). and is usually corrected to &ad&h. are brought to David. I K I : g) took refuge on hearing that Solomon had been enthroned in the palace (I K I: 49-50). The Israelite accounts of enthronement do not mention a sceptre: it is not an exclusively royal emblem. b’rPh. one from Ras Shamra and one of Egyptian origin. ~&non was consecrated at Gihon. it is recorded of Joachaz in the kingdom ofJudah (2 K 23: 30). This detail is illustrated by two s&e. while the accession ofJoas brought to an end the usurpation of A&&h. as in the rites of purification before the coronation of the Pharaoh? Some authors. then as king of Israel (2 S 5: 3). Ps 2: 6-7 speaks of the sacring of the king and the ‘decree’ of Yahweh. One fact is certain.IO?. being respectively the translation and the transliteration ofthe sane Hebrew word.whileinrheotheritisrcccived by all priests (Ex 28: 41. etc. which mentions a” aminting of Sadoq as priest. In the other instmur the texts use a plural verb. and according to Ex 40: IZ-IS. It is accompanied by a coming of the Spirit: WC would say that it confers a grace.’ Was a”cd”ti”g. cc PP. according to I K I : 39 (though v. Here the word was demanded by the context and is used metaphorically. the Anointed. There is a text from Ras Shama which may contain a” allusion to the anoindng of Baal as king. not eve” of the high priest.11. The vlointi”g of a king is not. ‘Anointed’ and ‘Messiah’ are synonyms. II. and later extended to all the priests. utd the comrmnd toElias to eo and anoint Hazael as king ofAram (I K 19: IS). extra-biblical documents do exist. along with that of Solomon as king. a print and a prophet) and Joar (2 K I I : 12).~6:9. but the rite was obviously performed by a single officiult. where the Pat&& are called ‘anointed’ and ‘prophets’. .2: 51.p *w n: CIVIL MSIrIuIIONS ~:l?mpauoNOFmBxING 105 of all the kings of Israel. and ul Egyptian b&an vase found in one ofthe royal tombs at Byblos may have served for such a” investiture. and in them we cm distinguish two parallel series of texts: in one. because of its religious implications. Hittite kings. but the text is mutilated and its mevling uncertain. The Prophet Samuel anointed Saul (I S IO: I) and David (according to the tradition of I S 16: 13).16(Saul). 84: IO. however. ‘anointed’ is used figuratively and signifier the prophet’s consecration to Yahweh(cf. There cm be no doubt that alI the kings ofJudah were consecrated in the Temple and anointed by a priest. 20: 7. A priest anointed Solomon. and we shall see that he is also a saviour. Hence it is hard to say at what period the high priest or the priests in general were anointed. Thus the spirit of God took hold of Saul after he was anointed (I S IO: IO).16: 6:13(retliningthesingular). the Great King. 16). were anointed with ‘the holy oil of kingship’. Nb 3: 3). marhiah. The king. 26: 9. 5. Before this the historical atld prophetical books “ever mention the a”oi&g of priests. anointing is reserved tothehighptiest alone (Exw: 4-9. 1~ we shall see. but even ifwe grant that this unusual expression refers to a” anointing (which is a moot point). 52. however. and the ‘race of anointed priests’ in 2 M I : IO is apparently that of the high priests.16. We have stressed somewhat this problem of anointing. David refuses to raise a finger against Saul because he is Yahweh’s Anointed (I S 24: 7. shows that the rite existed in Cmaan before the establishment of the Israelite monarchy. say that priests were aminted.5.8:1z. Hamel was to be king of Syria. the royal anointing was transferred to the high priest as head of the people. a strictly royal rite? I” I K 19: 15-16 God com“v&s Elia to go and anoint Hazael. it is tme. Jehu was anointed by a disciple ofEliscur. but the Pharaohs were not. Concerning Canaan. uld in the story of David the link between the two is eve” more direct accordiig to I S 16: 13. uld consequently we canma conclude that the high priest Josue was ever anointed either.Thesame figurative are is found inPs 105: 15= 1 Ch 16: 22. speaks of the ‘two IOM of the oil’. 132: IO). may indicate that the rite was practised at Damazas. The reigning king is therefore P Messiah. This text only tells us how the practice of former times was then pictured (cf. it was this anointing which conferred on them the priesthood in perpetuity. II. the texts just quoted from the Pentateuch referring to Aaron). Everyone admits that all thex texts were edircd after the E&e. in Israel. Jehu and El&cur. which may refer to a”ointi”g. I S 2: IO.~3.~~. Anointing. it is certain that Zorobabel was “ever anointed. however. apart from these texts from the Pentateuch. The king is the Anointed ofYahweh(IS~4:7. These clemenu were to combine in the expectation ofa future saviour who I. Lv 7: 35-36. that. Lv4: 3. a’consecratcd person. 23). But the custom of anointing priests had ceased by the Roman en. One should note. a rite peculiar to 1srae1. 89: 39. made the king a sacred person and empowered him to pcrform certain religious acts. uld the Rabbis even thought that it had “ever been practised throughout the period of the Second Temple. though they arc not all equally convincing. and in their titles these sovereigns are styled. IS). I: S). These facts suggest a” Egyptian practice rather thm a native cwtmn: we know from other sauces that the high o&ials in Egypt were anointed on appointment to c&e.15. Anointing is a religious rite. cf. Jehu would bc anointed king of Israel by a disciple ofEliseus. There remains the uncertain text of I Ch 29: 22. Zz 4: 14. 1 In those days the king was the only Anointed One. . Ps 18: 51. I O: 7. the ‘anointed prince’ of Dn 9: 25 is probably the high priest Onias III. Many passages. thcmgh it is dear that it was not under the monarchy. who are probably Josue uld Zorobabd. but we hear nothing of the anointing of Eliseus or of any other prophet. 12: 3. 40: IZ-15. 2 S z.m. Lm 4: 20 (S&&s). 30: 30. 34 speaks of Sadoq and Nathan. ‘Tabama.5%-. Y&am’s 6ble about the kingship of Abimelek (Jg 9: 8.Jr. The kin@ in Mesopotamia do not seem to have been anointed: the only text which might be quoted is of doubtful value: it is a mutilated passage of the Assyrian royal ritual.~S1:~4. On the contrary. and he executes the man who had dared to lift his hand against the king (2 S I : 14. One of the Amama letters telh us that the kings of Syria and ~&tine were anointed as vassals of the Phxaoh. after the disappearance of the monarchy. on the other hand. though th& is not borne out either by the account ofHazael’s accession (2 K 8: 9-13) or by the non-biblical documents.zSr9:~~ (David). thus shares in the holiness of God. These passages all belong to the Priestly tradition. the spirinul uld temporal heads of the community. I” Is 61: 1.16:3~). who was a religious pcrsoruge. 1r is therefore possible that. there is no cenain evidence for the anointing of priau before the Hellenistic period. from generation to generation. Further. but it is no evidence of co”temporary practice. he is inviolable. where the new king took his seat on the throne (I K I : 46.4. as some have done. b. was firmly established onjustice (Pr 16: 12. It is the unx shout which the rebeb must have raised at the banquet of Adonins (I K I: zj). The king’s throne.: I. and there is no need to look for a cosmic symbolism. too.K~:~4. placed on the throne by the king of Babylon.laimcd. and more explicitly. cf. it is not proved that the kings of Assyria took a new name at their coronation. This throne of Yahweh had Justice and Right for its supports (Ps 89: 15. In ancient Mesopotamia an old coronation text of Umk says that the goddess Ishtar takes away the king’s ‘name of lowliness’ and calls him by his ‘name of lordship’. Here the Assyrian royal ritual had P picturesque ceremony: the oI&ds laid their insignia before the king. This homage is mentioned only in the account of Solomon.t ii must have taken pkce at every accession: the ministers made acts of obedience and the new sovereign confirmed them in their offices.. p.3:.: 12. This is very probably a literary imitation of an Egyptian custom. 2 K II: 19. 29: 14. The same expressions recur in other Eastern cultures and in our modem languages.Jr. and is sometimes almost ycrsonified (2 S 14: 9). but it does not justify the conclusion that the kings of Israel were given a similar set of titles at their accession. 3. This ac&mation does not mean that the people chose the king. 97: 2). whose birth is forctold in IS 9: 5. Thus the throne becomes the symbol of royal power (Gn 4. Joas). The thrones of gods or kings which archaeologists have unearthed provide analogies which illustrate this description. and one must not draw too sweeping a conclusion from expressions like those of Asrurbanipal in his inscriptions: ‘Assu and Sin have pronounced my name for power. The king then said: ‘Let every man rewme his o&e’. Ps 72: I-Z). On the other hand there are two certain instances of a change of name.1 the royal throne is called ‘the throne of Yahweh’ (I Ch 29: 23). of which the last two were the names of accession and of b&h. As Yahweh was held to be the tme king of Israel. After the anointing. comprising five names. the M&ah. its back was surmounted by bulls’ heads.: 40.7:~s). without regard for precedence. 132: II-12). two standing lions served as arm-rests and it war approached by six steps flanked by figurer of lions.106 n: CIVIL MSTIT”TIONS would be the Messiah King. K .’ This is probably no more than a way of signifying predestination by God. that this combination became explicit and that the long-promised. This action marks the assumption ofpower.. Cyrus of Anshan.cf. This was the cry of Hushai when he pretended to go over to Absalom (2 S 16: 16). Salmanasar v reigned at Babylon under the name of Ululai. but this name was hardly ever used in his reign. the new sovereign was acclaimed. ‘the throne of the kingship of Yahweh over Israel’ (I Ch 28: 5).S. we may compare a Babylonian text about Cyrus: ‘Marduk has pronounced his name. Ps 89: 3. 39:2K I.When the Pharaoh made Elyaqim king. probably the Emmanuel. but that the people accepted the choice made by Yahweh and made effective by the anointing: the shout of ‘Lang live the king!’ is not P wish. Ps 45: 7). 2 S 14: 19). The horn or the trumpet was sounded. I C h 5: 26). . it is an acquiescence (& ‘Jehu is king’ after the anointing and the sounding of the horn in 2 K 9: 13).~K9: 13). 98. and every one resumed his insignia and his place in the hierarchy.Is9:6. But it was only in the last century before Christ. and ‘to sit on the throne’ becomes a synonym for ‘to begin to reign’ (I K 16: 11. Several Hirtite kings were known by two names. (d) The a&m&n. Solomon’s throne of gold and ivory is described in I K I O: 18-20 as one of the wonders of the world.: 34. in the apocryphal P&s of Solomon. cf. and then ranged themselves round in any order. and perhaps the trace of a fifth. (e) The mthrotmmr. and which greeted the appointment of Saul at Mispah ( I S I O: 24).orrheoarhsbythelifeoftheking(. When the king had taken posse&m of his throne. a K 13 : 19. It is srill called the throne of David. have been compared with the five names of the Egyptian protocol: there are in fact four double names. he gave him the name ofJoiaqim (2 K 23: 34). and Assurbanipal called himself Kandalanu at Babylon. (f) The homqe. Asarhaddon certainly received a new name when he became heir-apparent. the high &i&Is came to do him homage (I K I: 47). long-expected saviour was called the Anointed. when speaking of his successors the kings of Judah(. Men recognize the king’s authority and submit to it. 15: 2x).7: ~5. but as both names are used in official texts dating from their reigns. This oath is sometimes coupled with one by the life of Yahweh (z S I. the Messianic titles given to the child. and has ap pointed bis name for kingship over the world. 2 K 13 : 13). ‘Your throne shall be established for ever’ (2 S 7: 16. I. Solomon. After the acdamation all left the sanctuary and entered the palace. There remain three instances which are clearer: Tiglath-Pileser III took the name of Pulu when he became king of Babylon (cf.45. each inscribed on a cartouche. But the Assyrian royal ritual says nothing of a change ofname.3.’ Consequently.K1:3. or on right and justice (Is 9: 6). they cannot be birth and coronation names. and this double formula makes the king’s authority parallel to that of God. the people clapped their hands and shouted: ‘Longlivetheking!‘(.). cf. The coronation name At the coronation of the Pharaoh his fidl set of titles was prd. the Pul in the Bible. perhaps they were conforming to a custom of Lower Mesopotamia. and Mattmyah. 25: 5. was named . 1” Israel. The same meaning must be given to similar expressions such as the greeting: ‘May the kingliveforever!‘(.romarkthepermanenceofthe Davidic dynasty promised by Nathan’s prophecy. Yahweh scab the king on his right hand (v. 2 K I I: 13-14). who. though not certain. but Sballum in Jr 22: II. ‘I will make you a [great] name’). or the expressions of the royal wedding song in PS 4s. Besides the cry of ‘Long live the king!’ there was cheering.6:~. 12). the reason may bc that the reigning name.JI. Yet he is called Avrias in the genealogy of I Ch 3 : 12. Besides general expressions like 2 S 7: 9.inwhidlthekingsingsof his victories over all his enemies in terms very like those of Ps a and I 10. May this not be the bii name. we find the anointing. whereas the new n. as the next words (w. This music and cheering evidently provided an accompaliment to songs praising the new ruler. reigned over Edom after a certain Saul.108 II: . some of tl2 ‘royal’ p&Is may have been composed and sung in this most solemn of settings. there are numerous parallels from other Eastern sources. or the ideas the Israelites held about their king. according to Gn 36: 38-39. but the prophet Nathan called him Yedidyah. almost always completdy displaced the name given at bi. + K II : 12. or the good w&s expressed at the accession of Solomon ( I K I : 37 and 47). which seem to allude to the rites of enthronement. the king slays his enemies. To begin with the most cogent. The title of ‘son’ is found in Nathan’s prophecy (2 S 7: 14). Za 14 : 5). except that one would expect the Pharaoh to give his vassal an Egyptian name (cf. but we need onlyrec?Uthc’PsalmofDavid’(zS22=PsIB). Gn 41: 45). 6). and so does 2 Ch 26. I Ch 17: 8 (literally. Thz mrhronemcnr psalms The crowning of the king was accompanied by popular demomtrxiom.lrcrmnmm ~:Tm?PensoNoP~ph(G Iog Sedecias (2 K 24: 17). and declares bim a priest after the order of Melchisedech (v. every time. It is therefore possible that the change was an Israelite custom accepted by the foreign master. and of the ‘covenant’ with the how of David. 7-9). 22: IO. Yahweh declares that it is he who has established his king in Sian (v. certain facts are sign&ant. and the list ofJosias’ sons in I Ch 3: IS contains no Joachaz but doa contain a Shallmn. declares that he has begotten him (v. The king (or the cantor) then proclaims the decree. 3. 14b-15) show. .0~1:1. then. I). a). 4). the @q. The allusion m the priesthood of Melcbiscdech will be discussed later. the only official one. the son and successor ofJosias is called Joachaz in t K 23: ~O. g-6). which have their equivalents in Egypt. Against &is it may be objected that the New Testament uses them as Messianic p&u. the investiture. and Joachaz the reigning name? We know that the successor of Am&s is some times called Otis and sometimes Azarias in the accounts of I K 14: X--IS : 34. the ‘decree’ (which is the equivalent of the ‘testimony’ delivered to Joas. If we have no more or no dearer examples. of the Iirst king of Israel. the terms of this prophecy are applied explicitly to Solomon by I Ch 17: 13. Here again we see the enthronement. and has P parallel in the sham fight which was performed in Egypt at coronation feasts. where the primary reference is to the human king descended from David. We may therefore conclude that Azarias was his birth name and Ozias his coronation name. III Pr 2. The question of adoption will be considered 1ater. 34. The two cases are similar in that each time a foreign suzerain intervenes.a In Ps I IO.7:1. and that he certainly could not address him a. I! / If this is so. and this conclusion seems to be confirmed by other texts. 28: 6. of Yahweh: on this day of sacring he adopts him as his son and promixs him dominion over all the land (xv. and the same as that Baalhanau. Yet there is nothing here which goes beyond the expressions of court edquette. whose birth name was Elhanan: the same Elhanan who slew Goliath according to a S 21: 19. in the accamt of bis reign.3 These two psalms are therefore close akin and would be appropriate m a sacring feast. in fact a royal title. and playing on the Bute and trumpet (I K I: 40. According m 2 S 12: 24-25 the child of David and Bnthsbeba xc&cd the name of Solomon from his mother. that the kings of Judah took a new name when they succeeded m the throne. It is curious that this latter name never appears again: could it have Lxa his birth name. as Ps 45 was cornposed for a royal wedding. Yahweh’s son.unez of these two kings are just as Hebrew and even Yahwist as those they had before. displaced by his reigning name? A still more hwrdom conjecture is to consider David as the coronation name. and that part of the Jewish tradition and all Christian tradition interpret them as such. the kings of Judah-we find nothing similar in Israel-may have been given a coronation name or a reigning name. in reply to the princes of the earth who have conspired against Yahweh and his Anointed (v. a9 in such demonstrations in the East to-day. and finally the homage. The question concems chiegy Ps 2 and I IO. he is ‘arbiter of the nations’ (w. and the king of Babylon a Babylonian name (cf. Dn 1: 7). so that it was no longer even remembered. Some writers point out that the psalmist could not promise universal empire m the human king of the little kingdom ofJudah. The change might then be a mark of the bond of varsalage. which also allude to the sacring.buttheprophe~~w~yrullhimO~~(Is~:~. The supposed revolt of the vassal kings is understandable at the time of a change of reign. Moreover. z). Then the !xings pay homage to him (v. On the first point. the promises and probably the adoption. 2 S 7: S-169. The two aspects . promises him the xeptre of power (v. In t&s psalm. whcrcar J&kin came to the throne between these two king without bis suzerain intervening and with no mention of a change of name.. according to the Greek. But in every instance we ue still in the realm ofhypothesis: the most one can say is that it is probable.Am I : I . the text being corrupt and disputed). had a twofold meaning from the manent of their composition: every king of the Da&c line is a figure and a shadow of the ideal king of the future. and the lowly. placed me on the throne. are Messianic. who stand helpless. for they contain 2 prophecy and a hope of salvation. those who had hidden showed themsd”es again. Sin. It is mote reasonable m suppose that these psalms. the harvest of the land has been abundant. until the moon be no more. and speak of the king’s divine character. those who had been ragged were clothed in fine garments. it was from time to time acknowledged. The idea is camn~n in Eastern countries. the same hope was expressed. which represents the Pharaoh with divine attributes and more than human stature. of a divine kingship. 5. All these texts. In Mesopotamia. those who were in prison were set free. to cite only two examples. which an individual chosen by God will bring to fulfdment. in the belief that one day it would be fulfilled. So we read in Ps 72: He wiIl judge the lowly unong the people with justice. Ps 72. he has brought the people ofEgypt m life. . that the king had a divine character. this is far less appuent. or ‘the good god’: he is the son of Ra the creator god. he will Prove himself a saviour to the cbildrcn of dx Poor. to). none of these kings attained tbis ideal. but it is very hard to say what the revisions were. ‘the god’. in Israel. a priest.1x0 It: CIV”. In fact. like Natban’s prophecy and other texts referring m royal Messianism. those who bad been naked were clad. he was a ‘savior’ (2 K 13 : 5). those who were in bon& were filled with joy .* Another hymn describes the reign of Raises IV in these words: Those who had fled returned to their twvns. The king ax raviour The king is ipso facro a saviour. and will crush their oppressors. may have been sung on this occasion. those who had been thirsty were given drink. Here too they appeal to Eastern parallels. powerful floods. for example. Assurbanipal says: ‘From the mmnent that Assur. prince. during his life he is an incarnation of Homs and after his death he is assimilated to Osiris. in religious literature. Adad made bis rain fall.’ Adad-shum-usnr. It is cleat enough that the Pharaoh was considered a god: he is called. the starved grow far. etc. and will save the life of the poor. and PS IOI draws a pomait of the righteous maintained that Ps Z. the king still remained 1 man ammlg men. in the rites of coronation and in att. like the showers which soften the cattb. so under the monatchy the king delivered the nation from its enemies (2 S 19: IO). without qnalification. In Mesopotamia. there is a hymn about Senusrer III which reads: ‘He has come m us. when its fruit is awaking. he has done away with their aElictions.’ It is not surptisiig. at each renewal of the Davidic covenant. whom men called to their aid (2 K 6: 26). Ea opened her springs.~Z and IIO were at first royal psalms. It is a common idea among primitive peoples that the king embodies the good estate of his subjects: the country’s prosperity depends on him. This divine character is expressed in the royal titles. then. ot of a diviniation of the king. like grass wet the earth! Just as in former times the Judges had been ‘saviows’ (Jg 3: 9. wmte to the same king: ‘Shamash and Adad have destined for my lord the king good government. good com- .. In his days justice shall blarsom forth. alone. Among the Babylonians and Assytims. and widespread peace. years of righteousness. &how who had been hungry were fed. the corn grew five cubits high. days of justice. and he ensures the welfare of his people.Wamen give birth. and ia tlowcting. abundant rains. he will show mercy to the weak and &e poor. It was quite a different concept from . He will set free the poor who call for help. 1t has been . Abundance of wheat on the cat& C”cn en the tops of the has! Abundance l&e Lebanon’s. but at the manent of enthronement. however. other ps&ns.. those who have been ill for many days are cured. The hungry are satisfied. in very early days. ptays that the king may reign in juctice and foretells that he will rule to the ends of the eatth. IS). 6. even though they did not contain express references to the ceremonies of the day. Divine adoption Some recent writers go further. to find sit&t developments of thought in Israel. but not all of them ate equally convincing. INSTITuTmNS “lerce 2: THE PERSON OF THE KING III of universal dominion and divine adoption are combined in the comtnentaty on this prophecy given in Ps 89: zw8. Despite the fiction of divine sonship and the f&t that a cettain supematutal power was ascribed to him. ma In Egypt. and were mod&d after the Exile in a Messianic sense. He will come down like gentle rain upon grass. then. and in their joy tell their children: our lord the king has given you life. 114 n: Clvrl lNSnTlmONs of ccame, be taken in a fact&e sense, that the king ‘had sacrifice offered’, but not all UC capable of this meaning. And other texts in fict exclude it: in 2 K 16: IZ-15. A&z goes up to the new altar he has had made, offers the first sacrifice, and then comman ds the priest to continue the liturgy there; in I K 12: 33 it is said thatJeroboam ‘went up to the altar to offer sacrifice’ (cf. 13: rf.). Again, David and Solomon bless the people in the sanctuary (2 S 6: 18; I K 8 : 1.4, which is a rite reserved to the priests by Nb 6: ~~-27 and I Ch 23 : 13. Solomon cauecrate~ the middle of the court ( I K 8: 64). David wears the loincloth which is the vestment of officiating priests (2 S 6: 14). Neither the prophets nor the hisroric~ books before tlx exile make any protest against these intrusions by the king into liturgical worship. It is only after the end of the monvchy that they become a stumbling-blcck, and 2 Ch 26: 1620 says that Ozias was sack with leprosy because he had dared to bum incense at the altar, thus usurping a privilege of the sons of Aaron (z Ch 26: 18, cf. Nb 1,: 5; 1 Ch 23: 13). All this evidence callr for a carefully balanced solution. The part played by the king in the regulation and supervision of worship OI the nomination of the clergy does not mean that he ~2s himselfa priest; it docl not exceed the prerogatives which the head of State may have over the State religion. If is quite another thing when he performs actions which are properly sacerdotal. But we must note that the instances where the king’s personal action is beyond question are all very special or exceptional: the transference of the Ark. the dedication of an altar or a sanctuary. the great annual festivals. Ordinarily, the conduct ofworship was left to the priest (2 K 16: I.+ Anointing did not confer on the king a priestly character, since, as we have seen,’ priests were not anointed in the days of the monarchy; but it did make him a sacred person, with a special relationship to Yahweh, and in solemn circumstances he could act as the religious head of the people. But he was not a priest in the strict sense. But, it may be objected, Ps IIO is a royal psalm, and it calls the king a ‘priest’. It has recently been suggested that this verse (Ps I IO: 4) was addressed, nor to the king, but to the priest whom the newly enthroned king (vv. 1-3) was confirming in his functions, and that these words were originally addressed to Sadoq, the psalm being composed in David’s reign. It is an interesting hypothesis, but without foundation. The text can be explaiied otherwise: it could mean that the king was a priest, but in the only way in which an lsraelite king could be: that is, in the way we have described. He was a priest in the saame way as Melchisedech, who, it was thought, had been king and priest in that same Jerusalem where the new king was beiig enthroned. It was the starting-point of the Messianic interpretation to be given to the verse in He 5 : 6. THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD N a society which tolerated polygamy, the possession of a large harem was a mark of wealth and power. It was also a luxury which few could afford, and it became the privilege ofkings. Saul had at leastone concubine (2 S 3 : 7), and elsewhere there is mention of hi? ‘ wives’ (2 S &: 8). Even when David was reigning only in Hebron, he already had six wives (z S 3: z-s), and in Jerusalem he took more concubiies and wives (2 S 5 : 13 ; cf. 2 S 19: 6), including Bathsheba (2 S II: 27). When he fled from Absalom he left ten concubines in Jerusalem (z S IS: 16; 16: 21-22; 20: 3). According to 2 Ch 11: 21, Roboam had eighteen wives and sixty concubiies. Abiyyah had fourteen wives according to 2 Ch 13 : 21. According to 2 Ch 34: 3 Joxs had at least two wives and so had Josias (cf. 2 K 23 : 3 I, 34.36). Ben&dad called on A&b to surrender his wives (I K 20: 3-7). and Nabuchodonosor deported Jo&in and his wives (z K ~4: IS). The same fate befell the wives ofJoram (2 Ch 21: 14. 17) and of Sedecias (JC 38: 23). Sennacherib. according to his Annals. accepted the women ofEzechias’ harem as tribute. The ‘king’ in the Song of Songs lus sixty queens and eighty concubiies (Ct 6: 8). But all these are eclipsed by the fabulous harem of Solomon, who had, according to I K II : 3. seven hundred wives and three hundred concubines. Whatever we may think of these la figures, Dt 17: 17 had good cause to warn the king against possessing too large a harem. Things were probably much the same in the small states bordering on Israel, though we are poorly informed about them. In the Amarna period we learn, incidentally, that the king ofByblos had at least two wives, and the king of AIasia (Cyprus) speaks of his ‘wives’. In the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., however, the Assyrian Annals attribute to the kings of Ascalon, Sidon and Ashdod only one wife each, who may have been the queen consort; this would still leave room for other wives and concubines. We are better informed about the great empires. Among the Hit&es there was only one queen conscxt, but the king had a harem ofwives (free women) and of slave concubiies also. Similarly, in Assyti, the king had other wives besides the queen, the ‘Lady of the Palace’; often they were princesses from vassal countries. In Egypt the pharaoh had only one ‘great royal spouse’. five persons, no doubt in succession, held this tide in the very long reign of I I. The harem 116 II: CNn. MSmo~S ~amses II. but his one hundred and sixty-two children prove that he did not restrict himself to his offuial spouses. According to the Amama letten. a Pharaoh’s batem was the nearest approach to that attributed to Solomon: the princess from Mitatmi whom Amenopbis III married arrived with 317 young maidens, and the ume Pharaoh ordered from the king of Gezcr forty ‘ bcauriful women’ at forty shekels of silver each. The Phvaoh received thirty young girlo as a present from the king of Mitmni, twenty-one from the king of Jerusalem and twenty or thirty from a Syrian prince. Foreign women were often introduced into these barems to serve not only the king’s pleasures but alro bis policy. Such marriages set the seal on alliances, maintained good relations and guaranteed the loyalty of subject camtries. We saw that Amenophis III matried a princess of Mitanni: he also married a sister of the king of Babylon. Thutmoses IV before bim had married a daughter of the king of Mitatmi, and after bim Ramses II married a daughter of the Hittite king. Another Hittite king gave his daughter to h%vziwza of Miami; Asarbaddon of Assyria gave his to a Scytbian king. A daughter of the king of Amurru bcume queen at Ugarit, and such uses . . could be multiplied. In the same way, David married Ma&h, daughter of the Aramaean king of Geshur (2 S 3: 3). Solomon became the Pharaoh’s son-in-law (I K 3: I). and ifhc took wives from among the Moabites, the Ammonim, the Edomita, the Sidonims and the Hittiter (I K 11: I, cf. 14: 21). bis motive was to strengthen the bonds with bis allies and tributaries. The marriage of Achab with Jnabel, daughter of the king ofTyre (I K 16: 31). was arranged by his father otnri. in order to strengthen his alliance with the Phomiciam. From some passages it appears that the king’s harem. at least in the early days of the monarchy, used m par m his successor. In 2 S 12: 8, Nathan says that it was Yahweh himself who, by establishing David as king of Israel, had given him the wives of his master Saul. Absalom publicly approached the concubines whom David had left in Jerusalem: it was a way of arrertinp that he was now king (2 S 16: ZI-2.2). for possession of the harem was a title to the tbmne. Ishbaal’s anger against Abner, who bad taken one of Saul’s concubiia (2 S 3 : 7-8), is easy to explain if she had passed by inheritance to Ishbaal, for Abner’s action would imply that he was disputing the power with him. Adonias desired to have Abiiag, who had belonged to David’s harem (althcugh, according to I K I : 4. he bad not had carnal knowledge ofher) and bad entered Solomon’s harem. But when Ad&as persuaded Solomon’s nether to present his request m the king, Solomon answered: ‘Ask me M give bim the kingdom, tea! ’ (I K 2: 13-u). No evidence has yet been found of any such custmn among ~srael’s immediate neighbours, but we may note that it existed among the Persians: Hercdotus (III, 68) records that the f&e Smerdis had usurped both Cambysn’ throne and all his wives. Among the ancient Arabs, wives formed part of the inbetitancc. a$ the cwtan was not II? abolished at one stroke by the Koran’s prohibition. In lsrael, too, the voice of religion was raised in protest against tbio incestuous practice: Reuben lost his pm-eminence beaux he had taken his father’s concubine (Gn 35: 22; 49: 3-4). and the laws of Lv 18: 8; Dt 23: I; 27: w were meant for the king as well as the rest of the people; only he did not always observe them (cf. Ezzz: IO). Among the ladies of the harem, one held the king’s preference. This was evidently the privilege of Bathsbeba under David, of Jezebel under A&b, of A&&b under Joram, and it is explicitly stated of Maakh that Robonm ‘loved her mite than all his other wives and concubines’ (2 Ch II: 21). But the king’s favvour was not enough to give this wife official title and rank. It is remarkable &at the Old Testament only once uses the word ‘queen’, the feminine of m&k, ‘King’. in connection with Israel, and th+,t is in a poetical passage and in the plural, to describe the ‘qucem’ of the ‘King’ in the Song of Songs, as distinct from bir concubines (Ct 6: 8). Elsewhere the singular is used of foreign queens: the queen of Sheba (I K IO), the queen of Persia (Est p&m, especially Est 2: 17: the king preferred Esther before all tbc other women-cf. 2 Ch II: x--land chose her as queen’-nothing similar in 2 Ch II) . On the other band, at the court of Judah, official rank was accorded m the gbfrah. In ordinary speech the word means ‘misness’ as opposed to setvant, 6: TRB POYA‘ HOUSBHOLD and corresponds to ‘a&n, ‘lord’, the fe minine ofwbich is not used in Hebrew (a K 3: 3; Is 24: 2; Ps 123: 2; Pr 30: 33). In I K II: 19 it is applied to the Pharaoh’~ wife and consort, but it is never used of the wife of a king of Judah; under Asa, the gbfmh is his grandmother Maakh (I K 15: 13; 2 Ch 15: 16). The g’bfrohm carried into captivity in Jr 29: 2 is the king’s mother, according to the parallel in 2 K 24: 13. The sons of thegbirah mentioned in 2 K 10: 13 along with the sons of the king must be distinct from them: they are the mm of the queen-mother (and therefore the king’s brothers). In Jr 13: 18 the king and the g’birah are Jo&i and bis mother. Etymology and usage suggest that the title should ‘be rendered as Great Lady. This title implied a certain dignity and special powers. Bathshebn was ccrtainly gbtrah under Solomon; he recciva her with great honour and scab her on his right hand ( I K 2: 19). The paver of the Great Lady did not prcteed merely from the influence of a motbcr over her son. as with Bnthsbeba; it war much mme extensive, and for abusing it, Ma&ah was deprived by Au of her dignity of Great Lady ( I K 15: 13). Tbb authority of the queenmother explains how Ad-&ah could so easily seize power on the death of Ochozias (2 K II : If.) ; the queen-mother had an official position in the kingdom, and hence the Books of Kings always mention the name of the king’s Atnnon resided outside the palace (2 S I 3 : 5). If she survived the king she retained the same position during the reign of her son (or sons. but it does at least prove that before this nomination Solomon’s mother had not the dignity which she subsequently enjoyed (cf.7). 6f. In Jr 36: 26. 5. When they had grown up and. probably a long-sleeved robe like that given by Jacob to his favoutite son Joseph (Gn 37: 3. the brother ofJoachv (2 K 23: 31. there is no good reason to interpret these terms 2s honorific titles instead of takiig them in the sttict sense.x K IO: I 3 speaks of&e sons of the king and the sons of the Great Lady. cf. In Ps 45: IO. no doubt. ‘son of the king’. Ne 2: 6 (the queen of Persia) and Dn 5: 2. the king’s sons led an independent life and were provided for by their father (2 Ch 21: 3 . and therefore the equivalent of g’bbah. Lie Ma&ah.23 (the Aratnaic plural form: the wives of Bahhazar) do not prove that the word was an ofiicial term in Judah before the Exile. Again. where no woman is named. she could be dismissed for a serious offence against the king ot the state. 2 K IO: 13 mentions agbirah who can only be Jezebel. the ‘king’s son’ Yoash is named after the governor of the city. but. In the introductions to the reigns of Israel. Apart from the heir-apparent.u. 5). If is possible that the Great Lady was accorded her rank on the accession of her son. I Ch 27: 32). and Absalom had his own house (2 S I 3 : 20. One may also point to the influence of Adad-guppi’.118 11: CIvn MnTnJTIONS mother in the introduction to each reign in Jnti-except in the cases of Joram and Achaz. 23. 3. In the same way. presupposes a dynastic stability which was not usually found in the kingdom of Israel. The king’s sons were brought up in the palace by nurses (2 K II : z). was set aside under Joiaqim and J&kin. 36. is. 18). The only other examples of the term in the Old Testament. but the word is put in the mouth of the ptiices of Judah. since Solomon’s sacring took place immediately after his nomination. 14: 30). It is also possible that the mother becatneg’biroh 1s soon a her son was designated heir to the throne. and of Asa. Once again. but we should remember the part played by the queens Sammuramat and Naqi’a during the reigns of their husbands and then of their sons. which is the feminine of’addn. wife of J&as. this seems to have been exceptional. which is pethaps the Israelitic equivalent of the gblrah ofJudah. 32). They wore a distinctive dress (2 S 13: IS-19). The figure is no doubt symbolic of a large family (cf. the ‘king’s sons’ are certainly the sons of David (2 S 13 : 23-38). and returned under Sedecias. moreover. in the story of Absalom and Amnon. The word is parallel to Sisera. The tovannana was the lawful queen. Hittite parallels may help to elucidate this rather complicated question. Jg 8 : 30. From the same passage we see drat thegbbah could be dismissed by the king: Ma&h had favouted the cult of Ashetah. and would denote the queen ot queen-mother. On the other hand it seems that the Great Lady could keep her position after her son’s death: Maakah. under the care of women (2 S 13: 7). after the short reign of her son Abiyyam (I K 15: 13). The queen-mother must have held a similar position in Ugarit. where his grandmother’s name takes the place of his mother’s. We are told that Achab had seventy sons. also called the ‘odath. and both are ordered to put the prophet Michcas in prison. for she is the queen consort. wife ofRoboam. the daughter of David. The institution. but this parallel shows that we must take ‘sons’ in the literal sense and not interpret it as descendants in general ot as more distant relatives. But even when they were adults these sons were still subject to the authority of their father the king (2 s *3: 27). which may have been a large one. IS) ot to friendly kings (2 K 8: 1 8 ) . 28. Their father would give them in marriage to his senior o&err ( I K 4: II. married young. and played an important part in policy and religion. Now Ps 45 has been interpreted as a wedding-hymn composed for a king of Israel: it is also very tempting to restore the word shegal at the end ofJg 5: 30 in the Hymn of Deborah. in place of the impoaiblc rlurlal. ‘booty’. For Assyria the evidence is less clear. HO”SEHOL” Our only information cm the position of the king’s daug$ers comes from the story of Tamar. There is no direct evidence of the existence of a Great Lady in the northern kingdom. The Akkadian texts of Ras Shamra indicate that this queen-mother intervened in political &its. v. From this we may conclude that the ptincesses lived’ in the palace until their marriage. But we must draw attention to a tare term. who was queen-mother under Joachaz. The expression hen hammelek. where several off&l letters are addressed to the king’s mother. the shegal is mentioned as standing on the tight hand of the king. 31 and 2: 13-19). cf. used several times in contexts which seem to imply that it does not mean a son in the proper sense. 9: 2. who had special prerogatives (2 Ch II : a). I Ch 18: 17). the name of the king’s mother is never given. as in Judah. 24: 8. In I K 22: z&27=2 Ch 18: 25-26. and two . 6: TIIB R0Y. however. and they also mention a Great Lady ofAmurtu. The story of Bathsheba does not enable us to decide this point.. . We know besides that Achab had a harem (I K 20: 2. which would explain the career of Ha&al. d Ez 46: 16). I K I: 15-16. the king’s sons could perform certain duties at the coutt (2 S 8: 18. the ‘king’s son’ Yerahmeel. was stillfbbah under her grandson Asa. if two brothers succeeded to the throne): and only on her death did the dignity pass to her daughter-in-law. Bathsheba was the first Great Lady in Israel. This tradition is preserved in the Greek legends of Semiramis and Nitokris. the wife of the reigning king. the mother of the heir-apparent. she is not classed with 119 the other women of the harem. 14: 24) herds and lands (z S 13: 23. as ir suggested by 2 Ch I I : ~I-~~. the Hymn of Deborah is a composition of northern ~sracl. the mother of Nabonidns. then entrusted to tutors chosen from the leading men of the city (2 K I O: I. I20 n: CIVIC lNS?lNnONS 6: TAB 110ya ROOSB~OLD I21 other men are commanded to s&c Ban& and Jeremias. In Jr 38: 6, Jcremiv is thrown into the cistern of the ‘king’s son’ Malkiyyahu. In 2 ch 28: 7 the ‘king’s son’ Maaseyabu is killed along with two of the king’s o@icers. None of these men appear elsewhere as a member of the royal family. It seems therefore that in these four instances the title ‘king’s son’ denotes an office. This conclusion is perhaps confirmed by two discoveries in Palestine, one of a seal, the other of a stamp from a signet-ring: both have a proper name, followed by ‘king’s son’ in the place where other seals mention their owner’s oflice. These o@i&ls were not of very high rank; Yoarh is named after the governor of the city and in three instances out of four their intervention is connected with prisoners. Probably, therefore, the hen hnmmekk was a police o&r. The explanation may be that this o&z was perhaps chosen originally from among the king’s sons. A parallel from Egypt may be noted: ‘royal son of Kush’ is the title of the viceroy of Ethiopia, who was never 1 descendant of the Pharaoh, except perhaps for the first holder of that title, who would have been a grandson of the founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty. The royal family was surrounded by a court of ofIicials and household servantc (I K 10: 4-5). All, whatever their offioe, were called the king’s ‘servanh’,fromthesoldicrroftheguard(~Kt:33;~S~~:9,13;~o:6),tothe highest oficials (I K 11: 26; 2 K 19: 5: 22: 12; 2 Ch 34: 20; and for foreign coortscf,zK5:6;zj:8;zCh32:9). The question has been raised whether the expression ‘king’s servant’. ‘ebed hmmelek, when used in the singular. may not sometimes denote a special oEice. For example the ‘rbed hamdek Asayah is named together with the secretary Shnphan (2 K 22: IZ= 2 ch 34: 20). Further. we possess a number of xals bearing a proper mme followed by ‘ebed hammchk or by ‘ebed with the name of a king. Seals of the same type, but of Phoenician, Ammonite, Edomire and perhaps Philistine origin, have also been discovered. Now it is true that the title stands in the place where an o&e is usually mentioned, but this does not prove that it denotes a particular o&e. As a matter of fact the title is given to Nebozaradan (z K 25: 8) who at the same time is called the commander of Nabuchodonoror’s guard. Finally, the number of seals which have survived would be surprisingly large. ifall their wearers had occupied the same office. We should rather conclude that it was a general title, borne by several o&ials who used their seals to stamp offGal documents. The corresponding Assyrian expression also covered different functions. At the time of the capture of Jerusalem in 587 B.C ., the Chaldaeans took prisoner five men ‘who saw the king’s face’ (z K 25: 19; in the parallel of ‘;. ,:, ‘,L’, Jr 32: ZJ there are seven). This is sometimea amslated as ‘coomellon’, and in fact in Est I: 14. the same words denote the seven members of the royal council of Persia. In itself, however, the expression has a general sense: it means chose who ?.re admitted to the king’s presence (15 2 S 14: 24,28,32), just as the expression ‘to go to see the face ofYahweh’, means ‘to go to the Temple’ (Dt 31: II; Ps 42: 3). The term then includes the king’s personal servants, and also his friends and courtiers, all who ‘stand before the king’ (I S 16: xf.; Jr jz: n; d the angels in Mt 18: IO). The expression is found in Assyrian with the same vague meaning. The king would natorally seek advice from his courtiers (I K 12: 6; cf. the heavenly court in I K 22: xgf.; Jb I: 6f; 2: of.). The formal d&of ‘coumellor’, yB’erwas given toAhitophe1 under David (t S 13: 12; d 1~: 31 and its sequel) and to David’s uncle in I Ch 27: 32-33. The title is found under Am&as also (2 Ch 23: 16). I S 8: r~ m&ions, along with the king’s servants, the i&m. They are named among the men of rank in Jr 34: 19, and among the men of war, the women uld the children in Jr 41: 16. A srm^r is sent by A&b to the prophet Micheas hem Yimlah (I K 22: 9= 2 Ch 18: 8) ; another is charged with restoring her goods to the Shununite (2 K 8: 6). Two or three rarfslm join in throwing Jezebel down from the window (2 K g: 32). The a&m of Joiakin arc sent into captivity (2 K 24: 12, 15: Jr zg: 2). The sa& Nathan-Melck had a room in the Temple (2 K 23: II). At the capture ofJerusalem a sar& was in command of the men ofwar (2 K z.5: rg; Jr 52: 2s). It is wally translated by ‘eunuch’, and it certainly has this sense in other passages (Is 56: 3-s; Si 30: 20, uldpcrhapsin~K~o:~X=Is39:7,probablyinErt~uld~,parrim,uldDn~, passim). But it is more than doubtful whether this sense holds good in the texts quoted earlier, where the sar?sEm figure simply as officials or courtiers. Outside Israel, the Bible uses this word to denote the captain of the guard, the chief cupbearer and the chief baker of the Pharaoh (Gn 37: 36; 39: I; 40: 2); it mentions the chiefsaf?rEm of Sennacherib (2 K 18: 17 omitted in the parallel of Is 36: z), and of Nabuchodonosor (Jr 39: 3, 13). both of whom took part in military expeditions. The word itself is borrowed from Auyrian: it is transcribed sha-rrshi, ‘he at the head’, simply a dignitary, a courtier, who goes before the king, one of his confidential advisers. For certain tasks, such as the supervision of the harem or the royal children, eunuchs were chosen, and the word acquired this meaning, as several cuneiform inscriptions show. This evolution in meaning also cxphins all the Bibliul uses. The word passed into Egyptian at a late date, in the form nr, to signi@ Persian 05icials. The king maintained male and female singers to entertain himself and the court. David, who was called to play the harp before Saul, is rather an excep tional figure anyway (I S 16: 14-23; 18: IO: 19: 9), but Bare&i says he is too old to accept David’s invitation to cotnc and listen to the male and female singers at the palace (2 S 19: 36). The memory of Solomon’s musicians k ,,,... preserved in Qo 2: 8. Sennachcrib mentions in his Annals the singers, male and female, ofEzechias, who wete givco to him in tribute. Thcsc singers, men and wotneo, used co enliven banquets. It was a signal mark of favoor to be admitted to the royal table ‘as one of the king’s sons’ (2 S 9: 7. 13: 19: 19. 34; cf. Lk 22: 30). Solomon’s table was renowned for its lavish service and the high quality of its menu (I K 10: 5), though the abundant victuals which [cached it (I K 5: z-3,7) supplied not only the king’s own table but all the inmntcs of the palace and the king’s pcnsioncrs, like the descendants of Barzillai (I K 2: 7), and (later) the hundreds of prophets who ‘ate at Jczabel’s table’ (I K 18: 1% cf. Daniel and his companions, Dn I : 5-15. and the table of Nehemias, Nc 5: 17-18). The great monarchies of the East had o&i& in charge of the king’s table, cupbearers, bakers and carvers, just as the French monarchy had its q&err de bosrke. The old Testament speaks of the Pharaoh’s chief cupbearer and chief baker (Gn 40: of.) and Sennachcrib’s chief cupbearer (2 K 18: 171.; Is 36: af. where the context shows that such titles could be honorary and associated with other duties, as is abundantlyconftrmcd by Assyrian documents). Nchemias, on the other hand, who was cupbearer to the king of Persia, did serve at the king’s table (N C I : I I : 2: I). The small courts of Israel and Judah may have had similar o&es, but they arc not mentioned in the Bible; in I K to: 5=2 Ch 9: 4, the word usually translated ‘cupbearers’ really means a ‘drinking service’. The king, who had military duties and often went to war himself, had a squire. At first, hc was called the king’s ‘armour-heater’: this WOE David’s title when he was attached to Saul (I S 16: zt), and another of Saul’s squires took part in the battle of Gilboa (I S 3r : 4-6). Abimclek, king of Shechcm, had his squire (Jg 9: 54). and the senior offtcers of coutsc had theirs (I S 14: 6f; 2 S 23: 37). When Solomon began to use chariots, the squire was called the s/&/r, literally the ‘third man’. The Hittitc, ~sraclitc and Assyrian chariots wctc in fact mounted by three men, the driver, the fighting man and the d&h, who carried the buckler and the weapons. (He was called in Assyrian the shnlrh~r.) In Ex 14: 7; 15: 4> the word is cxtcndcd to the Egyptian army, whose chariots carried only two mtn. Every Irraclitc chatiorecr had his slrnllsh, but the king’s squire was an important personage, his orderly officer or aide-de-camp; he was the man ‘on whose arm the king leaned’ (2 K 7: z.. 17. 19; cf. 2 K 5: 18). WC hear ofJehu’s squire (2 K 9: 25), and Pcqahyah’s, that Peqah who assassinated his master and reigned in his stead (2 K 15: 2s). The word is twice employed in the plural, and in both texts the king’s guards are mentioned too (I K 9: 22; 2 K IO: 25). The name and the o&e disappeared when there were no more chariots, i.e., at the fall of Samaria in the northern kingdom, and after Scnnacherib’s invasion in the kingdom of Judah. Under David, Hushai is called the king’s ‘friend’ (2 S 15: 37, also in v. 31, according to the Greek; 16: 16). The name has bca taken as the name of 123 an o&x by I Ch 27: 33. which includes Hushai among David’s principal off&ls, and in fact the list of Solomon’s officials also includes a ‘friend’ ( I K 4: 5). This word re‘eh is generally explained as a different form of r/a, ‘companion’, which is the word used in I Ch. 27: 33. But the two words may be unconnected, and re’eh may be a word borrowed from abroad. In the Amama letters the king of Jerusalem proclaims himself the rubi of the Pharaoh. Now there is an Egyptian title rb nw.f, the man ‘known by the king’, a title ofnobility given to men whom the Pharaoh wished to honow. The Hebrew word may be a transcription ofthis, via the Canaanite language. If so, a S 16: 16 is making a play on the words: Hushai is the re‘eh, the mm ‘known by’ David, and Absalom asks him why he has not departed with his re‘a his ‘friend’. The title carried with it no special function and it is not found after Solomon. Possibly it was replaced by a translation of this Egyptian expression; this would explain the ‘known’ or familiar men of Achab’s court, the m’yudda’im (2 K 10: II). The equivalent nltldrl is by then found at Ugarit. 6: THE ROYAL Ho”sBHoLD David had a corps of foreign mercenaries, the Kcrethites and the Pelct&es, recruited in Phil&a and the neighbowing regions. They were under a separate command Gem the army raised in ~sracl (2 S 8: 18= I Ch 18: x7; 2 S 20: 23). The part played by these mercenary troops in war (cf. 2 S 20: 7) will be examined in connection with military institutions, but they also formed the king’s bodyguard. They accompanied David on his Aight from Absalom (2 S 15: IS), and formed the escort to Solomon on the day of his sacring (I K 1: 38, 44). They are those Lscwants ofMy Lord’ (2 S zo: 6; I K I : 33). who lodged at the palace gate (2 S I I : 9, 13). They are never again mentioned after Solomon’s accession, but other foreign mercenaries, the &rites, were in the service of the Palace at the time of the revolt against Athaliah (2 K I I: 4, 19). On this occasion the &rites ate mentioned along with the n&r, the ‘runners’. The latter furnished the exortplatoon which ran before the king’s chariot. Absalom, and later Ado&s, in their attempts to seize the throne, provided thcmsclvcs with a chariot-team and fifty runners (z S 15 : I ; I K I : 5), for this was part of royal ceremonial. The runners appear in the reign of Saul (I S 22: 17). where the context implies that they wcrc recruited from the Israelites. We learn from I K 14: 27-28=2 Ch 12: IO-II, that their guardroom stood at the entrance to the Palace, and that they kept there the bronze bucklers worn when they accompanied the king to the Temple. There were six hundred of these: they had replaced the golden bucklers which Solomon made and which he had stored in the Gallery of the Forest ofLebanon (I K IO: 16-17). This suggests that this gallery was the guardroom all figure in the same &ices in the history of the reign. but it is simpler and less hazardous to explain the stamp on them as a hall-mark of the royal workshop. Sadoq and Ebyathar. and ofvn an indication of the place of origin. but they have been m-edited and their text has suffered to some extent. It is very likely that they concern the administration of the royal estates near the capital: similar documents have been found in Egypt. and their status as ‘priests’ is enigmatic. They are certainly derived from documents preserved in archives.5 11: Q”lL LNsI*uTIoNs name of Eli&m. but at the end of the list is added: ‘the sons of David were priests’. iariml (I K 4: I). Some seventy inscribed potshcrds have been unearthed in the ruins of the royal palace at Emaria: they are delivery notes for wine or oil. Neither Yehoshaphat the herald nor the sons of David play any part in it. it may perhaps have been reserved for the steward of the estate.* The parallel in I Ch 18: 17 has: ‘and the sons ofDavid held the first rank next to the king’. this must be corrected at least to ‘and Ebyathat son of Ahimelek’. They are called the king’s ‘servants’. As with other Eastern courts. they are referred to by their office. and the Bible does not give a complete picture of this central administration. Consequently. As the title does not appear in the texts which mention the highest o&ials of the realm. ‘to the king’. It is much less likely that the Judaean jars which are stamped on the handles with lammelek. according . but it does not clarify matters. commander of the army. I. commander of the guard and fmally the sons of David. or by the title ‘set over’ such and such a charge. Serayab(or Shawshain Ch) was secretary. T in The ministers of David and Solomon We possess two lists of David’s senior o&als and one of %&nods. but in relation to the people they are ‘chiefs’. na‘ar of the king. arc connected with the mmagement of the ertate: obviously they could have been used for the d&cry of revenue. heralds. Joab and Benayahu. it represents the final and definitive arrangement after the foundation of the kingdom. are not given. Yehoshaphatwu herald. priests. which one would think essential in a document of this kind. The order as we have it seems haphazard: commander of the army. They are administrative receipts dating from the reign ofJeroboam II. The text about the two legitimate priests is doubtful. The Hebrew reading is ‘Sadoq son of Ahitub and Ahimclek son ‘of Ebyathar’. and before the long story about the succession to the throne.12. T h e fusr list (z S 8: 1618=1 Ch 18: 14-17) is given after Nathan’s prophecy and the oummary of David’s victories. which is proof of a Levite’s scruple. they were his ministers. commander ofthe guard. This information may perhps be completed by reference to some archaeological discoveries. with the name of the receiver and the deliverer. and Benayahu. Sadoq andEbyathar were the priests. The most we can presume is that they assisted or did duty for their father in those sacerdotal functions which were occasionally performed by t&king. 1 THE PRINCIPAL OFFICIALS OF THE KING HE king was assisted the administration of the kingdom by a number of high-ranking o&c& who lived close by and formed his govcmment. The mention of the latter is strange: their names. their functions are sometimes d&cult to define. The military command was shared between Joab. cf. Zabud or Zakkur. who is one ofDavid’i warriors. The list for Solomon’s reign (I K 4: t-6) raises some d&cult problems of literary and textual criticism. I. and the prints. it rcprcscnts a new generation coming to power. Study of some officer suggesu the tiuence of Egyptian institutions. the master of the palace. or their fathers. when he succeeded his sick father. This repetition of a list of high officiab is easily explained after the rcmm of Joab to the post from which he had been dii missed (z S 19: ‘4. who was still in 05cc after Solomon’s death (I K 12: 18). pp. The same tide is given to Arra. the secretaries Elihoreph or Elihaph and Ahiyyab. . 1x-~X. The offtcer in charge of the prefects. the officer in charge of forced I&our. Ahishar or Abhiyah ( o r ‘ h i s brother’?). this In the Yairitc might be a doublet ofIn the Yattitite. who was master of the palace under Ezechias (Is 2. But before the herald it adds Adoram. Even for its organization it had to copy models abroad. and the officer in charge of forced labour will be discussed in connection with the setvices they dirccteds. the chief prefect Avryahu or Adoniyahu. 9: IS). the mxster ofthe palace. names which have puzzled the copyists or the translators: Adoram has a Phoenician name. according to 2 S 23 : 38. Examin ation of cxtemal witnuscs and the weight of internal evidence would suggest suppressing v. the son of one of his priests. These quadons will be dealt with in connection with the history of the priesthood. it gives Ira the Yairitc. pp. 11. Solomon cmploys the sane herald as his father. and an officer in charge of forced labour.128 u: cnu LNSnItrrtONs . son of Nathan. with no mention of his f&her’s nunc.z: IS). have non-Israelite names.~ Hue it is enough to note that the religious leaders are included among the royal 05ca. too. 4 on Benay&. the secretary and the herald. The mention ofa ‘priat ofDavid’&ngwith Sadoq andEbyathar ir puzzling. this would make Sadoq a newcomer. could already have been in charge of forced labour under David. aa: zz). that some of these high officials. Outside the Bible. to which no satisfactory solution has yet been found. without Israelite ancestry. In f&t it was to be expected that thf. It is noteworthy. Perhaps we should even restore ‘S&q and Ebyathat son of Ahimelek son of Ahitub’. commander of the guard. It would then read as follows (with the proper names often uncertain): the priest Azaryahu. ‘priest ofDavid’. the son of his army commander and at last two sons of the prophet Nathan. 172-171. but it does not cnable us to decide whether this intluence wu direct. to Obadyahu. The same names are here vrangcd in a more logical order: commander of the army. herald. There remain three ministers whose functions continued until the end of the monarchy and who arc again mentioned together in an important crisis. 4 . is given at the very end of David’s reign. son of Joab. On the whole. which had an administrative tradition. both the som of his secretary. instead of the SON of David who were ‘priests’. It is not impossible &at this list prcscntz a ttuc account oftbc state of administration at the end of David’s reign. it is also possible that the passage is a subrcqucnt compilation. 2. who are sons of Sbisba. the army commander. Ado&am or Adoram. he is perhaps an intruder in this list of officials. the inttoduction of which is recorded in I K J : 27 (with the reservation noted above about the second Davidic list). the chief over the levy. The rccond Davidic list (2 S M: 234). According to one reading of the Greek. This is confirmed by the appearance of new posts: there is a chief prefect. this proves that the list does not date from the beginning of Solomon’s reign. It is doubtful whether Adoram. The king’s ‘friend’ is rather an honorary title.: T’AE PRMClDdL OFmCL4LS OF mm KING 129 to the Syriw (I S 22: M and z S 20: 23). The r&s of army commander and commander of the guard will be studied under military institutions~. Direct inAucncc seems the more likely. ’ a PP. There three deserve to be studied on their own. probably Egyptian in origin’. Yehoshaphat the herald. The continuity with the Davidic administration is evident. The names of Shisha or Shawsa (I Ch 18: 16) and his son Eliiorcph or Elihaph may be Egyptian or Hurrite. Eliab. 111-11. Abisbar is ‘a& ‘al habbayrh. Sadcq and Ebyathar. for this port dots not seem to have been instituted until tbc reign of Solomon (I K 5 : 27. and to Shebna. to Yotham. the king Ozins (2 K I 5 : 5) . son of S&q. Sennachctib’s invasion in 701 (cf. and later succeeded by Elyaqim (Is a: 19-m). and at the very end. according to 2 S . the king’s friend. who had a house at Tirsah under El& king of Israel (I K 16: 9). for the kingdom of David and Solomon was far bigger than any of the little city-states of Canaan. 2. which has no parallel in Cbronides.zt: 20. who was minister under A&b (I K 18: 3). it was this Elyaqim who held the discussion with Sennacherib’s envoy under the walls ofJerusalem (a K 18: t8= Is 36: 3). non ofJab. son of A&. but it is not so easy to account for its new features. 6 the mention of l&b.. CT pp. or whether it came indirectly to 1srac1 from the Canaanite states which Israel displaced. 2 K 18: 18): they are the master of the p&e. like his father Abda. as army commander. sccrctaty (here c&d Shcya or Shcwa). and adding to v. The mmter of rhe palace In Solomon’s list. the title appears in the inxription of a tomb in Siloam (the name is incomplete: could it be the tomb of Shebna? ct Is 22: 1. cvidcntly David’s sccrctary. a fact which presumes the existence of the organization dcscribed in I K 4: 7-19. who had been an adviser of David and bad favoured the accession of Solomon. in any case they do not appear after Solomon. young Israelite kingdom should recruit some ofia 05cialr from the neighbowing countries. and after the suppression of the revolt of Sheba (a S 20: t-a).+a. another ran of Nathan (to whom a gloss has added the title of ‘pticst’). cf. the equivalent is perhaps the n’gtd kabbayfk. . that the master of the palace only gradually came to be 7: THE PmcI**L ORICIALS 05 THE KlNG 131 the first minister. If he shuts. The senior o&i& held a conference in the house of Elishama the secretary. One is reminded of our Lord’s words to Peter. who was master of the palace under Ezechias. This is obviously the dignity which Joseph exercised. This vizier used to report every morning to the Pharaoh and receive bis instructions. and there prophecies of Jeremias were read to them (Jr 36: 11-20). read it to him and went to consult Huldah the prophetess for him. internal and external. he played a considerable part in public n&s. He was res omible for all correspondence. Is 22: 22 says I lay the key of the how of David upon his shoulder. Under David and Solomon the secretary and the king’s herald were the immediate teprew~tativa of the king: there was no place for a vi&r. however. If he opens. We know the names of the last secretaries under the monarchy: we have just said that Shaphan held the post in 622. Shebna the secretary was one ofthe three ministers who held the discussion with Sennacherib’s envoy (2 K 18: 18. Shaphan the secretary brought to the king the Book of the Law discovered in the Temple. the rkn (in alphabetical script) or the slwkln m&i (in Akkadian) was an o&id at Ugarit. the last king of Judah.1 This would account for his title and for the fact that he is not named among David’s senior o~%al. In Akkadian. according to Genesis. Is 36: 3. Every morning ‘the vi&r will send someone to open the gates of the king’s house. zo). to denote the Pharaoh’s commissary. that is. 21) was evidently his o&e. and that Godohas was a descend&t ofElyaqim. and for the Temple co1pechons (2 K IZ : I I) .zo). and perhaps in the early days of the monarchy he was only the steward ofthe palace and of the royal estate. this was the beginning of the religious reformation (2 K 23). all the o&&Is were under his orders. apparently the highest in the land. whose two sons held the same o&e under Solomon. he alone appears with the kingin I Kr8: 3. and does not head the list ofsolomon’s civil servants. 2 Ch 2. the Vi&r of the Kingdom of Heaven (Mt 16: 19). who held the latter port. cf.20). 19: 2. In Is 22: IS Shebna. however. He had no one above him except the pharaoh.n: Crvll. in fact. 45: 8). The Egyptian vizier’s instructions are described in a very similar fashion. the chief of the palace. an indispensable link in the chain of power from the time of David. Like the Egyptian vizier. his master ofthe palace (Gn 41: 40. the master of the palace. 12. rhaknu denotes first the prefect of Assur (sknkh n&i). but he comes LnmediatelyahcrthemasterofthepalaceinzK18:18f. At Rar Shamra. It seems. K 22: 3. of the various offices of the palace. 18. this corresponds to the position held in Judah by Shebna.andthe fate of the kingdom hung on the mission they performed together. a title given by A&z to a certain Azriqam (z Ch 28: 7). In lsrael the powen oE the master of the palace were far more extensive and the similarity between his functions and those of the Egyptian vizier is even more important than the verbal resemblances.Is36:3E. 2 Ch 34: 15. The exact semantic equivalent in Assyrian and Babylonian is rka pdn 8kolli and in Egyp!ian mr pr. Jr 40: 7). All the affairs of the land passed through his hands. It has recently been suggested that the post was hereditary. 22).s. ia called the soken. none will shut. etc. and then the official day began. all important documents received his seal. then the governors of the conquered countries. 20. to admit those who have to enter. doubtless the man whom Nabuchodonosor installed as governor of Judah after the capture of Jerwalem (2 K 25: 22. but there is no su&ient evidence for this suggestion in the texts. We have seen that the list of David’s high officials included a secretary. none will open. 37.Nwrr”TmNS 130 x6). entrusted to the royal secretary the duty ofcollecting the contributions given for the repair of the Temple (2 K 12: I I . the state . and he was appointed over the whole land ofEgypt. He would formerly have been master of the palace under Sededas. king ofJudah. was both the king’s private secretary and secretary of state. He really governed in the Pharaoh’s name and acted for him in his absence. He ranked below the master of the palace (Shebna. and the term was adopted by the Pharaohs in their Akkadian correspondence.). and in 588 the secretary was Yehonathan (Jr 37: 15. and to describe his dignity the Bible says that the Pharaoh ‘put him in charge ofhis house’: he made him. The ‘secretary’s room’ where they met (Jr 36: 12. An edict ofJoar. and it was while performing this duty a century later thar Shaphan the secretary learned of the discovery of the Book of the Law (z. The master of the palace had similar functions at the court of Judah. This word is found in the form zrrkinu in two Canaanite glows of the Amarna letters. Is 22: 15. but their authority seems to have been restricted to the administration of the royal palace: rhey were the king’s stewards or majordomos. soken a!id master of the palace. II. In the vocabulary of Chronicles. as the vi& did in the absence of the Pharaoh. Is 36: 3. They were high officials. the master of the palace was the highest official in the state: his name comes first in the list of 1 K 18: 18. Announcing the promotion ofElyaqim. This official. he was succeeded by Elishama in 604 (Jr 36: 12. and Yothambears this title when he acts as regent of the kingdom (2 K I 5 : 5). He saw to the opening of the ‘gates of the royal house’. and to send out those who have to go out’. S-IO. and on a seal-impression in the name of Godolias. he held the royal seal (Gn 41: 4~4.4: II). was demoted to that of secretary. however. cannot be decided. He reported to the king on what concerned the people and the country. cnmn3P. the edge of which wat damaged: this would account for the absence of certain personal names. Yehoshaphat was ma&r and the post continued until the end of the monarchy. 10: 19). It is alro true that I Ch 27: 1622 names the chiefs who commanded the tribes under David. Five of them are named only by their patronymic. Emn THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE KINGDOM I. It is a list of twelve prefects. the title ‘royal scribe’ occurs frequently. The sane official transcribed the great edict of Horemhcb at the dictation of the Pharaoh hi-If. It is remarkable that in the very serious matter of the violation of the royal tombs under Ranues IX. himself a high raking oficial. conducted the enquiry into the pillage of the tombs in the time of Ramxs IX. but what these statements mean. the secretary and the king’s herald (2 K 18: 18). the Pharaoh’s herald. according to 2 Ch 34: 8.wed those of a modern Lord Chamberlain. since we know of Yeah. who supervised all the affairs of Yahweh and the king on both sides of the Jordan. There can hardly be any doubt that the Israelite post was a copy. He was in charge of the palace ceremonies and introduced people to audiences. It follows the order of the sons ofJacob as given in I Ch 2: I-Z. or from what period they date.zz. the . it then divides Joseph into three (Ephraim and the two halves of Manasseh) and omits the last two names on the list. the royal scribe and the herald. andofanotherYo& mazkir to Josias.. It is true that I Ch 26: w-32 names some Levires engaged in secular affairs under David. He was the Pharaoh’s o&iaI spokesman. that in the strictly ~sraelitc territory David retained the tribal organization as he found it established. The mission which received Sennacherib’s envoy. he accompanied him. the administrative lists of Ugarit show that this designation b~p~tr~y~c alone was the rule for certain families. and prepared quarters for each sage of the journey. the tier. and attributes to this king the establishment of a police force. When the Pharaoh went abroad. and it has been suggested that the redactor had before him an old document from the archives.e. the secretary. with the description of the lands they governed (I K 4: 7-19). which served the king from father to son.w is ‘he who repeats.Is36: 3. The twelve prefectures are given in the folkving order: __ . and as we fmd it described. also composed of Levites. or else left under their vassal kings (2 S 8: 3.tI. as civil servants or judges. reminds. This parallelism confmns the connections we have noted. it retains Simeon and Levi (not to mention Reuben) which under David were no longer ~ntonomo~s tribes. i. From the meaning of the root. so as not to exceed the number of twelve. In Israel too the herald was a very high o&al.nis?abEm. together with the vizierandtheherald. but also passed on to the people the commands of their sovereign. the mnrkk is the mm who calls. and its causative (Hiphil) form.132 1. Gad and Aser. It is still probable. E know nothing about the administration of the kingdom under David apart from the fact already noted. are named in the same order as alone presiding over the enquiry. ar it is often translated. ‘son of X’. consisted only of the master of the palace. The exact equivalent is found in the Egyptian scheme of titles: the whm. Y. the three corresponding Egyptian officials.. but his duties far surp.. and underlines the Egyptian b&exe in the organization of the kingdom of Judah. Beyond these frontiers the subject lands were laid under tribute and administered by governors (1 S 8: 6. In Egypt. During the siege of Jaw&m the home of Yehonathm. calls. The kingdom ojDavid During the reigns of David and Solomon. a most important document has survived from the reign of Solomon. names. on a reduced scale. reports. bath cm its own and in combination with other functions.37. The administration under Solomon h contrast to this.: CIVIL INSllTuTIONO chancery. with only slight variations. the ‘royal scribe’. under the New Empire. He was not the king’s annalist or archivist. 14). There were innumerable clerks. announces’. of that which existed at the Egyptian court. but above them certain royal scribes bad functions of the highest importance and were involved in all affairs of state. became a public prison (Jr 37: IS). watched over his person.’ that Jsmel and Judah remained distinct entities. but this list is obviously artificial. The ‘scribe of the royal documents’ was one of the four holders of the seal during the XIIIth Dynasty. zK 18: 18. in Gn 49 and Dt 33. On th th h d.wzkbofEzechias. A list ofthe towns ofBenjamin (Jos 18: 21-28) maker a twelfth group. He also had to ensure a mea~te of equality between the districts. The order followed is not always geogtaphiCal. It would be rash to conclude that it was exempted from all taxation. in fact. XII. X. auemented bv the districts annexed from the Cvlaaniter and Philbtina. lying between Nephthali and the Phoenician pouersians along the coast. was obliged to provide as much as the whole of Ephtaim. as two of the prcfects are the king’s sons-in-law. 54 . the essential task of the adtninisttaton. to the south of the Aser and Nrphthali prcfcctureS. The territory of Nephthali. this list ha been separated from the previous list to furnish nanes of towns in the territory of Benjamin. but one must at least admit that it had an administration of its own. 45-47. The territory of lssachar. IV. but follows a logical arrangement: the house ofjoseph (I).1 We do not know how Solomon administered his external possessions. III. ‘the land’. On the other ride of the Jordan. It will be noticed that six of the prefectura ate described by the names of tribes. The plain of Sharon. and in any case give us no details. In Jos 15 : 21-6~ (excepting vv. was not incorporated in this system. The allusions to the tribute of the vassal kingdoms (I K 5 : I). is the collection of the taxes and tither. Judah is implicitly mentioned: it is ‘the land’ which. and Herodotus (I. IX. because he had no new territories to integrate in this region. the prefecture of Mahanaim. whose boundaries. Evidently Solomon did not try to destroy the administrative units which existed before him. XI. who was a member of Solomon’s ministerial cabinet (I K 4: 5). It is less certain 1. 192) states that under Cyrus the victualling of the coutt and the army was allotted to the provinces according to the month of zieay four months being imposed on Babylonia because of its exceptional The avowed object of the Israelite system was to ensure the raising of the revenue. are described in accordance with a ptemonarchicaI document. and finally Benjamin (XI) and Gad. and to what was paid in by the ‘pa&s ofthe land’ (I K I O: Ijb). apart from the maintenance of otdet. 1n point of fact WC do not know how the system worked in practice. Cf p. occur in glosser added to the text. VI. lying to the south of the lnrtnamed territory. which arc later insertions) thetc is a list of the towns of Judah. both ancient and modem. V). then the conquest* in Tramjordan (VI. 5: 7-9. V. Some exegetes. None the less. had a governor of its own (in the same way. As fat as he could. Azatyabu son of Nathan. But this difference of tteattnenl emphasizer the dualist nature of Solomon’s monarchy. The territcw of Gad if&wine the Gtcek text. probably including part of the territory of Muurseh.134 II: CIVIL INSnTUTlONS 8: THE ADMINISmRATKJN OF THE KINGDOM 13. in Assyrian. the Northern tribes (VIII. The tertitoryofBmjamin. VIII. facing it on the other side of the Jordan (XII). The h&-country of Ephrim. have been so surprised that theyhavemodified ie textinotder to bring Judah in. from Philistia in the south to the next district on the north. Solomon must have preserved the organizations created by his father. farming eleven groups introduced by gee graphical titles. It is still mote surprising that Judah does not figure in this st. then. but we are perhaps better informed on the situation after the schism. The r& of the prefects was of course wider than that: they were the governors of their districts. what was formerly Euarn Manusch. in the regions which he succeeded in retaining ( I K a: IC-14. we have just said that nothing is known about the organization of Judah under Solomon. III. Judah. The fortnet Canaanite territories in the plain of Erdraelon and the region of Be&n. But one must remember that in Eastern monarchies. which represented the administrative divisions of the kingdom. to the north of the Lake of Tiberias. to which arc attached the former Canaanite territories (II. according to I K 4: rgb. meam the central province of the empire). nzatw. in fact he preserved them when he could. and it is doubtful whether the small district of Benjamin. But this mention comes after the end of the list of the twelve prefectures. Mesopotamian documents provide evidence of a vaguely similar organization in the Net-Babylonian period. II. continuing from the plain of Sharon and bounded on the east by the ridge of Cannel. The territory of Arer. instead of Gilcad) on the ” other side of the Jordan. with &moth-G&ad as its capital. since they bad to take funs in providing the needs of the state for a month at a time. The farmer countrv of the Dutitcs. and what remained of David’s Aramaean W”qUestL VII. The prefecture of Dor. In Tramjordan. each of the twelve districts supplied on a monthly rota the provisions needed by the Palace (by which is meant tbc whole staff in the king’s service) and the forage for the horses and draught anin& The whole system was under the central control of an c&et who held nutbotity over the prefects. or group them with each other. but he had to integrate the Canaanite enclaves conquered by David into the old tribal territories.5 1. IV. X). II: 14-25). VII). According to 1 K 4: 7. This list dates f&m the second half of Solomon’s reign. IX. like those of the other tribes. Perhaps the reason why the organization ofJudah is not described is that Solomon did not modify it. for example. each comprising seven1 villages: Abincr.Sur(Jos IJ: ss-sga). from the towns mentioned we have chosen whichever seems to be the most important. missing in Hcbrcw). IothcPLin: II. the ancient capital. and of Dan (Jos 19: 4x-46). together with the master of the p&e and the Elders._ . but thew lists UC a medley of points vaguely marking the tribal frontiers and filled with names of towns borrowed from other Biblical lists. Certain geographical names appear as those ofdirticts. Dcbir(Jos IS: 48-51). and are of composite origin. This is certainly true of Tirsah. Hoglah. Lakish(Jos 15: 37-41). The administrative centres arc not indicated. IV. An organization of this kind may have existed even under David and Solomon. Bce&eba(Jos 15: x-32). z-s). or which gives the best indication of the geographical p&ion of the district. VIII. It is enough for our purpose that it gives us the scheme of an administrative division of the kingdom of Judah . and about the numcmus duties of their governors and the staff which assisted them. provide some details about the central region of the kingdom. Shcchcm. provide ample information about their intemal administration of the provinces. Jerusalem and Samaria. which have been inserted here accidmtzlly. covering the whole kingdom of Judah. Azeqah(Jor r3: 33-36). It is hard to decide. called Maascyahu. but good arguments have recently been brought forward in favour of an earlier date. In the Negcb: I. the word used in the Book ofEsther for the satrapics of the Persian empire. for the exuvations at Tell cl-Farab have proved that it retained ia importance until the eighth century B. that they cover all the territoty left to Joachaz of Israel after the incursions of the Aramaeans and the men of Judah. or when. Hebran(Jos IS: 52-54). Judah. or (once) ‘aher ‘al ha%. Xl. in any case. where these ostraka were found: Sam& was both the capital of the kingdom and the administrative centrc of a province. ‘chief of the town’. who is ordered by Achab to put the prophet Michaeas bcn Yimlah in prison (I K 22: 26).Er7:~j. the organization we have reconstructed from the lists in Josue is certainly later than the schism. with lcss probability. VII. Engaddi(Jos 15: 61-62). and no doubt designed. Bethlchem@~ 15: 3gb Greek. since it includes a part of tsrael’s two most southerly prefectures under Solomon. It has been suggested. like the former.Is66:6. Under J&as there was at Jcrusaem a ‘gate ofJoshua. There is usual mention in I K 20: 14-22 of the chiefs of districts. Qiryath-Ycarim(Jos IS: 60). IX. the ‘Land’. He bore the title of iar ha%. Gibeon (to be aken from Jos 18: ~5-28). in Ihe time of Jehu (2 K I O: 5). for it is sheer chance that has preserved them. but if so. along with several other names which probably correspond to administrative divisions. 12). but very little of the kind survives about Israel. was administered by a single governor (the word is different from that used for Solomon’s prefects. the reign ofJosaphat. these dirt&~ are given as the clans of Manasseh in Jos 17: z-3. to ensure the collection of the taxes.asin~K~~:~~. here called m’&nSth. i. This table reveals an organization similar to that of Solomon’s twelve prefectures.II: CIVIL MSnnnlONs 136 that WC should include in tbb list the groups of towns of Simeon (Jos 19: 8: THE h”huNISm*nON OP THE KMGDOM 137 4. In the H&country: V. Beth-. which have already been quoted in connection with the royal ware.govemorofSamaria. and according to I K 4: wb. III this connection we may recall the governors and the cdlecring centrcs established by Josaphat (2 Ch 17: 2. but one of his successors was by then in charge. it was inserted into the book of Josue. Noah. We learn incidentally that the two capitals. ‘he who is over the town’. One authoritative opinion has it that these lists represent the state of the kingdom under Josias. The ostraka from Samtia. Helq. Except for the last.C . viz. Mu&ab(Jos rj: 42-44). Maon(Jos 15: 55-57). IndUd%It: XI. But it is impossible to decide how late we should date the list.e. and the same as that in 2 Ch 17: 2). we have no knowledge of it. Naturally these ostrakn do not provide a complete picture. Shemida. Mesopotamian dcamumts. Soreq. One is tempted to apply the same mctbod to the lists of towns given by the book of Josue for the no&m tribes.. in the ninth century. and it scans that they all refer to the management of the royal estate. lII. VI. AU thcsc districts were dependent on Snmaria. T/w districts o/de kingdom o/Zmel For the kingdom of Israel we have nothing like this. WC can only presume that the northern kingdom preserved the system of Solomon’s prefectures in so hr as it retained control over their territory. X. governor of the town’ (2 K 23 : a). each had a govcmor. cspnially for the time of Hammurabi.ItisAmon. An unnamed governor of Samaria appears. WC thus obtain a picture of twelve districts. The ‘town’ su&es to describe the capir~. because the document was revised either before. before he shook off the yoke of Israel. But at Ugarir the burgomaster (&zzanu 01 baza?n dli) seems to have been the governor of the capital. it must be a&ted that there was no distinction between the king’s revenues and those of the kingdom.700 rams and 7.1~:13. thereafter identified with the towns and villages. The Elders ofJudah and Jerusalem were convened by Jo& to hear the reading of the Law (2 K 23: I).l They formed a sort of municipal council. In Mesopoamia. The kingmightdepositinthe sanctmry booty taken from the enemy (cf. and cf. the r’qenlm. Outside the two capitals. L . local affairs were. it was said. According to 2 Ch 17: II. the Philirtins paid tribute to Josaphat. down to the royal correspondence of the Svgon dynasty in the eighth. even Jg g: 4). They are the men who take action under thelaws ofDr 19: 21: 19. This is certainly the nearest parallel with the br ha% of the Bible. The Ammonites paid tribute to Ozia.1K7:51. under the monarchy they continued to regulate the life of the clans.2K1~:1g). where he had authority over all the inhabitants except those who had been ennobled by the king. 14). The king bore all the expenses (the upkeep of the administration and the army. In Assyria and Babylonia we know there was a head of the town (rab di). and afier the Return (Esd I O: 8. from the archives of Mari in the eighteenth century B . Mesha king of Moab. which also settled local disputes in cc-operation with the commander of the gartion..1 They survived the collapse of the royal institutions: we meet them again during &Exile (Ez 8: I. but to meet urgent demands he would draw on both the Temple and Palace trevuries ( I K 13: 18. CI. There may perhaps be an indication to the contrary: in 2 K IO: 5. nominated by the king. be had been appointed by Abimelek fJg 9 : 28). Much earlier.C . pp. the Elders appear as the people’s representatives and the defenders of their inrercsts. 22: 13-21. nisllm”NE according to 2 Ch 34: 8. for Byblos and Tyre. Cnama. 14: I.ooo ratns. but he also enjoyed absolute control of the entire revenue.hisoffid~~toowereindurgeofthe offerings made by the people (2 K 12: mf. 1. 6) and under Solomon (according to I K 5 : I). where he is mentioned with the royal secretary and the herald. but without any administrative functions. municipal affairs teem to have been left to the council of the Elders. 2. The king had at his disposal the produce of the royal estate. 20: I. I K 14: 26). in the abortive attempt at monarchy at She&em. 18: 13. a governor of the town is mentioned (Jg 9: 30). 5). First of all. it seems. This last source was an abundant one under David (2 S 8: 2. the governor of Samaria. with the master of the palace and the Elders. 78. and that there were mayors (&Snu) in the small towm. 22: 3-4). left in the hands of the Elders. A sovereign’s wealth wa the expression of his own power and of that of the kingdom he ruled (cf. 25: 5-m. *a-115. The Phoenician town also had thti assemblies of Elders. AU the kings of the earth. and no governor ofthe town appears in the story.700 goats. In Israel the Elders had 2 sin&r rble. NINE FINANCE AND PUBLIC WORKS ITTLE is known about the fiscal system of Israel or the resouxes at the disposal of the State. though as an official appointed by the king he would have bad a major part to play in it (I K 21: 8-11). Similarly. p. by non-Biblical documents. and each brought his gift ( I K I O: 24-25).’ the profits of his commercial and industrial enterprises. Jezabel wrote to the Elders of Yiieel (I K 21: 8) and Jehu addressed himself to the Elders of Samaria and to the royal othcials (2 K 10: 1. We have no proof that there was a similar post in town* other than the capitals. Jos 6: rg) and his personal gifts (aS8:11.ooo lambs and the wool of ~oo. At the end of Saul’s reign. wished to be received by Solomon. 18-21.9 the import or transit taxes paid by the caravan merchants (I K IO: IS). there was only a theoretical distinction between the national and religious treasuries (cf. Ez 27: 9. according to 2 Ch 26: 8. In the Hittite empire. attested. and the Arabs brought him in tribute or gifts 7. David sent messages and gifts to the Elders of the different towns ofJudah (I S 30: 2631).138 II: CMI. cf. and the tribute of the vassal states. paid a tribute in kind for which 2 K 3 : 4 gives home fantastic iigures: 100. replier to a message addressed to them by Jehu: but when Jezebel plots the death of Nab& she writes only to the Elders and notables of Yizreel. there is also evidence for thex in the kingdoms of Mari on the Euphrates. I K I O: 23. 3). 2 Ch 17: 3: 26: 8). however. ’ Voluntary’ or exceptional contributions In addition there were the presents brought by foreign embassies. but shrank as the external possessions were lost. 2 K 12: rg. but none surpassed the queen of Saba in I_ Cf. national defencz and public works). He was evidently an important person. 16: 8. for example. A M stage vas reached when the thecaacy was actually set up after the remrn from the Exile. 3. Though Gn 47: 13-26 describes the land system ofEgypt as something strange. Solomon ofcourse had state slaves at his disposal. and when 2 Ch 17: 3 says that all Judah brought its tribute to Josaphat. the fortication ofJerusalem and the garriscm towns (I K 9: 15-19). in order to buy the favour ofTi&thPi&r III (2 K I 5 : Ipzo). pp. Joinqim raised the hundred talents of silver &d ten talents of gold demanded by the Pharaoh by taxing the people of Judah.Da~idissaid tohavehadad ter set over the levy (2 s 2”: 24). The cust”m was in fact general among the kings of the East. over and above the estate he rcserva for the prince of Israel. whom he uwd on the Red Sea fleet and in his factory at EsyonGebcr. David imposed it on the Amnmniter (2 S 12: 31). though their lot had been no worse than that of all the Pharaoh’s subjecu. but this statement is not certain. cf. It b on the model of this institution ofthe monarchical period that Ezecbiel. at the rate off& shekels a head. what surprises the redactor is not that revenues are paid to the Pharaoh but that all the lands. a tithe on the soil and certain offerings of wood (Ne I”: 33-40). Tr~$. as is clearly proved by the Ugarit texts. from tithes uld forced labour (I S 17: 23). a sinxilar civil i”stit”ti0”. and in accordance with the ideals of theocracy envisaged by Ezechiel. if he survived. but this is contradicted by several facts. The king seems t” have had a right over the first mowing of the meadows I. required a considerable labour force. 4.Attheendofhisreign. but when Naanxan was sent by his master t” the king of Israel. Forced labour is also mentioned in the documents of Syria and Palestine before the Israelite settlement. x11-115.1 A def&red enemy. The sovereign made a clearer profit from the presents which had to be offered by all who prscnred themselves at court.3 and they probably worked also on the great buildings of his reign.n: CNII mwITmTclNS Ilo lavishnns (I K 1”: 2. I” particular. in what. In 1sne1 it was not organized till after the instioltion of the monarchy.tworthy me” were charged with collecdng. and there is perhaps a” allusion t” this practice in Am 5 : I I. similar. barley. The Israelites preserved a harrowing memory of the tasks imposed on their ancest”n in Egypt (Ex I : I 1-14. or the memory of. When David was admitted to Saul’s prance he brought only a modest offering ( I S 16: 20). The great works undertaken by the king. like the tribute of the vassal states. owing its origin to Joseph. except those of the temples. this custom is attested by Ugnritic documents also. the vineyards and the herds. The Bible states that the king may leave this rev&e t” his officers. But these transactions were scarcely profitable. fixes the revenue which all the people of the land will “we him. such more or less voluntary contributions are also mentioned in ugtitic documents. I” grwe circumstances the king would decree a” exceptional tax. 17 predicts that the king will levy the tithe on the fields. it can scarcely be doubted that this religious legishti”” is the parallel t”.’ I” a”y case it is under Solomon that the institution appears in its ftdl development. The Assyria” laws condemn ccrtai” criminals t” a period of forced labour for the king. l&cd a thouund talents of silver on all the me” of rank in Israel. The text of I K 9: zo-?a implies that all the me” employed on them were . 1617. I S 8: 15. IO). in c”“trast with the system of private property prevailing in Israel. CT.Lm1:1). This is what went on in the neighbouring kingdoms. by the king’s favour. his present was a princely one (2 K 3: 5). Both there and in Israel a” individull “I his family could be exempted. belong t” him uld that all the Egyptians are serfs of the crown. storing and distributing these reve”“es (Ne 12: 44-47. There is evidence of it in Lower Mesopotamia from the earliest times down t” the Net-Babylonian period. according t” their wealth (2 K 23: 33-33). to the right of pastwage exercised by the sovereign of Quit. it was one of the disadvantages foretold by I S 8: 12. Menahem. Solomon’s prefecruresl presuppose a system of revenues in kind which did not derive solely from the royal estates. silver and bronze to David (2 S 8: IO). the prince will be responsible for all the public sacrifices and oblations (Ez 43: 17). this is best understood as a” annual tax. since the king of Israel had to ret”m these courtesies with an q”ally lavish gest”re (I K I”: 13). 9: FINhNCE AN” PuB”C WOllRS 141 (Am 7: I). Tithes Some exegetes have argued that. 13: 10-13). unless this means that they were reduced t” utter slavery. the Israelites were not subject to regular taxation. Before this the king of Hanxath had se”t gold. the building of the Temple and the Palace. Forced labour Forced Lbour was universal in the ancient East. the first fruia of the earth and the flocks. CUSL”~ obliged men to make presents to the king when they sw”re him fidelity ( I S I”: 27). where the prophet rebukes the me” of rank for crushing the poor ma” by extorting tribute from his corn. oil and livestock (Ez 43: 13-16). These meamres can no doubt be interpreted as the ftidment of the Priestly laws about the tithe due t” the sanctuary and its ministers. the people solenmly undertook t” pay into the Temple a third of a shekel annually. and Merodak-Baladan sent z present to Fzchias (2 K 2”: ~z=Is 39: I). On the occasion of the king’s coronation. perhaps. in warn for this. Dt 26: 6). 3 : 4-w. but whatever be the date of these regtdations. became liable t” this levy (I~31:8. apart from these occasional contributions. the Pentateuch. T&ah. social uld religious life. Further. a decision given for a particulat case. (b) The Code of the Covmnnf (Ex 20: 22-23: 33) is a composite collection. and Jeremias denounces Joiaqim for building his palace with no respect for justice.00o porters and 80. forms another code T . in which one can easily distinguish a central potion (Ex 21: z-22: 16). but the directions about slaves. where ‘scntencs’ or ‘judgments’.7-28). fields. All the legislative codes of the Old Testament are found in the Pentateuch. mishpa$m. the opening words of which recall in turn the law of the altar with which the code of the Covenant begins (Ex 20: 2425). containing God’s insttuctions to his people.000 workmen. of tradition agree in dating this Code from the early days of the settlement in Canaan. It WY this Adoram. l&e theDec&gue which precedesit. The ‘levy of the how of Joseph’ over which Jeroboatn was placed (I K I I : 28) was made up of Israelites. But popular sentiment regarded this forced labour a~ an exaction. and it would appear that this ceased to be a regular institution after Solomon’s reign. 1t was in fact this burden laid on the Lwaelites which incited Jeroboam to revolt ( I X II: 26f. The levy was staffed by supervisors and o&err (I K 5: 30. the ‘law’ (Dt 27: ~6) which was to be proclaimed on Mount Ebal (ot Garizim?) after the entry into Canaan (Dt 27: 11-14). in its legislative part (Dt u-26). the essential prccepts of morality and religion. cattle. the text is in the style of Deuteronomy and reflects an opinion from the end of the monarchical period. with the Sinaitic Covenant. in the form in which it has come down to us. of whom IO. does not come from an early document. he had 70.aoo quatrymen employed at Jet&em with Hiram’s masons and atpenterr (I K 5 : ?+ 32). It is the law of the tribal federation. where it is explicitly stated that only resident aliens had been employed on these buildings. 8: 7_9). before the organization of the State. a doctrine. whom Roboam.). Collectively. who war one of Solomon’s ministets (I K 4: 6. Finally the word comes to mean the first five books of the Bible. Adoram. CHAPTER TEN LAW A N D J U S T I C E I. and who was stoned to death by them ( I K 12: 18).: CIVIL . Ex 24: 3-8) connects it. the writer merely observes that the leading men from Teqoa refused to take part in it (Ne 3 : 5). making men work without pay (Jr a: 13). and he had 30. eater history contains no mention of any other chief of the levy. is the actual law promulgated by Jow at She&em. mar. of civil and ctiminal law are grouped together: it is a law for a community of shepherds and peasants. Tbia information. apparently a Phoenician. But this passage in Jos 8 does not fit in with its present context nearly so well as with the assembly at She&em. 23. means in the first place a teaching.1. It is set out twice (Ex 20: 2-17 and Dt 5 : 6-x) with some sign&cant vxiams. the word means the whole body of rules governing men’s relations v&God and with each other. Under Nehemias the walls of Jerusalem were rebuilt by teams of volunteers. under the orders of the chief of the levy. 2. where Joshua gave the people D law (mishpn[) written in a ‘book of the law’ (Jos 24: 25-26). II: 28). but the two texts stem from a shorter ptimitive form which may justifiably be assigned to the Mosaic Age. We cannot be certain that the Code of the Covenant. This command of Moses was carried out by Josue. however. (c) Deuteronomy. The present con&t (cf. son of Abda. it is said. Thin explains the reluctance of the redactors of the Books of Kings and Chronicles to admit that Solomon had used free ~sraelits in the levy. 1t was in ‘all rsrael’ (I K J : 27) that Solomon raised the men for the levy. vineyvds and houses can only apply to an already settled population. Lqislntive coder HE iaw.OOO went in their turn to the Lebanon to cart the wood cut by the king ofTyre’s woodcutters (I K 5: to. who called up every single man in Judah to forti+ Gebn and Mispah (I K 15: 22). But the earlier texts ate equally explicit in stating that Israelites were involved. through stupidity or for provocation.NSTlNl¶ONS 142 descendants of those Canaanites who had escaped extermination and that the Israelites furnished only soldiers and otficers for the king. Yet from dmc to time the kings of Israel and Judah must have resorted to it for the building programmer attributed to them. according to Jos 8: 3c-35. This code has obvious connections with the curses of Dt 27: x5-26. 5: 28). and a&r Solomon’s death it is given as the main cause of the political schism (I K 12: 4-16). but we can say that internal evidence and the witnerr. the ptescrip dons which his people had to observe in their moral. The-e opinion recurs in Chronicles (2 Ch 2: 1617. (a) The Decaloguc contains the ‘Ten Words’ of Yahweh. sent to subdue the rebeb ofBmel. there is explicit evidence for this in the reign of Asa. 9: 23. It may well have reccivcd wme additions before or after its in&ion in the Pentatewh. It may represent the customs in vogue at the end of the monarchy. momc short collectiolw of laws which mly have originated in d&rent ways. in ill-dcfmed order. and how much more closely connected it was with religious than with civil life. This briefsurvey is enough to nuke clear how inorganic was the legislation of Israel. ‘codes in “UT modem sense. others. at least in part. has left us no body of laws (the Edict of Horemheb is only a” administrative document). about 1500. ha long been recognized as a book of law. They do not constitute a code. Thcsc arc not. the Code of Hanmwabi of Babylon. The Collection of As+” Laws. These ‘coda’. as is evident from the number of divergent solutions give” to the sax cases by contemporary juridical acts. the law of the city ofEshn”““a was pmmulgated by a” unknown king long before Hvnmwabi + perhaps before Lipit-&tar. That is not eve” a”y word meaning ‘law’ in general. and its constant reminders of the holiness of Yahweh and his people. the law of purity (Lv 11-16). This code seems designed to replacx the old code by tak@ account of a whole social and religious evolution. sttictly speaking. modify then~. The nearest term is ma’at. apart fro”. The rest of Leviticus is composed of other c&cdons: laws about sacriflccs (Lv t-7). But it constimtes P unity which. (d) The Law ofHofiwrr (Lv 17-26) is also a compilation. the ritual for the installation of priests (Lv 8-m). The judges gave their decisions according to the ptinciplcs of this ‘truth which is justice’ and by applying the unwritten custo”ls or the directive of the sovaeig”. that of Lipit-Isbtar of Isin. (e) The Priestly Code. The Code of Ur-N-u ot Ur is to be dated about 2050 B. but it coven only certain fields. Egypt secnu to have felt no need for a writtm law baause it had a living law. The Hit&e laws ax prcsetvcd in copies probably dating from the thirtecnth century EX. lastly. whose word laid down the law. where there was so much writing and so much litigation. They frequently conttast ‘what must be done’ now with ‘what was done formerly’. and tlxy are very axient. however. The sun total of these c”actme”ts and the narratives in which they are set. which covers the concepta of truth and justice and is an atttibute. which we cannot check. One plausible hypcthesis is that they were brought to Judah &a the fall of Sun& and put together u&r E&s. who isswd the o”ly codifiution recorded by an Egyptian text. to which nwt bc added the legirladve texts xattercd throughout Ex and Nh uld associated with cvcnts of the desert period. form what critics call the Priestly Ccdc. and does not attempt to set forth the general law of the State. “or is there any record of any Egypt& king’s having been a law-giver. but it is difficult to say how long before the reign of J&s they were co&cted and completed. it scans. They refer mostly to very pa&& uses. wan the fint to be discovered and is the most complete. the change b&g usually a reduction of the penalty. but before embatking on them we “ust canpare this body of law with those of the other peoples in the ancient East. a manual ofjutisprudence. it would still be a reference-book rather than a” authoritative code. together with the Law of Holiness. like Deuteronomy.vsnca .. on a” older custonwy law. and ccdificd during the Exile. rather for the benefit of the people. a gOd upon earth. e. It is a remarkable fact that Egypt. it also reveals a change of spirit by its appeals to the heart and by the tone of exhortation in which its prescriptions are often couched. It is perhaps the work of a private jurist. following the accepted custom in simiLr uxs. These are points to which we shall have to term. It differs from it by its strong preoccupation with rites uld the priesthood. Darius. some traditions collected at a very late date by Diodoms of Sicily (I 94). compiled about I too but making w of older material. the Pharaoh.g.e. were not binding texts. so” of Ra. it is certainly the ‘law’ discovered in the Temple in the time ofJo& (2 K 12: tlf. It was a 143 foreign co”quetor. originating in a d&rent milieu from that of Deuteronomy. than for that of thejudges. imud about 1700. It is noteworthy that in Maopoamivl texts we “ever come across cxprnsiom like ‘by application of the law’ or ‘in virme of such uld such a law’.). on the other hand. It contains awicnr elements which xem to stem. No si& collection is forthcoming from Syria or Palestine. itself divine. of the Pharaoh. from the Northern kingdom. and it rec. apart born the two lots recently discovered m: LAW AN” . Fundamentally. The king govcms and the judges decide according t” ‘justice’ (meshmu) or ‘the truth’ (kittu). has bcqueathcd scvcml coUections of laws ascribed to the initiative of a king or p&cd under his name.. Babylonin. they form an eve” looser collection than that of the Assyrian laws. They are based. apparently. the”. the laws 0” the one svlctuty and on the slaves. collected and put into writing. how it varied with the background and time. It con& some ruler which are very mcimt md otherswhich are much m”rc recent. bodies “flaw to whichtbcjudgeis obliged to refer in giving judgmat.It: ClML INsTtTuTtONs 144 which brings together. where juridical texts UC extrcmcly rare. about 18$o. but in McsopotanG this legal tradition “I jutisprudencc was. begins with r&s about sacrifices and ends with blasings and curses. Some of them repat the dircctions of the Code of the Covmant. but they were wmpilcd. in certain &cumstances. containing P “urnbcr of doublea.C. but eve” if it was compiled for the USC of the judges by a” official authority.&cd its M form only in the Jewish community after its return from Exile. The practice was therefore not vcty different from that in Egypt. and mvly others are added. the presumption being that ordinary casts will he scttlcd by sbnple md gencmlly accepted rules. i. The lmguage has no word to dmote law as such. . similar to that recorded by the Dead Sea scroll. recalJing the events leading up to the treaty. So toa the Law of Holinm and the Code of Deuteronomy conclude with blessings and curses (Lv 26: 3-41. gifts must not be accepted ‘became gifts blind the eyes of the clear-sighted’ (Ex 23: 8). where the prescriptions are puncnuted with the refrain. the two promulgations of the Decalogue are introduced by a very short mmmary of previous facts (Ex M: I : Dt 5 : 4-5). Often it is a religious motive. #Iternatively. This connection between the law and religion explains one last characteristic of Israelite legislation. but they are found as early as the Decalogue and the Code of the Covenant. But since these pacts governed the relations of Israel’s dependence on Yahweh. Oriental treaties end with formulas of coning and blessing. the motive may be moral: injudicial actions. Similarly. Yahweh your God. and after the promulgation of the law by Esdrv (Ne 8: 4-18). eye for eye. is expressed in all its crudeness: ‘l&for life. This may be a simple explanation based on common sense: if a man has violated an already betrothed girl in the town.. am a jealom God’ (Ex 20: 5) : this is often found in the Law of Holiness. or engraved on a stele. It established the principlesofthe Covenant with Yahweh: its aim was toenmre that this Covenant remained in force. Flogging is limited to forty strokes. cf. among the Qumran sect. the poor. but this context is not the original one. differs radically from the clauses of the Oriental ‘treaties’ and the articles of their ‘codes’. even the personal enemy (Ex 22: zx. and the record of tbia pact was preserved in the ranctoxy of Yahweh (~os 24: 26-27). were closely connected with the Code of the Covenant. 20. Deuteronomy. which is ascribed in its entirety to God as its author. the Isnelite law. But this formula seems . Lv tg: 36. butning for bumiog. Bodily mutilation is exacted only in one vety special case (Dt 23: x1-12) which the Auyrivl law punishes in the same way. The law was the charter ofthe covenant with God. hand for hand. which. it too involved culses and blessings (cf. ‘lest the bruises be dangerous and your brother be degraded’ (Dt 25 : 3). ethical and ritual prexriptions. both are put to death. not on a human suzerain.’ Finally. and because this Covenant governed the relations of men with one another as well as their relations with God. and they are certainly a primitive feature of the law in Israel. foot for fwt. the widow and the orphan. several Hit& treaties order the text to be read periodically before the vassal king and hj. wound for wound’ (Ex 21: 23-q. hot God was not merely a guarantor of the Covenant. The latter begin with a historical introduction. the man becaw he ha abused his neighbour’s wife’ (Dt a: 24). ‘I am Yahweh. Dt 23: 16. c.8. bruise for bruise. to which we assigned the Code of the Covenant. and if we were right in lrsociating this Code with the pact at She&em. The Code of the Covenant has no similar conclusion in its present context. It is a religious law. was discovered in the Temple at Jerusalem (2 K 22 : 8). etc. the ‘book of the law’. So too Dt 3 I : z-13 prescribes a public reading of the law every seven years. Dt II: 26-w 2. bestiality. in the Ark ‘of the Covenant’ or ‘of the Law’. The law of retaliation. Oriental treat& were inscribed on tablets. it enjoins severe penalties for all crimes against God. as we have already noted. which is the most lenient) by the homuleness of its sentences. protect the stranger. e. The Decalogue was engraved on two tablets and deposited in the sacred tent. the Iex ralionis. as sanctions for the keeping or breaking of the engagements undertaken. ‘for I. sometimes fairly long. perhaps even more often. as in the Decalogue itself: idolatry is forbidden. idolatry and blasphemy. for all its resemblances in form and content. This is more developed in the narrative ofthe pact at Shechem 00s 24: z-13). hence it contained the obligations undertaken by the people. Ifit contains. in the first chapters of Deuteronomy it becomes a record of the entire history of the pcoplc. more developed in Deuteronomy. after the discovery of the Deuteronomy (2 K 23: 2). people. Dt tg: 21). especially the remembrance of the deliverance fromEgypt(Exz3: g. ‘the girl because she did not call for help. Unlike all other Eastern laws.g. It is perfectly true that the Hit& and Assyrian traties invoke their gods as guumntors. it may bc an appeal to history. other p&as of resemblance appear between the legal coda of the Old Testameat and Oriental treaties. at the reform of Jmaphat (2 ch 17: g). and for crimes which tarnish the holiness of the chosen people. Again.: 12-13): the curses would then be those recorded in Dt 27: 15-26. according to Jos 24: 26. But it is further distinguished from other Eastern codes (even the Hittite. and that in the prologue and epilogue of their codes Lipit-Ishtar purports to be the interpreter ofEnl& and Hammwabi to be ‘the king ofjustice to whom Shamash has entrusted the law’. in connection with an annual ceremony for renewing the Covenant. Exemptions from military setvicc are very generous (Dt 20: s-9). sodomy and incest. From this notion another characteristic of Israelite legislation proceeds. 24: 18. on stones according to Jos 8: 35. Dt 27: 2-4. and often mingles.). however. Dt 5: 15. your God. The historical books have recorded only readings which took place in certain exceptional circumstances. tooth for tooth. but it was also a body of teaching directed to them. Finally. Certain dispositions in the Code ofthe Covenant. They are proportionately more numerous in Deuteronomy and the Law of Holiness. the oppressed.usncl3 149 If this is granted.148 II: avl‘ tNsnlwTtoNs IO: LAW AND . Lv 24: 19-20. It is very likely that such tea-linings xmally took place. he was a parq to it. 24 p&m). and no Oriental code can bc compared with the Israelite law. this is because it coven the whole field of the divine Covenant. Dt 28). The pact at She&m was written in a book. and placed in a sanctuary in the presence of the gods. 23: 4-9.5. Because it is designed to safeguard the Covenant. its prescriptions are often supported by a justifying motive. The exampla quoted show that these motives are attached to apodictical and casuisitical laws alike and are found in different collections. Jos 8: 34. merely asxrting the principle of propottionatc compawion. Moses’ successor at the head of the people. The king had of course an extensive administmtivc authority. ‘was filled with the spitit of wisdom’ and cvcryone obeyed him (Dt 34: g: cf. and also at Bethel. an exceptional case. In bis old age he appointed his two SON as judges at Bcctsheba. On the contnry. and the second orders bin to have a copy of the divine law and obey it to the last detail. the king was a judge. appointed bis o&i& and made decrees. Fan&. In Israel. The king was not even in the full sense the promulgator of this law. Nb 2. which rcpraents the king as heir to an o&c which already had a long history in Israel. He acted as a judge in condemning Akan (Jos 7: I~ZS). There was no such thing as State law in Israel. This title has been wrongly extended to the heroa who saved some part of the people from oppression. the list of Solomon’s 10: LAW AND . the poems of Ras Shamra. In the same way. he told bin judges to apply the law of Yahweh (2 Ch 19: j-7). Sedecias ordered that all davcs should be freed. This rigour is just&d by a religious reason: the blood which has been shed has profaned the land in which Yahweh dwells (Nb 35: 31-34). whose names are given in Jg IO: 1-s. Josue. Joriv was the 151 human intermediary in the covcmmt between God and his people. 1t is also noteworthy that apart from this pasage the king is nowhere mentioned in the Deutctonomic Code. This is an SJential fimction of the chief: every sheikb wields it in his tribe and Moses exc&ed it in the dcscrt (Bx 18 : 16). but they ‘accepted gifts and bentjustice to their own ends (I S 8: 1-3). the fitst warm tbc people against his arbitraty acts. 23: 3: 29: 14. they were ratber collcct&ms of customary law than laws of the State. but this was &er he had consulted the people-he did not act on his own authority (JI 34: 8). but it xv’& natural that the nun who dctcrmincd the law of tbc people (Jos 24: zs) should also see to its enforcement. Thus again we meet the religious rlnctiom mentioned in the beginning of this paragraph. This wa. but they were at last promulgated by royal authority. and it is preceded by a law which. When Josapbat reformed the ndministradon ofjustice. ofcourse. Is g: 6). who combined this rblc with that of a great ‘saviout’ Judge. On the other hand. 7%~ bins’s legirhtive and judicial powen The ‘codes’ which have come down to us from Maopotamia arc all attributed to a king. 12: 8-15. and to explain ever/where. in fact. but he did not enact law. I K 8: 58. Jg 12: 7).’ The list of David’s senior officials (2 S 8: 13) is introduced with &se words: ‘David reigned over all ~sracl. In the oldest text. It is remarkable that the two ‘laws of the king’ ( I S 8: 11-18. judgments given by the king and contracts guaranteed by his seal. There is no reason to suspect this passage. too. which became ‘a rule and a custom for Israel (I s 30: 24-25).I The Israelites could repeat with pride these words of Deuteronomy: What great nation is there whose laws and customs are so just as all this Law?’ (Dt 4: 8). but ‘the law of Yahweh (2 Ch ‘7: 9). but it seems to belong properly m the ‘laser’ Judges. he claimed that no one could accuse him of denying any man justice or taking bribes (I S 12: 3-5).11: CIVIL INsnTwrIONS ISO to have lost its force.7: 18-23). The txxest example is the order said to have ban given by David. as Josue at Shechem (Jos 24: 25-26). nothing of the sort was posziblc. Between the death ofJosue and the institution of the monarchy came the period of the ‘Judges’. along with whom we should count at least Jephtbah (cf. for a wound in&ted in a fight. cf. and in fact the historical books never allude to any legislative power of the king. and Aramacan and Phoenician insctiptionr all demand as the first quality of a king the virtue ofjustice. to share the booty between the combatants and those who bad been left to guard the baggage. he organized his kingdom. not a law of the king. But David was not then king: as comman der. Samuel performed the same function when he judged Israel at his home-town. which seems to reserve the administrarion of justice to the sovereign. andEsdras in days still to come at Jerusalem (NC 8). the foundation of his throne (Pr 16: 12. the preambles of Maopotamian coda.“STKE . Gilgal and Mispah (I S 7: 1617) . It seems that these Judges wcrc P pamanent institution of the tribal federation: instead of a political head. decreed by the sovereign. 3. it had a judge to whom all could appeal. But the ldng could add nothing to the autbotity ofa law to which he himselfwas subject (Dt 17: Ig. he dccidcd a particular case and his decision became a custom During the siege of Jerusalem. men prayed that the king might bc given justice (Ps 72: t-2). 2 K 23: 3). that ofExodus. It war &en that the Israelites begged Samuel to give them a king. That is not the meaning to be ascribed to the teading of Deuteronomy by Josiv in the Temple (2 K 23 : I-Z). he pub_ lisbed its claws and watched over i@ observance. The same passage says that the people a&cd for a judge-king ‘to be like other nations’. Dt 17: 14-20) make no allusion to any power of the king to lay down laws. and it was only u&t the foreign rule of Artaxerxcs that ‘the law of God brought by E&as’ was imposed as ‘the law of the king’ (Esd 7: 26). In Israel. and held judicial power. On a wider scale. Only in one USC is strict retaliation exacted: the guilty murderer must die and cannot buy his freedom. granted the religious nature of the law and im cotmection with the Covenant. orders only the payment of compasation and medical cxpcnsa (Ex 31: In-19). Among the text9 lately discovered at Ras Sbamra and Alalakh tbcre arc. and his envoys were to take with them. ‘that be may be ourjudge’ (I S 8: 5). As we have seen. it is in fact followed immediately by a law which orders the liberation of a slave in compaution for the loss of an eye or a tooth (Ex 21: 2&a7). doing right and justice to all his people’.~ c . He performed the sane function as Moses on Sinai (Ex 24: 7-S). as ifit became the law of the State by his nutbority. cf. but the other examples presume that recoutse could also be made to him in the fint instance. It commands that judges and registrars. The text hesitates between one priest and several. According to Dt 19: 1618. be appointed in every town. the false witnesses in a religious trial must appear before the priests and the judges then in office. The directions of Dt 16: 18-a and 17: 8-13 should be compared with Josaphat’s reform as described in 2 Ch rg: 4-11. and among the Hittites they administered justice under the presidency of a royal official. stops the kinsman who has the right of redemption over Naomi’s field and chooses ten Elders. nor accept gifts. In the Mesopotamian courts the Elders had a definite &lee.1 They sat at the gate of the town. Dt 17: 8-13 orders the Elders or the local judge to refer cases they cannot decide to a higher mutt. 12). The Deuteronomic law desctibes ‘the Elders at the gate of the I. the heads of families in the clan. niSTInnlONS senior o&ials (I K 4: 1-5) is immediately preceded by the story ofthe famous judgment which proved to all that there was in the king ‘a divine wisdom for doing justice’ (I K 3 : 28) i. Thus ‘to judge’ was almost a synonym for ‘to govern’ (& again . where all the community’s a&in were &sassed (cf. the recovery of a house and land (z K 8 : 3). and incrnsingly so as institutions developed. They could claim as their prototypes the competent laymen appointed by Moses to dispmse justice (Ex 18: 13-26). both to settle quarrels and to assist every man to obtain his rights. the composition and procedure of which are described in many cuneiform documents.Then’theytookhimoutofthcdty. 153 town’ (Dt 21: 19. the substitution ofa child (I K 3 : 16&). We UC by no means so well informed on the cow of Israel as on those of Mesopotamia. the leading citizens of the place. The we is stated and discussed between the parties. which he certainly wa. but an official appointed by the king. Za 8: 16). 15.111. J&o the Midianite. Israel had three different jurisdictions. the man renounces his right and Bou calls the Elders and all the people to witness it. 22: IS).e. According to Dt 25: 2.Prz4:7. At Jerusalem he established a coun of priests. that is. 148: II). Lv 19: 15. I would do them justice’ (a S 15: 4. cf. An actual example of the working of these courts is provided by Rt 4: 1-12. he was coveting the crown irrelf. They take their places beside him. when a judge finds a man guilty. and the king here appean as the judge in the final cotttt of appeal. Bw sits at the gate of the town. they must acquit the innocent and condemn the guilty. Solomon’s palace contained a ‘porch of judgment’ where the king administered justice (I K 7: 7). In every town disputes and trials were settled by the Elders. 35: they must not beat false witness nor follow the majority in defiance of justice. g) or to the priest (singular) and the judge (v. in each walled town’. though it is hard to define what was the precise competence of each: the communal jurisdiction of the Elders. There was then at Jerusalem a firral court of appeal. or scribes. judges who were to show them&a incorruptible.z K 15: 5). pp. cf. When the judgment involves a penalty. that is. both religious and secular. it is not the king who can be called ‘judge’. 21: 3. The ma&en of thex pop&t anuts UC addressedin the exhortations ofEx 23: 1-3. 25 : 6) iu judges in ccttain uwcs. Among the c&ctiom of laws. Like ancient Babylonia.Jbzg:7.68. the flogging is to take place in his presence. It is the king who is called the ‘judge of Israel’ in Mi 4: 14. D crime which incuts the death pa+ (cf.31:z3). 68 and . and that they are to give just judgments (Dt 16: IS20). to Jcmsalem. This was the wisdom for which Solomon had prayed.& only the most di&& cases (Ex 18: 13-26. the Deuteronomic Code is the only one which refers to them. 8. who were to act as a court of first instance for the inhabitants ofJerusalem (according to the Greek) and as a mutt of appeal for 10: LAW AND JUSTICE . Dt I: g-17). a family blood feud (2 S 14: 4-11). but is defmite in denoting one secular judge. reserving to him. the B&s imposeit (Dt 22: 18-19). The practice is illustrated by tbc story of Nab&. Lv 24: 14). This king appointed ‘in every town. following what is still the likeliest interpretation. Gn 23 : 1~1. instituted by an authority which can onlyhave been the king’s.theystonedhimuldhcdied’(1K21: 11-13). They reveal some interesting parallels with what the Old Testament tells us about the administration of justice. The real ot fictitious cases recorded in the historical books show that appeal was made to the king even in cases wbicb we should leave to lower courts: the theft of P sheep (a S 12: 6). and two talv witnesses accuse bin of cursing God and the king. It war said that Moses himself was unequal to this task and. The woman of Teqoa is supposed to be appealing from ajudgment given by her clan (z S 14: 4-11). ot ‘the Elders of the town’ (Dt 19: 12. Theirjudgment is without appeal. to ‘judge the people’ (I K 3: 9).19 11: c1vII.Th ese are the coum to which the prophcu refer when they demand respect for justice ‘at the gate’ (Am 5: IO. on the advice of his father-in-law. In this legal context. Levi% and the heads of Israelite families. The Elden and the lading citizens summon Nabboth to apput before them. and submit the case to the priests and the offitiating judge (v. and they are to conduct the enquiry. So tea. The whole story shows that there was at Jemsalem a king’s cart. u in Mi 4: 14. They must go to ‘the place chosen by Yahweh’.18. he appointed chiefr to administer justice. But there were also professional judges in Israel. it is immediately attied out by the witnesses present (Dt a: 18-21). to which every man in Istael could appal. and ‘governors’ could be called ‘judges’ (Ps 2: IO. 12. Ex 22: 27. When Abs&m exclaimed: ‘Ah! who will make me judge in this land?’ If everyone who had a lawsuit and ajudgment were to come to me. In practice the majority of ass went to judges other than the king. Whenit is the death penalty. the jurisdiction of the king and that of the priests. and also in Egypt. that they judged all strictly religious matters. The texts from Deuteronomy which we have just awalysed probably refer to the sane institution. the priests of the gods and the magistrates appointed by the sovereign. Their competence was perhaps extended with time.~ The legislative codes tell us little about judicial procedure. x15-lro. According to Lv 13-14. In the administration of justice as in everything else.. a gartnent or a hours are infected with ‘leprosy’ or are clear of it.J126: I”). ‘decisions’ in the name of God.000 Levirn who were clerks andjudges under David. in Akkadian and several other semitic langluges. the di&ence between the royal ideology of Israel and that of Egypt is conspicuous. and his magistrates ‘judge not in the name of men but in the name ofYahweh’ (2 Ch 19: 6). II) and in Dt 17: 9. In Za 7: 3 they xc asked whether the fast in conunenmntion of the ruin of the Temple is still of obligation. clerks attached to the judges (cf. AI” 5:1o). where there was no distinction between civil and religious law. Josaphat’s mel~wcs form part of his religious reform (2 Ch rg: 4.usncB 15s cases referred to them from other towns. In Josaphat’s ordinance (z Ch 19: 8. But whereas the god-king of Egypt had simply ‘taken counrcl ofhis heart’ in order to dictate t” the scribe these ‘excellent dispositions’. As a general rule the action. To complete tbio review ofthe judicial authorities. In New Testament times the Sanhedrin included priests. there was a judicial reform which established a royal jurisdiction alongside the commuul jurisdiction and which relieved the king of his ot& of supreme judge. which was open to all. another place of worship ( I S 8 : 2) is “or a” irrelevant detail.. I” Ag 2: I If. who seems to have been a police officer.1S7:16. it was presided over by the high priest and it acted as the supreme c”“rt ofjustice. perhaps 2 Ch 34: 13). laymen and scribes. It will then be admitted that under Jouphat. but the process of a trial can be reconstructed by piecing together the allusions in other books of the Bible and by making “se of passages which represent God’s disputes with me” as a formal uial. probably. which denotes the officials in charge of forced labour (Ex 5: 6f. Jr 49: 19. but there is no reason to suspect its basic accuracy.g. These are me” of discernment who are forbidden to respect persons “I to accept bribes. All tbis presupposes that the priest rook a certain part in judicial affairs. ‘Clerk’ would also be a good translation ofthe other “ses of the word. I” certain cases the Code ofthe Covenant prescribes a procedure ‘before God’ (Ex 21: 6. cf Mt 5: 23). 22: 6-S). The literary expression of this text nuy have been influenced by Deuteronomy and may refiea certain special interests of the time of the Chronicler. It seem that the priests were the authentic interpreters of the law. Dt 16: 18: I Ch 23: 4.Jg4:s. rib. it is found in Mesopotamia. uld his judges had to apply ‘the words of the Palace uld the laws of the Throne-room’. especially in Job and the second part of I&S. and according to Dt 33 : 10 (reading. ‘to write’. we may remember that there was a pen”” at the king’s co”rt called ‘the king’s son’.I54 II: cNI1. at the beginning ofJudah’s monarchy. It was ahnost inevitable in 1~1x1. priests are mentioned along with judges. at the gate of the town (Dt ZI : 19.%t. they shall judge according to my law’. it is evidently the &lized projection into the past of a later situation. But Lv 10: II extends their competence to ‘any law whatever’. ~“t in the absence of any concrete exan~ples no certain conclusion cm be drawn. and this is certainly the function assigned to them in Lv I”: IO and Ez 44: 23. but the rhsrdM were nor mere scribes. probably after the Exile. and more generally.12.C. and where all legislation emanated from God. then. It would seem.).22:7. 26: 29). it is the priest who decides whether a ma”. 23: 4. of 6. for all the king’s matters: the Levitcs served as notaries. as we have just see” from the Edict of Horemheb. the priests arc asked for a t6rah on the conditions in which cleanness and unclcannesr are passed on. chief of the house of Judah. and alro the administrative officers of the army (Dt 20: sf. Pr 25: 8. the law of Dt 21: 1-9 o” “mrder by a person unknown prescribes a ritual act. when we read in 1 Ch 23 : 4. The parallel is striking. the ‘affairs of Yahweh’ (2 Ch 19: II). They seem to have been clerks of the court. INSTITUTIONS IO: LAW AN” . The priests gave t&&h. cf. 1t concerns a reorganization of the co”rts ofjustice: the inhabitants ofevery town are to bejudged by the priests of the temples. The problem is t” know exactly what their competence was. pp. The fact that Samuel exercised his judicial functions in three sanctuaries. for they are disdnguirhed from them in 2 Ch 34: 13. With these measures ofJosaphat’s we may compare the Edict of Pharaoh Horembeb in the fourteenth century B. 26: 29. while Dt 21: 5 says ‘that it is their office to pronounce on all disputes and all assaults’. the plural) it was their exclusive privilege. . such as idolatry (Dt 17: I. This co”rt was presided “ver by Amaryab”.8. that the priests’ rble was only to distinguish between the sacred and the profane. The root xhp means. Bethel. CC. the high priest. Mores brought the people’s disputer ‘before God’ (Ex 18: 19). was brought by a private perso” who appeared as plaintiff(Dtz3: 7. clean and unclean. According to 2 Ch 19: II. the tribunal instituted by Josaphat at Jerusalem employed Levites as rhs. and by Zebedyahu.inaholyplaccorasanctuvy(Ex21:6. Justice was administered in public. 19: 17. There is no ground for disputing the existence of this priestly jurisdiction. In certain religious cases. Gilgal and Mispah (I S 7: 16) and that his sons were judges at Beersheba. for all matters touching Yahweh. and Ez 44: 24 adds ‘they shall be judges in quarrels.Jb 9: . d 17: 7-g). The king gave his judgments in the porch ofjudgment ( I K 7: 7). and intervened in civil casa at least when these involved some religious law or religious procedure. 13: 18. . 13: IO. especially when property righrs were in question. for which there is no word in Hebrew. as in Nb 5: 21. Jn 8: 7). the court ‘de&red guilty’ or ‘declared just. Jr 26: 17). 35: 11. like the accusers of I K 21: IO. Is 5: 3 and Mi 6: I can be understood in either sense. but that was to own himself guilty: he feared that if he perjured himself he would be stricken by the CUIS~ accompanying the oath. 13. and he decides who is responsible.Dt2s:t. Za 3: I). saying: ‘Our hands have not shed this blood and our eyes have seen nothing. During the arguments the judge was seated (Is 16: 5. Dn 13: 34. There were witnesses for the prosecution. and then makes the woman drink the mixture. giving ‘El&m’ its regular sense of’God’. Dt 17: 6. The oath itself is therefore a” ordeal. He was a just arbitrator (Jb 9: 3. IO. Both parties called witnesses. 1t is to such a refusal that Qo 9: 1 alludes. or if the xcused could not produce witnesses for the deface.z).Prt7:1~). not of ‘judges’. or of ‘domestic idols’ (reraphfm) as has lately been suggested. if the rule is ancient. the trustee goes to El&m to attest that he has not taken another man’s goods.:j9. Dn 7: 9-m. 12: 17. .IK8:3Z.cf. Is 8: 2. that is. and of Stephen in AC 6: I If.Am3:.7:4. a some ancient versions and several modem expositors t&e it. The accuser was the ‘adversary’.j:~~. theElders ofthe nearest town kill a heifer near a stream and wash their hands over the animal. they had recourse to an oath. Pr6: 19. 13: 50.).and d the trials of Naboth in I K 21: mf. and in actions heard by the Elders the latter could be witnesses as well as judges.Gnj. But their evidence had to be verifwd by the judges. gave ia verdict of condemnation orrcquinal(Ex22:8. but Jb 21: 35b36 indicates that it could be done in writing (ct Is 65: 6. 16: 8. and false witnesses were condemned to the punishment which would have befallen the accused (Dt 19: 18-19.butJbjt:~gn does not prove that he did or could present a written defence. but he was rather a witness for the deface than an advocate. The priest sprinkles some of the dust of the sanctuary over a vessel of water. according to Dt 19: 15. The judpmr of God 10: LAW AND . in Assyria.:~t. if P dispute arises over a lost object. A ma” might refuse the oath.15-5 n: CIVIL INSmuIIONs a-s) OF blasphemy against God and the king (I K 21: tot). It may be associated with another method of religious test. 41: I) and ‘to stand before the judge’ (Dt 19: 17) means ‘to appear in court’. the cord a”d the staff she had received from him (Gn ~8: 25). 8. but he stood up to pronounce sentence (Is 3: 13. of our Lord in Mt 26: s9f. 19: 18). several cases are grouped together (Ex 22: 6-m) : if an object entrusted to someone disappears and the t&f is not found. however. etc. For a death sentence the law required at least two witnesses for the prosecution (Nb 35: 30. he stood on the tight of the accused (Ps 1~: 6. cf. The defender also stood on the right (Ps 109: 31. the &Ion. The judicial oath by the gods or the king was also pracdsed in Babylonia. 142: 5)... cf. According to the historian Josephus. the matter is brought before Elohim. showing thesigns ofhervirginity(Dt 22: 13-17). an oath by Yahweh decides whether the keeper is at fault or not. proffers the oath to the woman. innocent’. women and slaves could not give evidence. These witnesses accepted responsibility for the sentence.Is4. In the Code of the Covenant. 17: 4. I K 8: 31). an oath terminated the action. which is why they had to throw the first stones if the condemned party were stoned (Dt 17: 7. and possibly for every case. like the hills and the mountains on which Yahweh calls in the action he brings against his people (Mi 6: I). Mt 26: 59-60.’ They are then covered against blood-vengeance (Dt 21: 1-8). The examination of the case then began (Dt 13: 15.Thewifeaccusedbyher husband of having lost her virginity before her marriage presented the bedlinenofthe wedding-night. Otherwise the r6les were not very clcvly defined.Jb. Ps 76: IO). cf.cf. at Nuzu and in the Jewish colony OfElephantine. I K 21: IO. 13 . was not so much to impose a sentence as to settle a dispute while respecting justice. of Swanna in Dn 13: 28f. so the two former cases must be interpreted in the same way.~Proofs of fact were produced before the judges: the herdsman accused of losiig a beast had to produce the remains of the animal ifit had been mangled byawildbeast(Ex2z:Iz. Israel’s practice differed from that ofMesopotamia. 12. a judgment of God (cf.Thcrdleofthejudge. The husband who suspnts his wife of misconduct presents her to the priest. where the oath is perhaps understood. In the majority of cases the accusation wa presented orally. and witnesses for the deface (PI 14: 25. It was therefore an imprecatory oath. The accuser gave evidence (I K ZI : IO. ct Dn 13: 62). Mi I : z). made him acknowledge the signet. if a beast entrusted to someone’s care dies or is wounded or is stolen unseen. Is 43: 9. Tam?r. Nor was there any public prosecutor: each party pressed or defended his own case. as in the cases quoted from the Code of the Covenant. Dn 7: IO). the ttibunal took cog”isa”cc of the case after a den”nciation. This prospect does not seem to have preventedmixarriagaofjustice(Ps27: 12. cf. literally. When P murder has been committedin the country by some person unknown. cf. The parties remained standing (IS 50: 8. cf. In Nb 5: 11-31 it is only one action of a f&r ritual. He was more a defender of tight than a punisher of crime. The accusedwasheard(Dt. accused before Judah. He I O: 28). Jb 29: 7). The last case clearly presumes a judicial oath.usTIce When no decision could be reached after the examination. speaking of ‘him who swears an oath’ and ‘him who fears to swear an oath’. dissolves the writing containing the words of the oath into the water. 157 When everything had been thoroughly examined..). If she is guilty this water becomes for her a ‘water of bitterness and cursing’ which makes her . ‘let us stand up together’.Jn7:st). Jn 8: 5 for the woman taken in adultery). sorcery(Ex 22: 17. d I S 28: 3. 13. Nh 15: 32-36). Death by crudfudon was a punishment unknown in the Old Testament. and that the priest is not acting as a judge but as the minister of a rite. a fearful example to all. 14 and Pr 19: 18. In the latter case it is stated that the sacred lots were wed. different forms of incest (Lv 20: II. The penalty could be increased by exposure of the bodies of the condemned. Another form of the judgment of God is the drawing oflots. Nb 25: 1-5). against the sanctity of life and the sources of life. east of the Tigris at Nwu. apart from the Jordan. On the other hand. later Jewish custom restricted the number to ‘forty save one’ (& Y. A man who disotxyed an order of extermination and one who was guilty of lessmajesty were also stoned. and Jonathan (I S 14: 38-42). But again we should note that the procedure here is extra-judicial. It serves to pick out one guilty man from a group. prostitution by a priest’s daughter (Lv 21: 9). in the sense of fines I. and this religious motive is usually expressed in the laws. I59 As to the execution of the penalry. Aaron bears on his breast the ‘judgment of the children of Israel’ (Ex 28: 30). Lv 24: 17. ‘The lot puts an end to quarrel and decides between the mighty’ (Pr 18: 18). It was practised in Babylonia. Lv 20: 1-5. 35: ‘And Yahweh chastised the people. which contained the lots. the same punishment was inflicted in ancient times on an adulterous wife. 17: z-7. Jr 20: 2). cf.23). cf.g. The punishment of flogging seems to be applied by Dt a: 18 to the man who has slandered his wife. Stoning is ordered for idolaters (Dt 13: IO-II: 17: 5-7). but it is found in Israelite law only in the special case ofDt 25: II-I& where it is a symbolic retaliation. but had to be taken down before night (Dt 11: u-23. The condemned person was taken out of the town ( I K 21: IO. The witnesses for the prosecution cast the first stones and the people continued till death ensue<. and on the banks of the Euphrates at Mari and Carchemirh. frequmrly among the Remans. bestiality (Lvzo: 15-16). Dt 13: z-19.usmx . Thus Israelite law. Nb 15: 36). Grave sins against God: idolatry(Ex 22: 19. the judge could impose up to forty strokes of the whip (or rod?) on the guilty man. We should probably interpret the texts of Nh 25: 4 and z S 21: 9 in this way and understand that the corpses of the guilty were impaled. who employed whatever means he chose.’ The story ofthe massacre by the Levites (vv. 17. for the guilty f&n& and her accomplice (Dt 22: 24). 149. They were ‘hung on the gibbet’.’ Strictly speaking. CT. in particular Jos I O: 26. IZ. According to Gn 38: 24. The same mode of death is ordered in the Code of Hammurabi for similar cases. the murderer WY handed over to the avenger of blood. r. which only a priest could handle. profanation of the sabbath (Ex 31: 14-15. p. z5f.’ I. writing of the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes. Lv 20: 27. sodomy (Lv 20: 13). where the same verb is employed. Dr 21: 18-21). Dt 24: 7). blasphemy (Lv 24: 15-16). The first mention of it in Palestine occurs in Flavius Josephus. according to the parallels in I K 12: II.: CNIL INSTITUTrONI barren for ever.9). the conclusion is doubtless m be found in v. Lv 20: 8. the urirn and the thumtnim. Co II: 24). 14. and by Dt 21: 18 to a disoba&nt son. The collective character of communal justice was thus expressed to the end. According to Dt 25: 1-3. p. It is a consequence of the peculiar character of Israel’s legislation. This ordeal of bitter waters has no analogy in the ancient East. This was not the punishment of banging. cf. IC will be observed there is here no question ofbringing an action. 1srae1 knew nothing of the judicial ordeal by throwing the accused into a river. according to Jos 7: z5 and 1 K 21: IO. If it is not found in Palestine. The high priest’s breastplate. The death penalty is laid down for the following crimes: Intentional homicide (Ex 21: 12.) would come from another tradition. is called for that reason the ‘breastplate ofjudgment’ (Ex 2. By P legalistic scruple. as with Akan (Jor 7: 14-15).8: 15). We may connect it with the last part of the story of the golden calf in Ex 32: 20: th e I o 1sI ground to a fme powder which the ‘d Israelites are made to swallow in water. the abduction of a man in order to make him a slave (Ex 21: 16. unlike other Ezaern laws. It was a mark of infamy and an example. in Elan. for a woman who concealed the fact that she was not a virgin at the time of her marriage (Dr 22: a). Bodily mudlation as a consequence of the lex tdionis is fairly common in the Code ofHammurabi and the Assyrian laws. for the rebellious son (Dt 21: 21) and the man who profvled the sabbath (Nb 15: 35-36).IS8 I. tbis may simply be because. in Assyria. abuses of sexual relations: ‘adultery (Lv 20: IO. limits capital punishment to offences against the purity of worship. Dr 19: 11-12). 17). 2 S 4: 12). sporadically among the Greeks. Grave sins agaimt p a r e n t s ( E x 21: 15. Nb 35: 16-21) for which monetary compensation is never accepted (Nb 35: 31. IC is attested among the Persians (impalement or crucifixion). Dr 22: 22). and the priest is acting only as the minister of the divine oracle. for the condemned had already been executed (cf. cf. It was the normal method of execution and it must also be presumed when the text does not state it precisely (cf. for blasphemers (Lv 24: 14. Death by burning is prescribed in the law for two cases only: prostitution by a priest’s daughter (Lv ZI: 9) and the incest of a man who weds both mother and daughter (Lv 20: 14). I O: 27). IO: LAW AND . the country has no river in which anyone could possibly be drowned. cfLv 24: 14. Jos 8: 29. there arc no pecuniary penalties. who was stretched on the ground before him (cf. was not protected by the law of asylum and was put to death in the sanctuary itself. Lk 12: 58-59) is something borrowed from Hellenistic law. There is no other actual example of this recourse to a sanctuary as 1 place of refuge. There Adoniv took refuge (I K I : 50-53). which is much more than he had paid in order to marry her (Dt 22: 1s). 2 S 12: 6. Jr 37: 15-18). who must not leave the city of refuge till the death of the high print. He remains rhere till he has been judged by the cotmnunity. Moses chcxxa three cities in the territory already occupied by the Israelites on the far side of the Jordan. and this compensation has a penal aspect. The money paid to the priests in wtis6ction for a crime or sin (2 K IZ: 17) is not in the nature of a fme and arises from religious institutions.1 never disappeared and was recognized by law. Ram& in G&ad. carried out by the go’el. In the order of the boalu of the Bible they are as follows: Nb 35: 9-34: the Israditcs are ordered by God to have ~$ici where an inv&ntay killer can take refuge from blood-vengeance. But the same law tried to limit the abuses which could easily arise from ti exercise of private justice.). but the murderer is to be rearrested by the Elders of his city and handed over to the avenger of blood. as it is generally luger than the damage caused. Dt 19: 1-13: after the conquest.irnortoberaken literally and simply means perfect ratitution. The principle is laid down in the Code of the Covenant: the man who has killed without premeditation may take refuge in a place which God will appoint. Lk 19: 8).uYrlca 161 payable to the State or the community. till the death of the high priest. Bodily restraint of one sentenced to n&e restitution or of a d&king debtor (Mt 5: zj-26. often arbitrarily (I K 22: 27. 7-8 : Qedesh of Galilee in the hill-country of Nephthali.intheGreck. Nb 15: 34). Dt 4: 41-43. and by establishing placa of refiuge where an involuntary killer could find safety. Putting a man in the pillory or the stocks was a funhcr punishment (z Ch 16: IO. pp. Golan in Bashan. but they UC not indicated by name. thieves who could not make restitution were sold as slaves (Ex 21: 2) and an insolvent debtor would sell himself or his dependents into slavcry to discharge his debt (Lv 25: 3gf. A nun who has slandered his wife pays her father a hundred pieces of silver. Josue chooses the cities of refuge where an involuntary killer will be protected from blood-vengeance. three other cities shall be added). Unfortunately the tern describing them are hard to interpret. I I all. and Joab after him. a. where them is an altar. It did so by distinguishing between voluntary and involuntary homicide. Baa on rhe plateau. there one is covered by the wings of Yahweh (Ps 61: 4-5). unconnected with ia context: Moses chooses three cities of refuge across the Jordan: Beser. an obvious addition. that of the Ark. and foremost the central sanctuary of the tribal federation. but the wilful murderer must be dragged from the altar itself to be put to death@ 21: 13-14). cf. 18: 30. fourfold for sheep or goats (Ex 21: 37. A seducer pays damaga to his victim’s father (Ex 22: 16). apparently any lawful sanctuary of Yahweh. on the other side of the Jordan. They are to welcome the involuntary killer. which arc not named (vv. Under ancient legislation.I60 n: avl‘ INSTIT”llONS 10: LAW AND . B-81.’ i The very ancient custmn of blood-vengeance. But there were prisons. a pp. In Dt 4. Jos 20: I+: at Yahweh’s command and in pursuance of the instructions given to Moses. though certain expressions in the Psahns seem to refer to it. Jr 20: 2. A man who has let his beasts graze in the field or vineyard of another reimburses him on the basis of his bat harvest (Ex 22: 4). Shechem in the hill-country of Ephraim. These passages show us the development of the institution in apparent conformity with the course of events recorded in the Pentareuch. who had murdered Abner and Amasa. Thus the Temple is a shelter against enemies and anyone dwells there in safety (Ps 27: 2-s). Imprisonment by judicial order dces not appear till after the Exile. fivefold for ale. The ‘scvcnfold’c~medinPr6:3~uld~Stz:6. Golan. The co-d of Nb 35. A man who has stolen a beast and slaughtered it must pay compasation. A man who has caused the death of an animal by leaving a pit open pays the price of it to the owner (Ex 21: 34). but the wicked arc not allowed in (Ps 5: 5). +here arc to be three cities of refuge in Tramjordan and three west of the Jordan. 29: 26). It is the Elders of these cities who admit the hrgitive after inquiry. associated with the period on the steppes of Moab. The list of these towns is given in w. as an application of a foreign legislation. On the other hand. The community decides the question of guilt. in Erd 7: 26. Asylum is granted only to the involuntary killer: the wilful murderer may not be received and must die at the hands of the avenger of blood. the land must be divided into three regions and three cities chosen. rcjccU the murderer and watches over the involuntary killer. A more stable institution is that of the Cities of Refuge. a wrong done to an individual in his goods or rights ti equitably redressed. in which accused persons were kept pmding a decision (Lv 24: 12. &moth of Giead.. One who is responsible for a fire which has spread to his neighbour’r land and destroyed his crop compensates him for what the fire has destroyed (Ex 22: 5). andsuspects were shut up by policeaction.3 x-22 I. R-9. but first 1. Df 15: zf. The ‘place’ thus denoted is evidently a sanctuary. fixes the rules but states neither the number nor the names of the cities: the land is not yet conquered. Dt 19 providw for three . orders that ifthe land should become greater still. ButJoab. Hebron in the hill-country of Judah. which he refused to leave ( I K 2: 28-31). but does not name them. without seeing that the three missing cities ate those of Dt 4. Golan and its region were lost soon atier the death of ~alomon. Dt 19 thus appears as a project of reform which was never carried out: this reform presumer that the institution described in Jos 20: 7ga is known. ot even to the reign of David. This late date and the absence of precise details about the towns show that it was never actually in force. before being finally severed from trrael. Dt 19 was never P real law.USIICE 163 cities in the land of Canaan. 8 and 9. however. __ . if we examine and compare the vocabulary and context of the various texts. The instimtion is therefore independent of tribal organization. Gad and Manassch in connection with the three towm in Tramjordan simply gives a second gew graphical designation and must be considered as secondary. in Jar 20: 7. had each its famous sanctuary. not by their attachment to a tribe. and which also preserve the primitive idea of blood-vengeance. however. shows that the tradition of six cities of refuge was still remembered. Thus the institution ofthe Cities of Refuge is linked with t$e tight ofasylum recognized at the sanctuxies. But Jos 20: 6 and gb. Further. If no city in Tramjordan is provided for by Dt 19. was a town over which Israel and the Aramaeans disputed in the tirst half of the ninth century. S-9. Very probably the three cities across the Jordan were also holy p&s. The prerogatives of the sanctuaries and their ministers were in the end transferred m the Cities and their councils ofElders. and the name of Golan is still preserved in the Bashan region. But this passage prescribes three cities and three territories in Canaan. but Beser is mentioned as an Israelite town by the stele of Mesha. for the towns are chosen and determined by their geographical situation. to the existence of a sanctuary. and the mention of the high priest. provide for three other unnamed cities in order to complete the traditional number of six. The picture is changed. but there are no su&ient grounds for asserting that it was a late invention to which nothing corresponded in reality. On the other hand. The list is not invented: Beset and Golan do not appear apart from these two contexts. whose death is the occasion for P general amnesty. and maintains its principles. show that it was edited after the Exile. which allot a r& m the Elden of the murderer’s town or of the city of refuge. are ancient. are later retouchings. by the tomb ofJoseph and the covenant under Josue. Jos M: 4 and Dt 19: 11-12). The oldest element in all this documentation is therefore Jos 20: ~+a. Qedesh was captured by Tiglath-Pikser in 734 B. but adapts it to new circumstances and secularizes it by taking away from cettain tcwm a privilege which they owed. &moth of Gilnd. with their names. the ‘edah. which possessed the tomb of the Patriarchs. The latest of all is obviously Nb 35: the r6le accorded to the religious community. the additional verses. Dt 19 and Jos xx 4 and 9a. and Beset was conquered hy Mesha about 850. as we are about to explain.161 It: ClVlL INS1ITUTIONS 10: LAW AND . that is because the land was no longer in Israelite hands.C . Qedesh. Shechem. Jos 20 recalls the rules proclaimed earlier and at last gives the names of the six cities with their geographical positions. which guarantees the existence of cities of refuge. and Hebton. and does not antedate the reign of Solomon. hallowed by the memory of Abraham and Jacob. which would be necessary for the law to bc applicable. at least. which arc given. The list of cities of refuge in Tramjordan in Dt 4 come in its turn from Jar 20: 8. But it appears on the other hand as the seculatizing of an originally religious custom (d Er 21: 13-14). AU the towm menticmed in Jos 20 are mentioned elsewhere as Levitical mwm. when the conquest is complete. the mention of Reuben. with the motives and rules for their institution (cf. now condemned by the law on centralization of worship. The addition in w. Finally. on the contrary. which mention the community and the high priest in order to bring the text into line with Nb 3 5. for the mwns ate not named. and even so they do not avoid all incohetence. which has still to be conquered. among the six towm named. One may wonder whether it remained long in force and how it developed. I[ is di&ult m trace the list back beyond Solomon to the tribal federation. the ‘holy town’. Gradually it took on the character of heritable property. 10. and the law about fallow gro&l in the sabbatical year(Ex 23: l-11. pastures and watering places are the ccmmmn property of the tribe. Lv 25: 2-79. and apparently they never experienced a feudal regime. families and individuals already had certain lands.C. Those rare texts where some have tried to see an allusion to Gefs arc capable of another interpretation. Thex texts span the second millennium B. 28: I). I S 8: 14 predicts that the king will seize fields uld vineyards and give them to his officers.Tbis sharingout b y l o t o f the ‘plots in which the uibes were in fact already settled. Dt y: 1+x.18:6-1g:. For example. generally every year. the king used to found fiefs. at Nuru and in Assyria.cf. Ps 44: 4).’ The Holy Land ia the ‘domain of : V=hweh’~oszt:~g). There has been a similar system in modem Palestine.y be applied to the arable land.+g. p 17. according to I S 22: 7. the right of every passer-by to satify his hunger when passing &rough a Geld or a vineyard (Dt 23 : 25-26).C. not to any person or pewxls. whose social structure wa like that of the earliest Israelites. to. and the feudal services attached to it became attached to the property. the tithe every third year for the poor (Dt 14: 28-w.CHAPTEQ. though transferred on to the tbcological plane. at Yahweh’s command. given to the Levita (Nb 18: 21-32). land-survey documents which were used to authenticate the purchve of a tribal propetty by the king and its transfer to an individual or a temple. from the Kassite period onwards.3 In the second millennium B. 1n the nomadic system.passim:Jg1:3. 1.thc’luldofYlhweh’(0s~:3. and represented in Jg I as still incomplete. Jos 23: 3. or which they had still to conquer. Cf. Outside the village and its immediate surroundings. it was a military fief.Jr~6:r8: ___~ _. 23: 22. $4. is divided among the members of the group. CF. and it is interesting to find it attested in ancient Mesopotamia. These communal lands are often mentioned in the kudurwr. p. which the king could acquire only by purchase from the owners. the test was Government land (miri) and allotted to the village as commcm land (mesha’). for there is no mention of any service attached to them. the annual tithe due to Yahweh (Lv 27: 3-32). cf. Erevm ECONOMIC LIFE I I Landed pmpmy N Egypt all tbe land belonged to the Pbxaoh or the temples.5-L??. in the same way. This development of the fief was already far advanced when ~rrael first appeared as a people. though. When Saul promises to exempt the family of the man who slays the Philistine champion (I S 17: ZJ). 18. As Yahweh is the only true king of Israel (Jg 8 : 23 . the fief were distributed by drawing lots.a It is also in virtue of God’s supreme dominion that teligious law limits the rights of the human occupants: hence the duty of leaving gleanings of corn and vines for the poor (Lv rg: *IO.rS: :. *. made to an individual in return for the obligation to render personal services. 16s 1 : I S 12 : I& so he is the sole lord of the soil. cf. This property-tight which God retains over all lands was invoked as the basis of the law of Jubilee (Lv 25: 23). 1.8~:z. In Mesopotamia.Dt1:3~-36). the Promiwd Land. traces of which still remain. was shared by lot between the aibes. 1~:1. but we arc on Philistine t&tory.16:1.4 When the tribe becomes settled. This idea of comnmn property still sutvives in modem times. i ‘. Only cmce is there an unmistakable reference to feudal services: David received the town of Siqlag from the Philistine prince of Gath on condition that he ensured the policing ofthe desert and followedhis suzerain to war ( I S 17: 6. The Code of Hammunbi and the Hit& Code devote several articles to it and it is frequently alluded to in the Nuzu and Ugarit documents. With these and other lands of his estates. but the oldest texts show that communities.. the same system ma. it is particularly noticeable among the Aramaean tribes on the T&is banks. This was divided into plots which were distributed in rotation. This feudal system was very widespread in the Near Fast. @ I I : ECONCJMIC Lm. pp. cf. Neverthelns. is the expression of God’s sovereign dominion over the land. the feudal idea war found in Israel. 26: IZ+). to which personal services are attached. The use of these common lands. or drawn for by lot among the 1. in actual fact the tribes acquired their territories by the hazards of a conquest which is schematized in Jos 6-m. but these lands were given as gifts rather than fiefs. 1. the king and the sanctuaries owned large estates. the reference is to exemption from taxes or forced labour rather than enfranchisement from the service of 2 fief. A fief is a grant of immovable property. of which a man might freely dispose.t3:rS.Ps. p.ItisthelvldhehadpromisedtorheFathers(GnIz:7..thellndhehasconqueredmdgiventohis people (Nb 32: 4.17:~. But probably the drawing oflots among the Tribes for the Holy Land is only an imaginative extension to the whole people of what in fact took place at the level of the clan and the family. according to Jos 13: 6. 24: 11-13. 9. At first the fief appears as an inalienable charge. l. however. Rt 2). each member of which cultivates a part for his own benefit. which were ptivate property (mu/k).d:4. to be uteri in Yahweh’s presence (Dt 14: z&27). It was even later that this people became P centralized state. this was already happening in Saul’s time.Ex3~:t3. and the Israclires were astonished at this land system which was 50 differem from their own (Gn 47: x-26). . and the king could not legally force him to do so (I K 21). the faithful man has Yahweh for his plot. and that & land is not restored to the impoverished kinsman. 32. cf. One of the duties of the go’d 3 was to buy tbe land which his near relation had to abandon. Cf. Hence Jcrcmias buys the field of his cousin Hanameel (Jr 32: 69). or by paid workmcn. The aim of this institution is to keep for kinsfolk the property which the head of a family cannot keep for bimsclfand his direct dcsccndants. dad A. was the normal system in Israel.~ The system of rent-holding or mCtnyage. p.166 II: cnm INSnIun0NS Eli”. the monop&zenwill be dcspoiledand ‘will hxve none to cat the line for them on a plot in the assembly of Yahweh’: according to Ps 16: s-6. not merely to retain it in the cl& compared with the institution of thcgo’rl. Finally. It was dcfincd by boundaries which it was strictly forbidden by law tO CCL.both refused to surrender his vineyard a. 133.: 2 condemns those ‘who covet Gelds and seize them. the line marks out for him a choice portion.1 and 11-11. pp. In our texts the wordg&al. PI 22: 28. in place of the ncarest go’rl. Yahweh himself ‘drew by lot the portion of each one’. This commual property. so that their portion may not be transf%red to another tribe (Nb 36: 6-9). 36: 2. Cf. . Mi 4: 4.3 The royal estate was managed by stewards ( I ch 27: +31). the land is bequeathed to his daughters (Nb 27: 7-s). The same wordg&al. It is mobable that when land was inherited it was not shared like the other property but passed to the cl&t son or remained undividcd. though it was known in Mesopotamia. The peasant was deeply attached to the piece of ground he had inherited from his fathers: Na. made in the presence ofwitnesses in a public place. ‘heritage’.KWc @t IQ: 14. If& owner dies childless. was Off&g for s& (Rt 4: 9).~ If a man dies without male heirs. This ancestral estate often contained the family tomb (Jos 24: 30. Note &at in these cases there is no question of the repurchase of a property already sold.5 must be interpreted: ifan Israelite falls into distress and has to sell his land. I S 8: 13). which. ‘lot’ and ‘plot’. his nearest go’cf coma ‘to his house’ (Bcnerally omitted by translators) and buys what he has to sell. heads of families. z. cf. But in Lv 25 this ancient arrangement is recalled in a d&rent context: the object of the Law of Jubilee is in fact to restore property to the individual or family which used to possess it. Thcx are the only concrete cases recorded in the Bible and it is in their light that the law of Lv 25: z. Mi z. and worked by the labour of State slaves and the levy of free men (I S 8: 12). According to Is 34: 17.37 24: 2. it thus links up with the laws on the marriage of heiresxs and inberitmce in the collateral line. the collection and profits of which were left by the king to his o&err (cf. however. pp. which could be an allusion to a mPtayagc. until there is no room left for mycane else’. and Boaz. 1. who furnishes stock and seed. 111-x21. Gn 23). buys the land of 1. 72-n. Utopian. The USC of such figures would have no m&g u&s there existed an actual custom similar to the modern practice. pp. and ‘divided the land to them byline’. which Naomi. 1. but becomes the property of the go’el. If the Law of Levirate bids a man to marry his widowed and childless sister-b-law. houses and they take them’. but they must marry within their tribe. . Am 3 : II blames the rich for taking tribute from the corn of the poor. 1. at the town gate: thus Boaz acquires the property of Naomi and the right to marry her daughter-in-law (Rt 4: 9-n). or that at least it should not tnss out of the familv. an Israelite was obliged by poverty to sell his patrim o ny.t Y&reel to A&b.&. this is the same division by lot betwccr clans and families as that prescribed by Nb a6: 55-56. was apparently never pracdscd in Israel in early days. and perhaps a partition of this kind is alluded to in Jr 37: 12. p. and the earliest documents UC the contracts of mhayage discovered in the caves of Murabbdar. I S 25: 1. alternates with hekq.‘Za 3: I D) . Cf p. The first mention of the renting of lands is found in the parable in Mt ZI : 33-41. 76. I I I The sale ofa property was recorded by a contract. These latijundia (large estates) wcrc worked by slaves (2 S Q: I O). Public feeling and custom took care &at this patrimony was not alienated. is fir less in evidence than family property. Except for its temporary nature. cf. 33: 54. this tocn is what Ezecbid foretold for tbc future Israel (Ez 45: I. but it is also to prcvcnt the alienation of the family propcrty.7: 7. his uncles or his nearest kinsman (Nb 27: g-11). OS 5: 10). the object is no doubt to raise up descendants to the deceased.D. land tmurc in which the farmer pays a part (usually half) of the produce as rent to the ovmcr. the inheritance reverts to his brothers. 47: 22).~ !%metimes. 27: 17. but of a prior right to purchase a property offered for sale. This might be simply an oral contract. I K 2: 34.*. it seems. 23: 10. Abraham’s purchase of the field ofEphron is I. originally ‘a pebble’. the temporary use ofwbicb was divided among a number of families. and was later provided for in the Rabbi& period. 53. it will be recalled that the king owned large estates. cf. ‘portion’ and nahalah. means both the ‘lot’ which 7uas drawn ad the ‘plot’ assigned by the lot. The social ideal war that everv man should live ‘under his vine and under his fig-tree’ ( I K 5 : 5 . but it may refer to the tithe. 2. it is something new an& as we shall see. inMi z: 5. his widow. . Cf. CF. Is 5: 8 curses ‘those who add house to how and join field to field. But the go’el did not always exercise his right of prc-emption and the economic development of the fast centutica of the monarchy~ hastened the break-up offamily properties in favour of rich landlords. 4: I. dating from the beginning of the second century of our era. The hiring of money and I. but it doa so in great detail (or 32: 614). But in Jeremias’ time this custom no longer survived in Mesopotamia. A late example of rhis procedure occurs in the Book of Tobias (Tb I: 14. David buys the threshing-floor and oxen of Araunah for fifty shekclr (2 S 24: 24). the money is weighed out. separated by a blank space. the names of the contraning parties and the witncsses. which had long existed in Canan and all the Near Eat. It could be consulted at will but was liable to be falsified. Jeremias buys the field offered for sale by his cousin Hanameel. the other rolled up but not sealed: this is the ‘open’ copy ofwbichJeremias speaks. Cf. otherwise he owes compensation.~ve of Macpelah for 400 shekels (Gn 23: IS). the pbrasc ‘ova Edom I cast my sandal’ implies taking possession. The deed is nude out in duplicate. on parchment. se&d and signed by the witnesses. Deposit is a free contract by which a man places an object in the safe keep ing ofanother. 9: 5). rhc other ‘open’. All is dune ‘according to the prescribed rules’ and the two copies are given to Ban& to be preserved in an earthen vase. If the thing deposited disappears or is damaged through no fault of the depositary.7: 16 the v&e of a Geld is calculated at fifty shekels for every bomn of barley produced. too. nor the purchasiig powet of silver at the different periods. At Nuzu. since we know neither the arca of the lands nor the exact weight of the shekel. Jacob pays P hundred qe. confirmed by Si 46: 19. The transxtion at Hcbrcm may welI have been condudcd by the drawing up of such P contract. or bought. This is not true of hiring. Cf p. performed before witnesses. The same meaning would then be found in the Greek of I S 12: 3.. It is mere chance dut Ihe Bible speaks only once of a written contract. was certainly widespread in Israel. but this form of contract-apart from the hiring of services from wage-amers~was scarcely known among the Israelites. it was once the custom in Israel to validate all transac_ dons in this way: one of the parties removed his sandal and gave it tu the u&r. A deposit involves no charge on either of the parties. less probably. from the Hellenistic period onwards. 8: 6. Here. Jeremias’ field costs him seventeen shekels (or 32: 9). Omri pays two talents of silver (6. The law of Lv 5: 21-26 adds that if he makes a false declaration he must restore the deposit and one fifth.~c.C. early days the transfer of ptoperty was ratified by a symbolic action. he may exonerate himself by taking an oath. The contract is drawn up. According to Rt 4: 7. have lately been discovered in ~&tine. the seller lifted his foot off the ground he was selling. This action. each of whom kept half of the document. Bamch was to put the contmzt in an earthen vessel: the custom ofpreserving family archives in this way is attested by many archxological finds. in Am 2: 6. Mention of the gate of the town recalls the clause in certain contnctr at Nuzu. The Babylonian law of Esbnunna and the Code of Hammurabi contain similar provisions.1 shekels) for the bill of Samaria (I K 16: 24). Ias &u reprewted as an oral transaction. the poor man who is sold. This is the earliest evidence of a type of document of which there are many examples in Egypt. J: 3. drawn up in Hebrew.+h (due unknown) for the land of She&m (Gn 33 : 19. This may explain. Naomi’s first go’rl in this way renounces his right of pre-emption in favour of Bou (Rt 4: 8) . and the latter requires the deposit to be made before witnesses and registered by a contract. signified the abandonment of a right.. Abraham buys the field and . On presentation of the document the representative of Tobios was given back the deposit. made in the sight of all who passed through the gate ofthc town (Gn 23: 17-18). The use of written contracts. . Jos 24: 32). But its terms are as precise as a legal deed and comparable to the cuntracts on cuneiform tablets: a de&p tion of rhe land Icquired. and placed the buyer’s foot on it. 76. The deposit was confirmed in writing. and drawn up in Assyrian. and moreover his deed of purchase. This has been compared with the duplicate documents of Mesopotamia: the tablet of the contract was wrapped in a sheath of clay on which the same text was reproduced. if a &pute arose the scaled copy was opened. p. would be written on papyrus or. These statements give us a certain order of values but nothing cuct. Samuel has not taken a pair of sandals from any man. The elder Tobias deposited ten talents of silver with Gabael in sealed bags. 1. 1. movable objects and animals. The first cupy was rolled up and sealed. 20. while the exaction has been given a cloak of legality. signed by the depositor and the depositary. he has nut twisted the law to make an illicit profit. a pair ofshoer (and a garment) appears as a fictitious payment to convalidate certain irregular transactions. which. I. that is. The Code of the Covenant (Ex a: 6-12) provides for the deposit of money. who does nut make use ofit and gives it back on demand. he is dispossessed of the tight he had over his brother’s widow. We have already said that Am 5: II contains only an uncertain &sion to the hiring of lands. if interpreted in the light of the Hittite law. Two cuneiform tablets found at Suer contain c~ntrxts of sale made under Assyrian rule in the seventh century B.I I : BCONOMlC UFP. the brother-in-law who declines the moral obligadun of the levitate has his shot removed (Dt 25 : 9-m) .1 The shoe seems to have served u a probative instrument in transfers of land: in Ps 60: IO= 108: IO. According to Lv 2. for a pair of sandals: he has been unjustly dispossessed. The Old Testament tells w little about the value of land. There is only the text of Ex 22: 14. may refer tu the hiring of a beast. one document is sealed. drawn up ‘after proclamation at the gate’. some. On the same sheet of papyrus two copies of the contact were written. But the orphan’s ass and the widow’s ox (in Jb 24: 3) are real sureties. The Massoretic text of Nc 5: II was interpreted by the Vulgate. (uibolah. and the parable in Mt 25: 27. but the interest on loans of corn was the same as in Babylonia. According to Dt z. 5. A movable pledge is called @bol. This garment. In Upper Mesopotamia and in Elam. as meaning an interest of one per cent a month. It was forbidden to accept as sureties objects which arc means of livelihood. at rates which stnke us a usury. This provision is developed by the law of Dt 23 : 20. such as the mill or the millstone (Dt 24: 6). From Rabbitic sources it appears that the Jer~nalem Temple itselflent at interest. Only once is there any question of immovable pledges: according to Ne . but the code of the Covenant says that the poor nun’s garment must be given back to him at dusk. cord and staff as pledge. where we have. 35: IS). and tarblrh. when David W&E sent to his brothers he had to bring back to his father a pledge. 6. and the same precept is found in Lv z. The Greek papyri ofEgypt. It is one of the sins for which Jerusalem is condemned (Ez a: 12)). comes the English ‘an earnest’). ‘erobdn (whence. proportionate in value to the credit.). cf.. these words seem to be synonymous (ct the identical presctipdons ofEx 22: 25-26. which contemplates only loans between Israelites. cf. he should have found help among his clan or tribe.3 : 35-38. Securities To guard against his debtor’s defaulting. but this text is corrupt. but the wicked does so (Pr 2. but a symbolic instrument. because it is all he has to covet himself with at night (Ex 22: 25-26. But many refused because the bottowero did not honout their obligations and did not discharge them. In credit operations the pledge is a surety.: Clvn INSTIv. a bite) or else he signs a receipt for forty shekels and undertakes to pay sixty on maturity (tarbEth. 17). In spite of attempts to &ting& between their meanings. 16. the creditor may not enter the debtor’s house to take his pledge for himself. cf. the vocabulary reflects an evolution in the system oflending: either the borrower signs a receipt for sixty shekels and only receives forty (nerhek. 2. Loans When an Israelite fell on hard times and was reduced to borrowing. Possibly. Lending at interest was in fact practised by all Israel’s neighbows. would give us the final stage in the development: here marbith is the only word used for interest. in the light of Roman usage. and in Ne 5: 1-13 we find the people burdened with debts. Possibly nerhrk at first referred to any kind of loan (cf. cf. 112: 5. the interest on money was higher-up to one-third ot a half. The just man does not lend at interest. a substitute for the person.mONS foodstut&. ‘increase’. was not P real pledge. and the cognate verbs mean ‘to engage’. torblth then applying to loam in kind (cf. Si 29: I-Z. Ez 18: 8. The pledge was often a garment. through Greek and Latin. even in money. which the creditor was forbidden to keep except in the dayrime. however. Lk 19: 23 presumer that the custom was common and accepted. Am 2: 8).170 1. literally. one may not take interest on money. or ‘db& ‘abtft. In Gn 38: 17-18. Things were no better after the Exile. The former word is found alone in the laws afEx and Dt and in Ps 15 : 5. AU this concerns loans without interest. We do not know what the practice was in Israel. and Dt 24: 12r13.C . 15: 6). These pledges were sureties accepted when the loan was granted: they remained the property of the debtor and there is nothing to show that the creditor had the tight to realize them in order to recoup himself: the pledge must be retuned (Ez 18: 12. too. even when they were able to (Si 29: 3-7.4: 10-11. Lending at interest. In Egypt the tate dropped in the Ptolemaic period and seam to have been twelve per cent per annum at Elephantine. the cognate form mmbith). Lending to the poor is a good deed (Ps 37: a. on the other hand. In that case the Aramaic of Elephantine. cf. in the fifth century B . this was also the maximum pctmitted fate at Rome at the beginning of our era. was practised by the Jews at Elephantine. an object in the possession of the debtor which he hands over to the creditor as guarantee for his debt. and often much more. the creditor could demand a security. of her fee. or finally an increment to take account ofthe depreciation of the provisions borrowed in winter and restored after the harvest. Jb 22: 6. literally. Mt 5: 42). the law is repeated in Dt 24: 12-13. the only kind of loan allowed by the Code of the Covenant (Ex 22: 24). no doubt in order to avoid all appearance of seizure. increase). ‘a bite’. 8: 12). ‘bt).l rate of interest in the an&nt Near East was very high: in Baby&a and Assyria it was generally a quarter or a fifth for money Icans. when pricer stand lower. Economic development and example from abroad led to frequent violation of these laws. but one may lend at interest to a foreigner (Dt 23: 21. food ot anything whatever lent to one’s brother.4: 9 (tort. show tha: the Jews did not take to these strictly banking operations till a late period. which can even be used to p&it. in spite of legal prohibitions.8: 8. 13. According to I S 17: 18. Alternatively. rarbirh may be an increaw provided for in care of non-execntion. Dt 23 : 20) and was later restricted to loans ofmoney. a probative pledge. was developed in the form afloans at interest. it must be handed to him outside. says Ps 15: 5. which seems to have been generally ttne of movable pledges in Israel. Interest is called in Hebrew neshek. In later texts it is always used along with the second. ‘arubbah. Judah gives Tamat his signet. as proofthat he had fulfilled his errand. a third for loans in kind. hbl. as an exception. Information is so satce that we can only guess. Lv 25 : 37. and it is hard to distinguish between them. I I : BCOtiOMlC LIFE 171 The ant~w. one must not go svety beyond one’s means (Si 29: t4-20. who employed him to recover the interest and. The debt contracted on this guarantee is called markska’ak (Dt 24: 10. d 8: 13). : Yahweh has not sold his children.). 20: 16=26: 13. or whether the law orders a general measure. According to Dt 24: I”. either by obtaining it from the debtor or by substitudng himself for him.~~: 26. and then all persons who have been enslaved for not~-~a~tnent of a debt ate set free (w. According to the Code of the Covenant again. It is possible that movable pledges. 1-6).7: 13. The context agai” allows UJ to understand it as a personal pledge in Ne 5 : 7. applicable at a fixed date. The collections of laws do not mention it. and thanks to the miracle ofEliseus she redeems her pledge (n’skf) and keeps her children. In Ne 5 : 2 (co~r. 8.Jb 1 7 : 3). and going surety has brought nuny to their ruin. however. the revenue from which gwr t” pay off the debt. Sureties ad bail The seizure of the pledged person or the actual debtor could be prevented by entering bail or surety 1n Biblical law the surety is the person who. p.InMesopotamia he ‘struck the forehead’ of the debtor. The latter solution is favoured by the following verse. which repeat the law of Ex ZI : z-6 in this new context.. 5) and Nehemiah demvlded restitution (v. cf. There is very early evidence of it in Mesopotamia. for the creditors were already installed in these properties (v. is a garment. I s 22: 2. but the resemblance between the actions is probably only outward. and setting them free involves writing off the debt. It is at least a profit-bluing surety. referring to the sabbatical year. 17: 18. a fact which contradicts the notion of a pledge. but his beneficiary is not always grateful.’ This passage apparently meanv that the six years are counted from the time a ma” enters into service. The Code of the Covenant rebukes the practice (Ex 22: 24) and Nehemias was bitterly angry at it (Ne 5: 6f. but there are many allusions to it in the Sapiential books. especially g-en”. if necessary. 173 and the texts in Pr I I: to. 2~: 27).shakinghands(Pr6: I. which refers to the sabbath day and is formulated in the ante way (Ex 23: 12). according to w. prove that this retision is general and bappem at fixed dates: no one may refuse a loan to his poorer brother. comes to take the widow’s two sons to make them his slaves. vineyards and houses in order to get corn. the n&he’. This destroyed that social equality which had existed at the time of the vibal federation and which still remained as XI ideal. and this is also the sense which must be given to mashska’ in NC IO: 32.) and 5. since the pmpxty ‘belongs to others’ (v. that is. The ‘remission’ (sh’mi&zh) occuts every seventh year. The surety had to try to free himself by importuning the debtor till he paid up (PI 6: 3-5).1 7. Tkc sabbaricd year Alienation of family property and the development of lending at interest led to the growth of pauperism and the enslavement of defaulting debtors or their dependants. 47). It is more than a mortgage. He passed into the service of the creditor. to lenders on pledge). the ma” who lends against security (mahrkiah) must not go into the debtor’s house to seilc the pledge (Lb&) which. it is perhaps a” alienation pure and simple. I. ‘intervenes’ (the rcmt ‘rb). Lv 23: 39. the sabbatical yeat and the jubilee year. 81. (I?. Insolvency was the main cause of Israelites being reduced to slavery. thinking: ‘Soon it will be the seventh year. The Code of the Covenant provided that a” Israelite slave should not be kept more than six years: he was set at liberty in the seventh yeax. ECONOMIC LIFE . when the debt matures. II (corr. vineyards and olive groves are to lie fallow every seventh year and their produce is to be left for the poor (Ex zj : IHI). like Dt 15. Vv. II: 15. The surety intervened by the symbolic gesture of ‘striking the hands’. are an invitation to interpret that law in the same manna: the slaves are inrolvent debtors who have ‘sold’ themselves or have been ‘sold’. ““less he preferred to stay with his master (Ex + I : w5). the Israelites. the year of remission. in any case. The same passage shows LU that the pledge was someone dependent on the debtor and not the debtor himrelf. show that the practice was not of late date in Israel. the pledge of a man’s own pcrso”. I. 5).r?2 tt: cwu. Now in Dt 15: z the maskrkrk is a person who works for the creditor. CL p. PI 22: ~6). IO. 11). tz-13. Verses 12-28. or sell himself to a third party so as to repay his debt (Dt 15: 12. INST*TunONS II: 5 : 3 the Jews pledged their fields. but they are still with her. otherwise he himself becvne &able to seizure (Pr 20: 16=2. 17: 18. the fields. Religious legislation attempted to remedy these evils by two institutions. If he had no personal pledge the defaulting debtor had to enter the service ofbis creditor. Such me” easiiy made themselves odious through the exercise of their rights. cf. The person who stood as security was hvlded “vet to the creditor only when the debt matured and in case of “on-payment. were only ptcbativc instruments of a weightier guarantee. the Jews pledge their sons and daughters. where the same word is used. Sira& is less unfavourable to the practice: a good nun goes surety for his “eighbour. the principal. The text doer not say whether this reckoning varies with each field and owner. There is no such ““certainty in the law of Deuteronomy (Dt I 5 : 1-18). in favour of the insolvent debtor and assunxs responsibility for the payment of the debt. Ps 109: II). who are handed over into slavery (d Is so:. which belong t” the ’ salomonic’ collectio”s. 7-11. The Book of Proverbs warns rash me” against thus going surety for their friends or for strangers. This is clear from the story in 2 K 4: t-7: the lender against security. But no exact parallel has been found for the remission in the sabbatical year. 2 Ch 36: 21. The law of Ex 23: IO-I 1 about land. The seven-year periods recur in other Biblical contexts (Gn 4r: 25-36. They nre dated in Febmaty. which provides for their libuation every seventh year. 1t is very unlikely rhat the ‘sign’ given by IS&~ (2 K s9 : zp= Is 37: 30) refers to the sabbatical (or jubilee) year. But in such a developed society it is hard to suppose dut there was z general return of lands and real propc’ty to theit original owners or their heirs. 43. The fields lay f&w: every man re-entercd his ancestral property. Religious grounds are given for these measures: the land cannot be sold absolutely. was given rest: it is signifunt that contracts of mt+aymyage found in the same place arc concluded up to the next sabbatical year (sh’mitbdt). zucording to a cycle which is reckoned to begin. In the Bible itself there is scarcely my evidence for the institution apxt from the legislative texts. For the reign of Herod we have another piece ofevidence that the law existed and was a source of embarrassment to lenders. 8-10. which orders the reading of the Law’evcty scvcn yexs. for they are the servants of God. too. 26: 34. more or less. the lands must have been left fallow for two consecwive years. Cf. and comes from periods of national and religious fcrvour. The sabbatical yeu is therefore an ancient institution. Nehemias made them promise to give up in the seventh year the produce of the soil and persons held ar sureties. so the purchase price of these slaves was reckoned from the nmnbcr of years still to elapse before the nextjubilee. Finally. defaulting dcbton and IsraeIitc slaves were set free. against the cvidcnce ofw. II) without waiting for the sabbatical cycle. a Ptolcmaic papyrus remitting a debt contracted seven years earlier does not necessarily imply either the same practice ot Jewish influence. whence the use of the same word ‘rabbxh’ to denote both this year of rest uld the whole period (LV zs : 8. till the harvest (Lv 25: x8-22). that this fif&th year was really the forty-ninth.C. nor even that it was known but not observed. It recurred every ffty years. the lxst of the sabbatical years. 53). at the end of seven weeks of years. this does not mean that the law was then unknown. God pledges his bluing for the sixth year. but complains that the law is not observed. Secondly. but it is hard to say how ftithfully the Israelites observed it. which would mark the beginning. Unless we arbiuarily suppose. is repeated by Lv 25 : z-7: every seventh year the land is to have its sabbatical rest. the Jews lacked provisions. would allow us to trace this observance down to the beginning of rhe reign of Herod the Great. not found in Deuteronomy.174 It: ClYlL INSTI~UIs”NI The genenl and pctiodic nature of this institution is confirmed by Dt 3 I : E11. which could only be m-purchased in the year after their sale. for it belongs to God. Israclitcs cannot bc cast into perpetual slavery. of il sabbatical period. The land. signifying the abandonment of debts. till the Hellenistic period that we find clear proof that the law was applied. cxccpt for the town houses. Dn 9: 24-27). the Holy Land was never able to ‘enjoy its sabbaths’ tiU the Jews were deported. This text raises some difficult problems. several parts of which gpply equally to both). and in OrientsI literature. the produce of which wilI enable them to live through the year of fallow and the next year too. 1t was a general cmmcipation (d’r&) of aU the inhabitants of the land. ‘for it was a sabbatical year granted to the land’ ( I M 6: 49. loans at interest and enslavemat for debt arc current practice. at least in leaving land fallow: in 163-162 B. the time fixed for the year of remission’. and such was indeed the ca~c in the period of the monarchy. It is not. tramactiom in land had to be made by UlcuLting the number of years before the next jubilee: one did not buy the ground but so many harvests. p. The law presumes that the transfer of property. A. During this period H&l invented a way of circumventing the law by the prosbol: a clause was inserted in the contract by which the debtor renounced the advantage he would have gained from dx sabbatical 175 year. Positive cvidmce is rare and late.D. in connection with which Jeremias quotes Dt IS: u-13. There is no evidence that the law was ever in fact applied. An xknowledgment of a debt containing such a &use hu hm dis_ covered at Mutabba’at.e. in spite of the analogies of the text with Lv 25: 21-z The freeing of the slaver under Scdecias is an exceptional measure. 43). After the Exile. 1 I: ECONOMIC LIFE In Lv zs prescriptions about the sabbatical year are combined with those on the jubilee year (Lv 25: 8-17. ending in the sabbath rest. Two legi&tive passages refer to it (Lv 27: 16-2~ and Nb 36: 4) but they belong to the fmal I. the ditections on the redemption or liberation of the slav. The jubilee (ySbrl) is so called because itp opening wap announced by the sound of the trumpet (y6bel). for the social crisis demanded an immediate solution (cf. **. cf. Other historic& data are provided by the historian Josephus. 133. by 1 ubbath year. who brought them mu of Egypt. Conxqucntly. 23-55. these. The practiul application of this law seems to mcountcr insuperable obstacles. From all these provisions it appears that the sabbatical year was marked by 2 rest for the land and the setting free of Israelite slaves.z would bc in&ctive in them&as and arc in contradiction to the law of the sabbatical year. 35. if they were more reliable. According to the tradition of Lv 26: 35-36. Though Nc 5: 1-13 makes no allusion to it. the fields and houses which had been s&mated returned to their original owners. from the people’s entry into the Promised Land. v. which obviously refers to the prescriptions of the sabbatical year (Ne 10:32). the time when contmcts of land tenure would be renewed. however. i. . The cycle ofseven years is obviously inspired by the week of seven days. But Ezechiel’s directions are for a future time. Jr 34: rqquotes Dt 15. Some arguments. It is set forth as a development of the sabbatical law. No historica text mentions it. as io Lv 25: IO. The Law of Jubilee thus appears to set out an ideal of justice and social equality which was never realized.l But we must note that nowhere outside the Bible is the fihieth year marked by a redistribution of the land 01 a remission of debts and of persons taken as sureties. In the prophetical books. the Law ofJubilee was a late and ineffective attempt to make the Jabb& cal law more stringent by extending it to landed property. The seven sabbatical years. which had not lost all its value in rural practice and in the religious sphere. and at the s-e time to make it easier to observe. by spacing out the years of remission. for he does not refer to it. Pentecost (Lv 23: 15-16). Or it might have been written after the Exile. The inalienable nature of the patrimony. and moreover this particular text is generally considered to be an addition. if this passage is the work ofEzechic1. followed by the jubilee of the fiftieth year. is an ancient idea. Taking al! these elements into account.C LCFE . but not Lv 25. p. But it was a Utopian law and it remained a dead letter. It is d&cult to say when it was thought out. nor is there any evidence whatever of such a general liberation. On the sobjectoftheliberation ofthe Hebrew slaves. at any time whatever. or its invalidation for a legal tlaw. A connection has been suggested with the Akkadian word a(n)duraru of duraru. would favour a much earlier date. which this law safeguards. meaning exemption. one may advance the hypothesis I_ a. It forms pan of the Code of Holiness (Lv 17-ti). on the other hand. IC was inspired by aocient ideas. 177 that. Now the cycles of fifty days are the basis of an ngricolturaI calendar which may have been used in Caman and which still survives to some extent among the peasants of Palestinc. in which case Ez 46: 17 would reflect the same preoccupations. but this action merely signifies the ~cpudiation or annulment of an agreement. *so. which is the oldest section of Leviticus and may have been compiled by the priests at Jerusalem at the end of the monarchy: but the Law ofJubilee is an addition to the Code of Holiness. have their parallel in the seven sabbaths between the presentation ofthe first sheaf and the Feast of Weeks. Nehemias makes the people promise to observe the sabbatical year. the gih reverts to the prince ‘in the year of emancipation’ (&Sr). or the folfilment ofthe obligation. II : BCOciOM. which is obviously related to the Hebrew d%: but this term never denotes a general and periodical remission of obligations. even after Nehemias. even when it seemr to be required by the context. and is still unknown in the dme of Jercmias.5. Some have appealed to the evidence of cuneiform tablets which mention that the tablets (of contracts) have been broken. where the prophet proclaims a year of grxe and emancipation (d’r8r) for the captives. It might have been written during the Exile.u: CIVIL . emancipation or declaration of a state of freedom. but says nothing about the jubilee year (Ne IO: 32). and made use of the &amework of an archaic calendar. Ez 46: 17 apparently refers to it: if the prince makes a gift from his domain to one of his servants. Another even less probable allusion may be found in Is 61: I-Z. celebrated on the fiftieth day. but this text is port-E&c.N~Trrun0N$ 176 revision of the Pentatcuch and clearly depend on Lv z. Babylonian a~tro”om~r~ were well aware that the two years coincided at the end of nineteen years if seven lunar months had been intercalated. The day is measured by the apparent revolution of the sun round the earth. they dup& utcd it by a new htnar calendar. the development of civil and religious institutions. and the civil year gradually drew apart from the natural year: the f&t day of the first month could not fall on the h&al rising of Siriur for another 1460 years (Sotbiac period). They were subject to various inA”ettcn under the stress of invasions and foreign r&. in which a supplementary month was inter_ alated. Mesopotvnia was faithful to a lunar calendar from very early days: the year comprised twelve months of 29 or 3” days without ftxed order. and the ancient history of the calendar is very complicated. which follows a non-rectified lunar year.C . which regulates all life. and the names of their months were partly connected with agricultural operations. the easiest ““it t” observe. The Egyptians took a long time to deal with this. Public authority decided the years in which intercalation was to be made. 5 ltoun and a fraction. The tz: “t”tStONS OP TlME . but from the time of Hanunurabi the calendar of Nippur gradually won favour. The names of the months varied at first in d&rent regions. by the decree of Campus. the month by the moon’s revolution mund the earth.%riptio”s revell D certain number of pbomician month-names. But very early in the East. the discrepancy htweat the civil and natural year had &come too flagrant. These systems varied in different times atld places. according to P simple tllle founded o” a twenty-five-year cycle. but the lunar month does not equal an integral number of days. The coming month mat then be called second ~htlu. It is a rather practical innovation of Islam. at least for official documents: a” insaiption of the thirteenth century B . the yar began in the spring. but the latter dropped a day betid the civil year every four years. in the middle of the second millennium.C. The Nuzu calendar. In Northern Syria the Hwrite names of months appear side by side with Sentitic names.CHAPTER TWELVE DIVISIONS OF TIME E read in Gn I: 14 that God created the EUI~ and the nmo” ‘to divide the day from the night and to serve as signs. a solar year was decreed. and Assyria had several calendars concurrently down to Tiglath-Pileser I. In this. The day. to establish a” &i&I calendar. the year by the earth’s revolution round the sun. It ~1s the nearest possible number of days to the natural year. or second Addam (the twel&h month).. contracts between individuals.C. The Egyptians adopted at first a lunar calendar. I” a primitive society these di&cnces are of little importance and only need to be corrected &om tbnc to tinte by cmpiricll readjustments. and tw&e lunar months amount to 35~ days. found at Tell ed-Duweir (L&h) mentions deliveries of wheat in the second and fourth months of the flooding (of the Nile). which remained a dead letter. but do “of enable us to determine their order. however. all made it necessary to fw past and future dates. but this was “or proposed tilI 237 B.’ This was s!iIl the practice in the Persia” period. 8 hours and a fraction. At the beginning of the third miuennium B. After a century or two of the ‘New’ t79 civil calendar. with twelve months ofthirty days each. to avoid these arbitrary readjusmxtlts and t” meet the needs of civil life. making 365 days. adjusted to ensure that the heliacal rising of Sirius (Sothis)-whose feast had to t%ll in the 1st month of the year--should mark the year’s end. called second Ulul” (the sixth month). is not primitive. one of the three seasotts of the Egyptian year. Thur Hammurabi wrote to one of his officials: ‘This Year ha at intcrcakq month. WC still know little about the ancient calendar of Syria and Palestine. starting from the heliacal rising of Sirius.. and ended on the last day of Addam The discrepay of eleven days between this lunv year and the solar year wu corrected every two or three years by the addition of a thirteenth month.plurfive supernumerary days.C. and time is in practice reckoned by the cwrser of these ova bodies. The right solution would have bee” to add a day to every fourth civil yw. in short. The pr&lamic Arabs followed a lunar year. in which the months do not remain constant with the seasons. I”. but it was 0”ly at the beginning of the fourth century B. When theEgyptians were nrasters they introduced their own reckoning. the taxes periodicdy due to the state. adapted to the natunl year by itttercalay monthshs. the next month beginning on the evening when the new crescent moo” was sighted. This calendar regulated the seasonal religious feasts thmughout the whole of Egyptian history. the system which is still with us. that rules for intercalation witbi” this cycle were fixed. public and private. for feasts uld W for the days and the years’. and the “omencla~re is in every use different from that of Maopotamia. who had the Babylonivl calendar adopted. religious festivals. The Moslem calendar. The lunar year is therefore nearly eleven days shorter than the solar year. on the first day of Nisan”. ha! a high proportion of Hurtire names. has necessarily been taken as the basic unit by all systems. but since they did not dare to touch the civil ye%. whereas a year based on the sun has 365 days. In order to keep this agreement between the lunar and solar years a lunar month was added from tie to time. It was only applied by the reform of Julius Caesar instituting a leap year. ONS OP TlME 181 n: Cl”” lNSTlTUT*ONS general impression is one ofgreat confusion. etc. Thus there was. ‘neither night nor day’. which stood at the crossroads of several civilizations and was subjected to varied influences in the murse of its history. and time too.16. but the word means far nmre probably a period of five days or a fifth of a month. coming after the description of each creative work (which clearly happens during the period of light). On the contrary. he wakes and wants to depart. r75 In. t S 30: 12: Is 28: 19. each fifty comprisiig seven weeks. The theory is that the Assyrim merchants who traded in Cappadoda at the beginning of the second millennium B. a period of sixteen days (the shapattum) WY added at the end of this year This calendar. let us make him drink wine again tcnight’ (Gn 19: 34). putting the day first: smtes of references could be quoted (Dt 28: 6447. other passagcr could be quoted. watches. Qo 8: x6). and Mikal says to him: ‘If you do not escape to-night.C. t4. Jr 33 : 20. However. I. The system could be extended to longer periods. He is detained and again stops the night. began on a morning (Gn I: 3-j. Saul’s henchmen arrive at night to take David by surprise. etc. but they are less decisive (Jg 21: 2-4. pp. To-morrow. the father-in-law says to him: ‘Behold. . who reckon seven fifties of days. apart from the superficial and temporary influence of the Egyptian system. was used in Cappadocia concurrently with that of the rectified lunar year. the basic unit is the solar day.‘at evening. The Egyptians reckoned it from one morning to the next and divided it into twelve hours of day time and twelve of night. But this hypothesis rests on weak argumerits.at morning and at noon’. cf. There is no proof that a real solar calendar was used. The opposite conclusion has been drawn from the refrain which punctuates the story of Creation: ‘There was an evening and there was a morning.C. Is 34: IO. or by the survival of a formula rooted in the spoken language. There has recently been an attempt tci prove the existence of an entirely different system in ancient Mesopotamia. cf. and it was in fact in the morning. day’. plus a day of festival. or four hours. As everywhere. But na one can deny that the complexity has been increased by the contradictory hypotheses of modem scholars. p. Nehemiu.’ (Jg 19: 4-9). indicates rather the vacant time till the morning. but they were able to fix tables of concordance for the different months. a difference between the seasonal hour and the real hour. and it seems that a simpler and more coherent solution can be found than those which have recently been proposed. Spend the night here again. for this is the only one based on the observance of the months which preserves a year related to the rhythm of agricultural operations. it F explained by the importance. About the same time in Babylonia. the day is fat advanced towards evening. The fifth day. through this Chrirtian adaptation. the end of a day and the beginning of the next work. with the creation of light. on the other hand. the use of this reckoning in Assyria and Babylonia must have been restricted to the first centuries of the second millennium B. in the calendar of Palestinian pensants. I K 8: 29 and Jr 14: 17. cf. there is evidence of a reckoning by seven-year periods. In Mesopotamia the day was reckoned from one evening to the next. and each /&II had thirty units of four minutes each. however. In the story of the Levite ofEphraim: he stays three days with his father-in-law and stops the night there. In Israel. of the day as opposed to the mght (Za 14: 7. Last night I slept with my father. they said ‘day and night’ or some such phrase. going from one feast t0 another.. it is claimed. and since the needs of both agriculture and mmmerce required agreement with the natural year. Danielspeaksofz. ‘night and day’. when they wanted to indicate the whole length of a day of twenty-fwr hours. Samuel appears to Sad during the night and says to him: ‘To-morrow.1%: 180 DtvIS. The night and the day were divided into six I. but the parallel of 2 Ch 6: 20 in the former case and the readings of the ancient versions in both cases suggest that the Massoretic text should be corrected. to prevent the merchants breaking the . The same complexity is found in Israel. to-mOtrOW ycw are a dead man’ ( I S 19: I I). you and yam wns will be with me’ ( I s 28: 19). In the how of the witch ofEndor. t S 5: 2-4). divided the year into seven periods of fifty days. 193. the first. the day was for a long time reckoned from morning m morning. we have traces of a similar system in the institution of the Jubilee: and the festal calendar of IsraeLa The calendar of the Qumran sectaries enumerates agricultural feasts which were celebrated approximately every fifty days.18). the key argument is the word hamushtum. The sane cm&sicms clearly emerge from certain biblical stories. it was divided into twelve b&u of two hours each. each tsting for two b&u. The same form is found in texts which are not so Lte but certainly pa-Edlic: Ps 55: t8. in the context. that the world began. Thus in the story ofthe daughters of Lot: ‘The next day the elder said to the younger. As seven fifties make only 350 days. The fourth day. Besides. second. the distinction of day and night.3~ ‘evenings and mornings’ (Dn 8: 14).). where we find the order ‘day and night’ in late passages. translated by ‘a fify’ of days. the hours varied in length with the latitude and the season. Esther asks for a fast ofthreedays ‘night and day’(Est 4: 16). early in the morning. This order is found in only two pre-exilic passages. and they reckoned by periods of seven years and fifty years (the d~rum). In the latest books of the Old Testament the expression ‘day and night’ is reversed: Judith praises God ‘night and day’ (Jdt II: 17). as in Egypt. Is 27: 3. this phrase. you will depart. A partial application of this quinquagesimal system is found also in the calendar of Nest&m Christians and. but it is probable that a rectified 1~ calmdar was followed everywhere. This suggests that they reckoned the day starting from the motning. but by New Testament times the Egyptian and Roman custom of four night watches had been adopted (Mt 14: 25.~9:3~. In I K 6: 38 and 8: 2 the word yen&. According to Lv 7: 15 and 22: . Dn g: 21.thehottestdmeoftheday(Gnt8:t. 1 S 6: I: IO: 27. with the Canaanite name of the month.3:3). which means primarily the new moon. Like the Canaanites. the lunar months had ag and 30 days alternatively. the month of the ears of corn (Ex13:4:23: 15. after sunset. The word shn’ah.C. in which Unleavened Bread must be eaten from the evening of the fourteenth day to the evening ofthe twenty-first. but this cannot be stated for certain. which lasts seven days.12: DlvwONS “P TIMB 183 tabbath. The last three names are found with others in Phoenician inscriptions: Abib has not yet been attested there. At first they were given Canaanite names. twilight. which fixer the feast of the Passover in the month of Abib (Dt r6: I).4t. orders the gates of Jerusalem to be shut at nightfall.3:6. One could date it more precisely ifit were certain that in Ez 33 : 21-x the evening and the morning of v. 3. IZ hours and a fraction. they called the month Eoderh. and the transfer of the beginning of the feast of the Unleavened Bread from the fifteenth day (Lv 23: 6) to the fourteenth (Ex tz. and it is only by chance that the names do not appear in the historical 1. . The ‘degrees of A&z’ on which the sun receded six degrees at the prayer of Is& (2 K 20: ~II=IS 38: 8) are not a gnomon. Had the day begun in the evening the wording would have ordered the meat to be eaten before the evening. Abib. etc. Here the day Seems to begin at sunset. This method of reckoning is wed in New Testament times and under later Judaism for the sabbath. We know of no terms for the smaller divisions of time.themonthofflowers(rK6:1. since it WPP still used in Deuteronomy. though the reading is uncertain.~8:4. 17). Ex 23: 15. made the month begin from the appearance of the crescent new moc. I s 4: 5). What is certain in any case is that the Israelites followed a lunar month.n at mnset. the Babylonian merhod of reckoning the day had replaced the Egyptian one. rhey probably followed the Egyptian custom to fix the beginning of the month.Dfr6:1). which were connected with the seasons. but has been deciphered in the proto-Sinaitic inscriptions. The miracle in question is not that ofa ‘clock’ going forwards or backwards. As long as the Israelites counted the day from morning to morning. The night was divided into three watches: the first watch (perhaps Lm a: Ig). All this presumes that the day began in the morning. I K 18: 29. 34:r8. the midnight watch(Jg 7: Ig). which alro means the moon: the month is a lunation. This would bring us to the beginning of the Exile: unfortunately the text is not explicit. the eveningbreeze(Gn3:8). ~3. The change of reckoning must therefore have taken place between dte end of the morurchy and the age of Nehemiat.o. and not to be opened till after the sabbath (NC 13: 19). Jos 6: 13. could be explained by a change of reckoning. This was on the whole the Mesopotamian practice. before the sabbath. These two passages belong to the final redaction of the Pentateucb. midday (Gn 43: 16. but it is more d&cult to argue from them since their dates are uncertain. and its being joined with the Passover.). that is to say. etc. not leaving mytbing to bt eaten to the morning of the next day. I K 4: 7) and more often thereafter. The Passover is celebrated on the fourteenth day of the first month. and in Ex 12: 18. Mk r3: 35). 22 both applied to the fifth day of v.37). which in the East is vety short.4:3~.dawn (Gn 19: IS. 5.).Thi~expre~sio~ denotes the time between the sun’s disappearance and nigh&U. If it could. the meat of sacrificer must be eaten the same day. Jos 3: IO).: 8). cf. In Mesopotamia and Egypt water-clocks and gnomcms were used from the second millennium B. I S 30: 17). IQ. the detailed story in I S 20: 18-3~ would be more easily understood. the month in which only the permanent water-courses still flow (I K 8: 2). p.Nb~:3. Sometimes reference was made to the ritual: the time of the evening sacrifxe is an indication of time in I K 18: 29. so they reckoned the lunar month to start from the morning when the last quarter of the preceding moon disappeared. Esd g: 4. The day was divided without precision according to natural phenomena: the morning and the evening(Ex 18: 13. The Babylonians. from this evening to the next evening’ (Lv 23: 3z). the feast of the Unleavened Bread. 4: 6). Etmim. the breeze which blows before sunrise (Ct 2: I. which lata meant ‘hour’. The month As the Egyptians reckoned the day from morning to morning.8). This Canaanite nomenclature was long preserved. I S II: II). perhaps in connection with the ‘high chamber’ mentioned in a gloss in 2 K 23: 12.~:~t. 21. who reckoned the day from one evening to the next. and the last or morning wawh(Ex 14: 24. ‘the evening of the nin& day of the month. begins on the fifiecnth day (Lv 23 : 54: CC Nb 28: 16) and this fifteenth day is the day after the Passover (Nb 33: 3. and an Egyptian sundial of the thirteenth century has been found at Gezer. in the v~ucsenKofamon~entorinsPnt~4:r6. The same duality ir found in &e liturgical texts. So the Samaritans continued to interpret it: the Pharisees explained it as the time preceding sunset. they called the month yerah. Cf.~~.Ziv. too (cf. 34: 18. the setting of the sun (Gn IJ: 12..3~:8. is glossed by the word hoderh with the number of the month: As a lunation takes 29 days. the religiousfeasts and civil life.cf.~3.But~~ Israelites bad ways of t&ng the hours of the day. But very soon. but of the sudden mownunt of a shadow cm a stairway. But the other reckoning appears clearly in the date of the day of Atonement. is only employed in the Aramaic of Daniel.~~. Bul. but a stairway built by A&z.3. the month ofthe great rains ( I K 6: 38). Cc&n religious actions had to be performed ‘be~een the two evenings’ (E~1~:6:t6:1z. Reference to the months by the ordinal numbers remains the regular practice inEzechie1 and. the && month I shall send’ (in the Amama letters). de&‘. 17. but the Babylonian name in its Greek form is generally given alone. giving the following table: Two months: ‘sp Two mauhr: 2. the practice appears under Joiqim (Jr 36: 9. to be observed. As we shall see. seedtime. probably because of their association with heathen worship. with one exception. for the six& mot& (in the at&w of Mari) or ‘I. . Amos sees the locusts swarming ‘at the time when the late growth. the Rule of the Qmnran sect. since the Persivls had adopted the Babylonian calendar’. by the Babylonian name. Siw8n z And also. harvest. 6: IS). 1%. There seems to be evidence that this same Qumran community had a more complete agricultural calendar. As an argument for the antiquity of such P system. In I S 12: 17.5 same mroQ in *c pawi of flS$~fiuC. but here they are matched with the Greek seasons and the order is that of a year beginning in the spring.~ In the official calendar the Canaanite names of the months were at some time replaced by the ordinal numerals: they were then counted from the first to the twelfth month. u. qa$r. listed here without their proper names) and the periods of the agricultural year. one might quote the Egyptian practice of numbering the months of the three annual seuons from one to four.184 II: clvn. Reuben goes out ‘at the time of the wheat harvest’ (Gn 30: 14). the ninth as being the month of ~isleu (2% 7: I). 1t was an of&al calendar.n of the year into three seasom never penetrated into Israel. 34. u). explaining the Canaanite name. 2 M 15: 36). with their approldmatc quivalenu in our calendar: March-Aprii I. cf. Ex 23 : 16 orders the feast of the Harvest. followed. then. 16: 14. after the reign ofJo+ and this is confirmed by Deuteronomy. Two cuneiform tablets of the seventh century tx. which has an inscription attributed to the tenth centmy B. 2. But the Egyptian di. ‘the wheat harvest’ is an indicaion of the season. beginning in the spring. however. This is not a memorandum oftasks to be carried out in the different months ofthe year. comparable to the ‘fifties’ of the modem Palestinian peasants. and the ordinal numbers were substituted for them. It is a calendar.) are from the hand of the redactor. In the Book of Jeretis. Ruth and her mother-in-law arrive at Bethlehem ‘at the beginning of the barley harvest’ (Rt I: a).d for dl. and after the fall ofJerusalem (Jr 41: I). and it seems that in daily life other names were wed. Samson comes to visit his wife ‘at the time of the wheat harvest’ (Jg 15 : I). found at ~ezer. A limestone tablet has been discovered at Gezer.$r s‘rm One month: gv wkl Two months: an. The Old Testament uses several of these terms to mark dates. There is in fact no evidence of this system in the historical books before the xcmmt of the capture of Jerusalem by Nabuchcdonoror (2 K zj= Jr sz). and from the sixth month to the end of the year’ (in the Code of Hammurabi). &r. Iyy” May-June III.. in Aggaem. the Babylonian month-names were in the end accepted by orthodox Judaism. but these are later glosses. times the . Nidn April-&y II. But the redactor of E&as and Nehemias and Chronicles never uses any but the ordinal numbers.$. The other pwaga (Jos 4: 19 and I K tz: jzf. and the Akkadian expressions just quoted arc exceptional and do not form part of genuine dating formulae. These variations show that the Babylonian names were only introduced long after the Exile and did not become current till very late. gave them names drawn Gem agticulture. I: 3). which the peasants called aher the tasks they performed in them. 2:~1. the change coincided with the adoption of the Babylonian year. or ‘I have taken I. which is not surprising. the ordinal number is sometimes given alone (I M 9: 3.. We give here their order in the year.’ Two months: Iph One month: ‘~ddprhr One month: z. and in I K 6: 38 and 8: 2 the numeral of the month is a gloss. but they are written in Assyrian and under Assyrian rule. or Mesopotamian passages such as these: ‘From the beginning of the year to the fifth month. *NsTtTUItoNS 1a: “MSIONS OF nhm 18s books after Solomon. are dated with the Babylonian name of the month. the eleventh month is explained as being the month of Sbebat (Za I: 7). beginniug in the spring. The change was made. cc p.C . The Babylonian names are used in the Aramaic document ofEsd6: IJ and in the memoirs of N&et&s (Ne I: I. Apocryphal works like the Book of Jubilees and the Qumtan literature show what obstinate resistance there was in some religious circles. qtiy’yh summer fruits. But the Babylonian month-names were not accepted at first. The text was certainly drawn up by an Israelite. after the Exile. The Book of Esther always refers to the months by an ordinal. tender shoots. and that of the Ingathering. Ex 34: 32 prescribes the feast ofweeks at the wheat harvest and the feast ofInga&ring. The first three were already in the Gezer calendar. begins to shoot (Am 7: I). In the Book of Zacharias. at the rune p&d. In the Books ofMaccabeer. ‘aslph. Much later. One month: &IJ = Ingaththering = Seedtimc = Late seedtime = Flax gathering = Barley harvest = Harvest (of what) and accounting(?) = Pnmin8 = Summer fruits the cnnem . but D concordance table between twelve Iunations (the months of the official year. naming the four seasons borrowed from the Greeks. which still uses the old name of the month Abib (Dt 16: I). zem‘. In spite of it. 39: I. leqesh. In the oldest liturgical calendars. IO: 21. under Sedecias (Jr 28: I. 13: 51) and somefollowed by Babylonianname (I M 4: 52. like ‘the barley harvest’ in z S ZI : g-m. Some think they can find traces of a similar reckoning in the Old Testament.66:~3. If such a reckoning is uniformly applied. Tckth XI.C. I” Egypt there scenu to have been a ditiion of the months into seven. Tmmmz V. z K 25: I (parallels Jr 52: 4. AU this does not amount to proof. at the full moo”.186 n: cm” lNSnlIJT”JNS I*: D*“ISlONS OF Tfm 187 IV.Os~:13. which comprised twenty-nine or thirty days. the later feast of Purim was also fixed at the full moo”. so familiar to us. Dt 34: 8). Now there are certain passages in the Old Testvnent (a K 4: ~3.I. It m”st be remembered that the two great Israelite feasts. but their frequency makes it probable that from a” early date the period of seven days was a calendar-““it. A discussion of these hypotheses would be to little purpose: it will be more useful to recall the sacred and symbolic value of the number seven and the seven-day periods which recur in the Babylonian poem of Gilgamesh and the poems of Ras Sbantra. the week. were celebrated on the fcwteenth-fifteenth days of the first and seven& months respectively. The mourning for Moses and that for Aaron each lasted thirty days (Nb 20: 29. employs the very rare word krre’ (‘full moon’) so that rhabbath may possibly have the same sclue in the preceding passages as rhopothr has in Akkadian. Ebd VII. and if the little ‘calendars’ found in excavations had to serve for aI1 the months.1 a ‘week’ of six days in the old Assyrian calendar was supplemented by the Israelites with a seventh day. 2 K 3 : g. The origins of this institution. 30. The division of the month into four according to the moon’s quarters is much less evident in the texts. Dn8:13). The fact that a feast was celebrated orthataneventtookplaceonthe tenth ofrhemottthprovcsnothing about the month’s division in time. 4.Thetenthday of the month appears as the date of a feast or a” event (Ex 12: 3 . also Est 4: II. and started again at each new moo”. Since dte luar months had alternately twenty-“inc and thirty days. at least till the cleventb century B. The only unit less than rhe month for which there is good evidence is the period of seven days (rhubi?g). 180. but it “ever became familiar to the Jews. Shcbat XII. which correspond with the lunar phases. one can speak in round terms of thirty days as a month. and the month of Dystros in Tb 2: 12. and at Tell cd-Duweir bone tablets have bee” found. In a lunar calendar the month would naturally be divided according to the moon’s phases. Jg 14: IZ). Ps 81: 4. Ez 20: I. pierced with three parallel lines of ten h&s each. . Tirhri VIII. Lv 16: 29 (parallels: 23: 27. A man of lcttcrs like the historian Josephus uses this system. MarheshwSn IX. 14th (Igtb). Nb 29: 7): JOE 4: 19.). and it may be compared with the mourning of the captive wotnan which lasted D month (Dt 21: I. the Passover and Tents. cf. The context of Gn 24: 55 and of I S 25 : 38 show that this ‘decade’ is only a rough reckoning. At Tell el-Farah in the south.Am8:~)inwhichrherhabbarhiscoupledwith the new moo” II. with Iuar names.. eight. The week III the Egyptian civil calendar the month of thirty days was divided into three decades. and that the Babylonian calendar at least from the seventh century B . ‘ten days or so’.. but it is obvious that dx “umber of days is not constant. for banquets (Est I: s). p. in an identical context.TendaysiraunitoftimeinGnz4:55.C . One of the passages in the Giigamesh poems has a” exact parallel in the story of&e Flood (Gn 8: ma) and seven-day periods are often found in the Old Testament: for marriage celebrations (Gn 29: 27. some novel explanations of the week have recently been proposed. it is independent of the lunar months. These are perhaps ‘calendars’ for counting the days of the month: they date from the beginning of the monarchy. 38. It is true that in the Babylonian Poem of Creation the moo” is assigned the function of marking the periods of the month by its phases. a festal day. they would have needed thirty holes. K&u X. for mourning (Gn 50: IO).1S25:38. It is possible that the I. are very obscure. 33. the twentieth day is mentialed less frequently (Nb 10: II. etc. eight and seven days.Is1:13. since these are not exactly divisible into weeks. These expressions have no formal connection with the calendar. ~1st and 28th days. for a long march (Gn 3 I : 23 .. According to one a&x. Another says that the &mushtu ofthe Cappad&an texts being interpreted ar a fifth of the month. picks out as ‘unlucky days’ the 7t+I . according to the most ancient Babylonian cosmology. noted several other ““lucky days. In the Greek Old Testament we e”co”“ter only thy months of Xanthicus md Dioscwus (?) in the foreign dowmenu of 2 M I I: Z. reserved for rest. the seven days of the week are derived from the seven winds which blew from the seven directions. but the AssyrcBabylonian calendar. uld in fact the fifteenth day was of special importance in the Assyrc-Babylonian calendar: it was the shapatm. The most obvious division is that marking the full moo” in the middle of the month. a fact which contradicts the very idea of the week. I I: xg). that is. If a division into weeks is indicated by the later calendarwhich is far from proved-tbe cycle was interrupted at the end of each month. cf. Ez 24: I). 40: I). Adar Ju”*J~Y July-August August-Scptcmbcr September-October October-November November-December Dcccmbcr-Jmuaty January-February February-March From the Heflcnistic period onwards the Macedonian names of months were introduced into o&ill usage. Ab VI. in the twelfth month. for the condolences ofJob’s friends (Jb 2: 13). 25: 9. whose influence may be found in the redaction of the Pentateuch. Thissamccalendaris foundina part ofthe Apocrypha ascribed to Henoch. corresponding roughly to the cold and hot seasons. is still no more than a hypothesis. that is. moreover. We noted earlier that the ordinal system had done away with the use of Cam&e names. there is no proof that a second Elul month was sometimes intercalated. which regulated daily life and the liturgy. 24 with Gn 8: 3-4 indicates that five months make a total of I_$O days.188 II: Cl”“. We shall deal with it at greater length in connection with religious institutions~ and would here note only one consequence. is never mentioned in the Old Testament. which is an ancient religious institution. and this calendar cannot have been followed for long. If we remember that according to later tradition Henoch was favoured with revelations on astronomy and the c&dation of time. In any case. of ninety-one days. and in the Qumran literature. it appears as a scholar’s note to show the correspondence between the solar year and the rectified lunar year. can only fit a year which is at least approximately adjusted to the natural year. there is no proof that a truly solar year ever prevailed in Israel. fourth and sixth days of the week. The purpose ofthis reckoning is to make the same fears fxll every year on the same days of the week. The duplicated month was Adar. Even at the end of the first century of our era. and in I Ch z. but it became the element of a cycle of its own. Therefore it has seemed good to us and our colleagues to add thirty days to this year. Dn 4: 26) and we saw that the Gezer calendar too reckoned twelve months. There are more imponmt differences: the week is marked by the repose of the seventh day. or ltisolar year. as in the passages just quoted-is only found in liturgical texts. cf. Is 18: 6: Za 14: 8). WC realire that 365 represents a perfect number. 8: 15 itself emphasizes that the description of the months by the ordinal numbers belonged to a lunar reckoning. compari- I89 son of Gn 7: II. The intentional chronclogy of Gn 7: II. for a long time. The year was divided into two seasons. seven yeas make a week of years (as in Daniel). There is no reason to doubt that it was the same in ancient 1srae1. Ps 74: 17. however. The originators of this calendar do not seem to have been concerned over the divergence between this year of 364 days and the real year of 36s: days. five Egyptian months of thirty days. this might be either a solar year or a ltisolar year with an intercalary month. that of the days in a solar year. cf. horeph. The recent attempt to connect this with an ancient priestly calendar. The year The 364day year of this calendar of Jubilees is a solar year. the exact period required to equate the year of ovelvc lunar months. where the same word stood for the month and the moon. that the Pentateuch gives evidence of another reckoning. except at the very end. made in an empirical manner. as in Babylonia. According to Gn 5 : 23. The chronology of the Flood is even more convincing: the disaster begins on the seventeenth day of the second month (Gn 7: II) and ends on the twenty-seventh day of the second month of the next year (Gn 8 : 14). 5. the intercalation of a supplementary month was. and summer. with the solar year of 365 days. the sabbath is the day of rest.’ In the end. unless there were p&w&J adjustments not mentioned in any text. What happened when the year had thirteen months? The uncertainty arises from our lack of information: these parsaga only tell what happened in ordinary yean. qq~. But in this hmisolar year the feasts did not fall each year on the same days of the week. The redactor wanted to say that the Flood lasted exactly one solar year. mentioned above. We shall now see. with intercalations at fixed dates. except for thelatepassaga inDn IO: z and 9: 24-27 (where they are weeks of years). The liturgical days are the first. the patriarch Henoch lived 36s years. The calendar of the Jubilees. 1 Ch 27: I-IS. divided into quarters of thirteen weeks that is. INsnNnclNS 12: DlvlSlONS OP TIME idu of the week arose from rough obxrvaion of the moon’s phases. It is found most clearly in dx apocryphal Book of Jubilees: fifty-two weeks make a year and 364 days. The intercalary month. for a non-Israelite calendar: rhe Macedonian month of Dioscorus (2 M I I : 21) is perhaps an intercalary month. The latter was evidently known to the Israelites and appears in two passage of Genesis. only less accurately reckoned than the Egyptian year of 365 days.7 each ofDavid’s stew& war on duty for a month. 354 days. The sacred writers invariably speak of only twelve months (I K 4: 7. Apart from there scholarly calculations and abortive attempts. and the beginning of the month was marked by the new moon. Kings and the rich had . the sabbath. the Babylonian cycle of nineteen years was adopted. the Rabbi Gamalicl II was writing to the communities of the Diaspora: ‘The lambs are still too weak and the chickens too small: the grain is not ripe. This latter solution is indicated by the Canaanite word for a month (ye& meaning the moon) and by Mesopotamian analogy. Hence it lasted twelve months and eleven days. The calendar of one religious group in Judaism is entirely governed by the week. This in itself distinguishes the Israelite week from the Egyptian and the Babylonian ‘weeks’. must have been a reform aimed at tying the feasts to fxed days of the week. But in I K 4: 7 one would have expected the interc&y month to be mentioned: Solomon’s twelve districts had each to supply the king and his household for a month of the yeu. the winter. overriding those of the months and the years. I” the same context. the last month of the year. to seedtime and harvest (Gn 8: 22. These names. the reckoning by weeks-not merely the indication of seven-day periods. But this discrepancy must have appeared wry soon. This passage is of late redaction. sevenwe&sofyean form ajubilee. peculiar to Israel. Jr 52: 31: Ez 32: I. being drawn from seasonal events. Harvest and Ingathering. We have noted earlier that it appeared in the Qmnran documents. which most probably meam the begtig of the year. as in more temperate countries. introduced after the death ofJosiu1. later called Nisan. our spring equinox. Finally we may recall that Mesopotamia too origimlly had an autumnal year: the seventh month of the Babylonian spring year kept its name of Teshritu. and therefore the end of the year. warming himself was the ninth month’ (Jr 36: 22). emphasizin g something new. According m repeated indications in the Assyrian annals. etymologically the ‘revolution’ of the year. that is. The list of agricultural tasks in the Gazer tablet also begins in autumn: it is not the natural order. then before the whole people ambled in Jerusalem. how measures of reform were applied in the capital.’ This insistence is intention. They were defined by the spring and autumn equinoxes and the summer and winter solstices. all this is inexplicable except in a spring year. Some of the liturgical texts are quite explicit. the Pasnover mmt be celebrated in the month of Abib in the autumnal year. whether at the beginning or at the end of the year. Jr 36: 22).&is new nomenclature VI”. but the calendar was changed: a spring year was being followed. but strictly the end of this revolution (cf. how it was read before the king. Seedtime and Harvest. litedy the ‘return of the year. cf. dry season and the cold. oil and honey were already stored (Jr 41: 8). and in 2 Ch 36: 10 it again refers to the spring: from other sources we are able to date the event referred to. and after the murder of God&as. just before the Passover. which records the events immediately after the capture ofJerusalem: wine. in the first text and its pxallel it is explained as ‘the time when kings take the field’. and in the other two it is used to date a military expedition.Is~~:1a)o~ofthcrfars(Ne4:x~). but the text shows that it agrees with a civil year beginning in aw”mn.) All the Old Testament passages in which the months are denoted by ordinal numbers are easily explained if the vear beeins in the s&w. that is ‘beginning’. at the ‘going out’ of the year. the destruction of the Temple was commemorated by a fast in the fifth month (Za 7: 3 and 5). a brazier.‘ INSTIT”TIONS 13: Dl”lSl”NS OF TlME 191 their summer and winter houses (Am 3: IS. the date of the feast was not altered. This division was introduced among the Jews in the Hellenistic period. governed by the rise of the Nile and its effects: Flooding. But there are other Old Testament texts which presume a different reckoning. and fmally of the celebration of the Pusover. The expression continued m be atcached to this time of the year after the change of the calendar. This simple division corruponds to the climate of Palestine.26. and postulates a year beginning in autumn. All these events took place in the eighteenth year of the king: this would be impossible if the year began in the spring. the feast ofthelr~gntheringmarks thet'qllgharh hoshrhmnnh. Later. wet season succeed each other fairly quickly. it is for you the first month of the year. the Temple was destroyed by Nabuchodonosor in the fifth month. as the same word elsewhere means the rising ofthesun~g~:~~. Josephus and J ewish tradition say that it was at the same time ofthe year that the second Temple was burnt by the Roman% and we know that this event took place in August. because ‘it the king was in his winter home. and the use of the corresponding verb in Jb I: 5). leaving no distinct sensation of spring and autumn. one might see in this order the indication of a year beginning in the spring. when the days began to equal the nights.190 II: Cl”. The law of the Passover begins thus in Ex 11: 2: ‘This month comes to you as the head of the months. evidently the ninth month of a year beginning in spring. is a problem which will claim attention under religious imtitutions~: here it is enough to show that the two calendars presuppose a year beginning in autumn. if a date were not deiined for Ingathering. at a time when the spring calendar was certainly in me (cf. in Judah and the former kingdom of Israel. which would begin with the sowing. How the fast was tied. According to Ex 2): 16. This ‘return’ of dx year would be the rime when the ycar was half over. We have already shown &at . When the scroll of the prophecies ofJeremias wa?read to Joiaqim. the seasons were called after those months which included the equinoxes and solstices. where the hot.AccordingtoEx~4: 12. with agricultural names. According to 2 K 25 : 8= Jr 52: 12. November-December. wheat. The Greeks at first had three seasom and later four. As rhc Unleavened Bread was celebrated in the month of Abib. The story of Jo&s’ reform (2 K 22-23) tells of the discovery of the Book of the Law. This again presumes an autumnal year. the capture ofJerusalem. I S I: M: Ps 19: 7. (The same remarks apply to the religious calendars of Lv 23. The tradition is ancient: according to Zacharias. the dates of Aggaeus in connection with the years of Darius). in the seventh month of the same year. in March 597. The Egyp dam had three seasons.~efllldrheexpression t’rhdbarh haslrrhannoh. fruit and oil were gathered in (Jr 40: IO). Nb z8-zg and Ez 45: 18-25.’ In2S1t:1=tChzo:tandintKzo:22. by the addition of aummn. This is confirmed by Jr 40-441. p. if we compare the story ofJosias’ reform (2 K 22-23) with I. and beginning to rcmm from winter to smnmer. Between these texts and the redaction ofEx 12. We must not introduce into these ancient texts the notion ofsolstice and equinox which later Judaism gave to fq+hoh. The two oldest liturgical calendars (Ex 23: 14-17 and 34: 18-23) list tkee grnt annual feasts: Unleavened Bread. this war usually in the spring. barley. 16% at L I . According to Ex 23: 15 and also Dt 16: I. it falls b’p’rh hashrhmnah. The text most be corrupt. annd IsI. which would imply an autumnal year. the first year of the reign: this is the system of antedating. and this chronology is in any case foreign to 1$x1. which the Jews had already adopted. 20: I. the New Year for the tithe on trees. Possibly. in which events were dated by the years of the reign of each king. 7. but that the Babylonian calm&r was imposed. It may be presumed that the autumnal calendar was also followed in the kingdom of Israel so long PI it remained independent. The oracle of Is2o:If. the sabbatical year and the Jubilee year. in which the year of a I.’ Ezahiel reckons the years from the deportation of Joiakin (Ez I : 2. are evidence of this. But it is unlikely that Nehemiar. 1~1x1 would then have the equivalent of the eponyms of Assyria (I. reckoned four beginnings to the year: in Nisan. who did not distinguish between the relative ages of the texts. which is strange. where the Babylonian calendar was followed and the Babylonian month-names were used. 1. reference ~1s made to a roughly contemporary event which had made an impression: the prophecy of Amos is &ted ‘two years before the earthquake’ (Am 1: I). all that remains is to decide how the beginning ofthe reign was reckoned. The Seleudds introduced an autumnal year at Antioch and in the Macedonian colonies. living at the Persian court. 38). On the other hand. If dates were computed by the year of the reigning king. in T&i.. The era An era is the starting-point of a chronology which in theory continues for ever. in Elul. we observe that the spring year had also been introduced by this date. only one passage raises a diflicolty. about which we are better informed. this was the time when they began to reckon the day from evening to evening. he would be an eponymoo~ magistrate.C. the precise duration of which is noted in the texts.. 12: S-15 represent a permanent institutions : men would have reckoned time by the years of their &ice. which the addition of another unknown clement is not likely to solve.) andz Kz3: 27(=Jr 32: 31) does thesame. Something of the same sort may even be found in the time of the tribal federation. which gives the sojourn in Egypt as 430 years. and then for the rest of the territory after the fall of Samaria. in the Assyrian provinces constituted aficr the conquests of Tiglath-Pileser III in 733 II. as seems likely. and the likeliest explanation is that originally it did not contain.l All this points to the adoption of the Babylonian calendar and is explained by the historical circumstance that under Joiaqim. The cuneiform contracts at Gezer. Cf. such as the Christian era. 15. It has been suggested that Nb 13 : a. but in Babylooia they conformed to the spring calcnda. This system lasted till the end of the kingdom of 1srae1 (I K 17: 6). Figures like the 3w years of Jg II : 26 and the 480 years of I K 6: I are based on calcolations of the redactors of the Bible. They I. without the name ofthe reigning l&g. refer to an ‘era ofTanin’. It has been suggested that in the lists of Solomon’s of%als (I K 4: 3) there is an official of the priestly caste ‘over the year’. etc. This way of reckoning simply carries on the official reckoning of the kingdoms of lsrael and Judah. did not also follow the official reckoning of the yeas. the month of Kisleu and the following month of Niran fell in the same twentieth year of Artaxerxes.mu) and of Southern Arabia (kablr). or it accidentally lost. etc. the New Year for the tithe on cattle. 24: 1. According to Ne I : I and 2 : I. 26: I. except for the foreign documents of 2 M 1 I. The first Book ofMacc&es dates the events of general history by the SyrwMacedonian reckoning. but keeps theBabyloG. which was later supplied me&nicaUy from Ne 2: I. one whose name sewed to describe the year: the list of these eponyms would provide a chronology. in shebat. An earlier date has been suggested for the adoption of the spring calenda in Israel. pp. 1957. It is a mere hypothesis. But this interpretation of a word which both the text and the versions represent as a proper name (Elihoreph or Elihaph) is a very fragile theory. the Hebresv text of NC I : I has only ‘the twentieth year’. and of the kingdom of Judah (2 K 25: I-Z). based on Biblical data. 9. ct p. Thex conch&m hold good for the kingdom of Judah. in order to throw light on the way in which the Books of Kings synchrooize the reigns in Israel with those in Judah. going back to the establishment ofthe Hyksor inEgypt. Jewish chronologers have calculated an era of Creation. To fix a date. The months between the enthronement and the next New Year might be counted as a complete year. the kingdom of Judah became a vassal State of Nabuchodonosor. the New Year for kings and for festivals.nreckoning for facts directly concerning the Jewishcommunity. it was really the nineteenth year of Artaxerxes. if we suppose that the ‘lesser’ Judges ofJg IO: 1-s. this year coincided with the civil year. The few dates in the second Book are given according to the sane calendar. the Moslem era. The spring year was naturally retained when the Babylonian monthnames replaced the ordinal numbers. the New Year for years. and if. son of Josias. the mention of the year. &ted in the Assyrian manner. which is still followed by Judaism: the year 5718 of Creation began on September 26th. and it went back at least to Solomon (I K 6: I. but the date is apparently incorrect. at least for official use. and Ex 12: 40.. too. CT. according to which Hebron was founded seven years before Tanis. These variations in the course of the old Testament history puzzled the Rabbis. and the months from the appearance of the new moon at sonset. pp. 8: I . . 37.isin ‘the year that the chief cupbearer came to Ashdod and took it. But the Old Testament knew nothing of the kind. but this synchronization raises d&colt problems in itself. It has also been suggested that an autumnal year is found in one of the Elephantine papyri. 181-181.192 II: ClVlL INSTIT”TIONS 12: mvIsloNs OP TIME 193 that of the capture ofJerusalem (2 K 23). It was only under the Seleucids that a genuine era ~1s inaugurated. But all these texts refer to commonly accepted estimates. in the Syrc-Macedonian reckoning. All the same. We must not turn them into inspectors of weights and measures. in the Babylonian. but a return to the custom followed under the independent monarchy.tion given by the Bwk of Kings. meaning the incomplete year of the xcasion.. as it was in Egypt. We may appreciate these texts better if we see what happens tc-day in Jerusalem. as those of ancient Mesopotamin or Egypt. where the same expression is found in passages which are corrupt or glossed.C . Alternatively the months before the New Year could go uncounted. certain shopkeepers in the bvaars weigh their wares with a small stone or a hone-shoe. the era of the Greeks continued in use (I M 14: I. The Rabbinical tradition that samples ofthe standard cubit were kept in the Temple is unverifiable and is perhaps based only on I Ch 23 : 29. From the context. eminent general and leader of the Jews’ ( I M 13 : 41-42). This is the system of postdating. the Aour of wheat. and all are required to use the authorized measures. The Jews resumed an independent but short-lived reckoning during their two revolts against the Remans in A. The reigns of Assyria and Babylon were postdated. and that in earlier reigns the custom was to antedate. peasants measure out milk or oil in jam-pots. are of no interest for the Old Testament. cf. Ex 29: 40) and that God was not defrauded (cf. p. but this was not as accurate as our modem systems. some of which result in a regular crisxross of antedating and postdating between Israel and Judah. 15: IO). and the more general ens of Pompey and of Arabia. I. but it is doubdul whether any such regulations existed in 1srae1. It presumes that units of length. the practice in the great empires of antiquity. one would be inclined to suppose that postdating. a Babylonian custom. the wafers and all sorts of measures. 66-70 and 132-135. we shall see tint in certain cases tbis measure was guaranteed by a mark or inscription on the receptacle or the measuring instrument.rh of Sedecias in Jr 49: 34 could be interpreted in the same way and would give a precise date: recently published Babylonian documents have shown us that there war exactly a month between the accession of Sedecias and the next New Year. which is the exact equivalent of the Akkadim r&h shwruti. The dxtes in the Books of Maccabees are divided between these two reckonings in the manner already stated with reference to the beginning of the year. In practice. By contrast.. Lv 19: 35-36 prescribes just weights. cf. Israelite ‘mehology ’ ETROLOGY is by definition an exact science.D. as we have traced it in the preceding pages. The difference between the autumnal year observed at Ant&h and the spring year observed in Babylon makes this era begin in the autumn of 312 B. a&&y to impose a system and to ensure that the measures used by evervone are in conformio. 191.. but in the sprig of 311 B. On the other hand we cannot take into account Jr 27: I and 28 : I. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES i !I M of I. XD and ccmtracts began to be dated ‘in the fast year. under Simon the high priest. The special era of the free cities of Syria and Palestine at the end of the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The re’rhtth malk. it seems. Bedouin measure the rope they buy with outstretched arms. It is usefd to compare the data of the Bible with these ancient Eastern systems and (by way of&g the gaps) with the GraeccRoman metrology. it seems.n: avu MSTtTuTIoNs 194 king’s death and his successor’s enthronement is counted twice. it requi&es the sanction a. Like the Arabs of to-day. which is perhaps insoluble. Simply on the basis of the evolution of the calendar. of Joiaqim.1 When the autonomy of the Jewish nation was recognized in IQ B. with the statutoiy standards. re’rhfth mamlekefh. the Israelites of old were satisfied with a measure which conformed to custom. the first year of the reign being reckoned from the New Year following the accession. volume and weight can be mathematically determined and rigorously classified. and even xrxs to date the death of Simon ( I M 16: 14). We hear of swindlers who gave short measure and overcharged (Am 8: 5). began with the adoption of the Babylonian calendx under Joinqim. c. as it is called in 1 M I : IO. This is the law in modem states and was. The object of these hypotheses is to support the synchroniw. as we have already remarked. a just measure. We have na reliable information on earlier times. but the text is corrupt and may conceal a geographical name. Pr 20: IO). the en of the ‘kingdom of the Greeks’. where the Levites are placed in charge of the loaves of oblation. MI 3 : 8-10). Various conjectures have been made. Its beginning was fvred by Seleucus I in the year in which he conquered Babylon. This was not the foundation of a new era.8. this raises a special protlem of chronology. not to of&al standards.C . but. ofa short bushel and of faked weights (Mi 6: IO-II. nor. ofweights which were ‘heavy’ ‘light’(Dt 25: 13). a just ephah (cf. Some have claimed that 2 S 8: I contains a mention of a ‘standard cubit’ up tured by David from the Philistines. was followed in Judah at the end of the monarchy: Jr 26: I gives as a date the ‘begiig of the reign’. in varying degrees. even after the metric system has been imposed.C. But it must be remembered that our estimate of their or . Ez 45: IO). This system. this simply means they were to see that the offerings were of the required quantity (cf. too. and sometimes still have. their extended hands. 197 relations were adjusted in the same way as in Mesopotamia and Egypt. masons and craftsmen measured with their own arms. 2: 5. 12 6 I . this would make the cubit r7’49o inches (0. &&h ltave an identical subdivision of the common cubit: Cubit 13 : WEEms Arm MWURBS span Palm Finger I _.1% n: CIVIL INsTnwlloNE units is often uncertain and that there is no guarantee that the Israelite mexmres were exactly equivalent to those used in these foreign countries. In our own day.. values changed with the passage oftime. but it is futile and misleading to give their modem quivalents to four or five placer of decimals. There is consequently something rather arbitrary in the estimates given in books. The length of a cubit according TV our modem systems of measurement can be found by comparing the neighbowing systems. which is probably the greater cubit of the time.53 metres). like the Mesopotamian cord. though not at one and the same time.45 metres) for the common cubit to about 20.. The word is a hapaxlegomenon in the Bible. like the measure of the same name in Mesopotamia. Next. in Egypt and in Palestine. show a cubit of 19: inches (0. A greater and a smaller cubit seem to have existed in Israel also. ‘e$bo’.m metres).52 metres) for the cubit of Ezechicl. and even in different regions of Palestine itself. is in fact the breadth of the hand at the base of the fmgen.. One may. . tephah or cophnb. The cubit. This rod of Ezechicl was of six ‘great’ cubits. are also mearming imtcuments. 14 . Repeating the dimensions of Solomon’s Temple as they are given in the books of Kings. On the other hand we must not forget the Egyptian royal cubit.C . The rod of the heavqly meamrer in Ez 4c-42 (cf. . Probably. qaneh. . zererh. 1 . Biblical ‘metrology’ &ill probably never become an exact science.. there is the inevitable margin of error in the measurement of its winding course.44425 menes) long. and in Israel. or the longer cubit of Ez 40: 5. when we can be sure neither of the ancient standard nor of its relation to our system. The old Testament nowhere indicates the relatiion of these units to one another. the data gleaned from the texts and excavations is very inadequate. as here. 2 Ch 3 : 3 states clearly that they are ‘cubits of the old measure’. Such precision.~M) is evidently a round number. employed in Ezechiel’s description of the Temple. is an instrument for measuring rather than a unit of meamrement (cf. These calculations are in any case rather pointless because there was no oil&I standard.. Fiily. from the arm and the hand which the craftsman employed for his art. Ez 40: 3). The flaxen cord ofEz 40: 3 and the measuring cord of Am 7: 17. divided into 7 palms or 28 fingers. has caused confusion with the following term. a ‘royal cubit’ which mcamres 27 fmgen. both in Israel and in the adjacent countries. The palm or handbreadth. The span. According to graduated rules found in Egypt. Moreover. when we are confined. Mesopotamia had. like the 100 cubits in the same line of the inscription indicating how far underground the tunnel is. Approximations are all that can be given.. is measured from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the little fmger. but they obviously had the same proportional relations xs the limbs of the human body from which they took their names. with P certain degree of probability. the architect. Probably Ezechiel adopted the ancient measure for the description of the future Temple and gave its equivalent in the meamre of his time: the old cubit would then have 6 palms of 24 fmgers. The graduated rules engraved on two statues of Gudea. for I. too. is found only once in the Old Testament as a unit of measurement (Jr 52: 21). . and they vary from about 17’716 inches (0. d 43: 13). the hand being extended and the fingers apart: the Vulgate. by translating this as palmur. In practice. ‘ommah...472 inches (0. and it is in fact 583 yards long (53j.. m the Old Testament. their palms and their fingers . or the shorter cubit implied by the same text. Jg 3 : 16 says that Ehud had a sword onegomed in length. The rod.. Ap 21: 15-16) measured six cubits ‘of a cubit and a palm’ (Ez 40: 5. Excavations in Palestine have so far not yielded any similar standards.525 or 0. Za I: 16. there was a royal cubit of 7 palms or 28 fmgers. the royal cubit measured 201 inches (0. Finally. and secondly.200 cubits long. in addition. .. is absurd. appreciably different values in Syria. . but these are not all the same. and we have only one positive piece of information to use: the inscription engraved in the tunnel of E&as says that it is 1. and we do not know whether they were standardized.495 metres). measures with the same name have had.. one would have to decide whether this cubit of Ezechias’ time was still the old cubit mentioned in 2 Ch 3: 3. however. arrange the measures of each category in their order. is the distance between the point of the elbow and the tip of the middle finger. . and neither the conjectures of ancient versions (‘span’ or ‘palm’) nor those of modem scholars (‘short cubit’) throw any light on the size of this measure. prince of wagash about xoo B. These factors should incline us to a degree of prudence which has nor always been observed by authors ofspecialized works on biblical metrology. these According to Herodotus. which is frequently mentioned in ancient metrologies and in the Talmud. the commcmest measures of length were named from the limbs of the human body. 4 I I According to the universal practice of antiquity. In Egypt. but these were bigger. The fmger or thumb. . the estimate is still highly exaggerated. 46: 14). it is only to indicate a measure of roughly the same size. This method was also used throughout the ancient East and is attested in Palestine in the Talmudic period. a Ch 4: I. The names used are generally those of the receptacles which con&cd provisions and which wcte osed to measure them. included those “foot own country.cf. I K 3: z5. literally a ‘yoke’ “t ‘harnessing’. Whatever the size of the f’ah may have been. Jon 3: 3).~7:s.198 It: ClvtL . etc. Similxly. To avoid all confusion. Usually the word means the measure itself: an ‘ephoh og 6: 19. z K 5: 19. The 75” stadia of 2 M 12: 17 cannot be estimated because the terminal points ate unknown. Mi 6: IO).). The step “ I pace (p&z’) is menfioned only in I S 2”: 3.~Chz:9. the figures ate deliberately fanrut+. one-sixth of an ‘ephah (Ez 4s: 13. 7: ~3. 4. I” Go 35: 16=48: 7. 49. 16. Bcthsur is about five whoinoi from Jerusalem (2 M I I : 5).9) between Jerusalem and Scythopolis (Beth Sbao) corresponds exactly to this mearote: the two places are just over 68 miles (IIO kilometres) apart. the distance is indicated by the expression kibmth hn’orq ‘an extent of country’: it is anything but an exact meuurement. I O.&m. There ate no terms in Hebrew for measutes of area. to show the people’s gluttony and to justify their chastisement.corrected). for it was almost certainly the one employed by the Jews in Palestine.rhe~omerisused.Ez45:13. etc. the diameter and the circumfere”ce ofa circular space ( I K 6: zf.Is~:1o)and oil(z chz: 9. we shall here “se only ttansctiptiom of Hebrew words. but never liquids. The &wr is.Theattidesmearured ate flout. which the author of 2 M must have had in mind. I S zs: 18. The reckoning by days of marching is equally vague: one day (Nb II: 31).NSTlTUIlONS Arab mcttology mentions a ‘black cubit’: it was one measured by a tall negt” in the setvice of the Caliph.Ext6:36). closed with a lid and large enough to hold a woman.wine(zChz:9. the boshel and so on. zz K 7: I. there must not be two kinds of ‘ephah.Esd7:z2). The measure must be just (Ez 4s : IO). the ‘ephah must not be made to” small (Am 8: 5. but for the opposite reason: a homer of seed will produce only an ‘ephah of crop: it is a cure. The 248 stadia of 2 M 12: 9. It is often the name for a measuring instrument: there most be a just. whether we apply the measue to the surface area of the ditch itself “t extend it to the space it enclosed. not “fia uea. a passage which is d&cult to interpret. like the tnn. by derivation. The rhalfrh. meal.InNb1t:32. and each man gathered ten homer. 16.bywayof exception. It is not likely that Lv 27: 16 means that a field is to be valued at fifty shekels pet home of barley needed to sow it. during the Roman.Thementionofkorforoilin I K 5: 25 is a mistake for bath (cf the Greek word and the parallel in I Ch 2: 9). 18). Itisusedforwater(~K7:26. found only in Is 4”: IZ and Ps 8”: 6. seven days (cn 31: 23). The /ah is a measure for flour and cereals in ancient histoticzJ texts (Gn 18: 6. denotes a large receptacle. in the same chapter (2 M 12: 9. measured jest over 202 yards (a little less than 185 metres). and then as a metaphor: ‘them is but one step between me and death’. The vetsions interpret it as half a Eomer. is an instrument for measuring one-third of an indeterminate ““it. 29).v7:16.Ez45: 14.~S:~. and later. Travelling distances are indicated only by empirical methods in the Hebrew books of the Old Testament. three days (Gn 3”: 36. smaller than the Eomer. The distance off&o stadia (2 M 12: 2.0~3:2). an ‘us-ioad’. large and small @t 2s: 14. Ez 4”: 47.). 4t: 2.38:~Ch4:~). as a meamte for the quails which fell in the desert&y coveted the ground to a depth of z cubits for a day’s match around the camp. and however densely we ruppose it to be sowed. 17. The stadion is mentioned several times. a petfect ‘ephah (Lv 19: 36. period. The stadion is a Greek unit which was in “se in Palestine doting the Hellenistic. not to give an exact equivalent. which in the Ptolemaic period was equal to approximately 3: miles “I 6 kilomares: Betbsur is in fact 18 miles (29 kilometres) from Jero. Ex 3: 18. When &se wotdr ate used to translate Hebrew terms. if c&ulated at the same length. Dt 23: IS). but the confused and overloaded text “fEz 45 : 13 makes kor a meamte for liquids and the equal of the homer. for wheat and bvley(tK3:z3. and simply meam ‘some distance’. The rchoinor is an ancient Egyptian measure. I S I: 24.Nb~:1s.6:t3. a it happens. The text mwt refer to he grain to bc hatvested. Rt 2: 17. but in the Bible it occurs only in I K 18: 32. all grouped. and these are indicated by gitig the lengtlu of the sides of a rectangle “I square. 2. It is a large measure for cereals ~v. The text of Is 5 : IO is meant to produce astonishment. with a content of two <‘ah of seed. as in many metrologies. The letek is mentioned ooly in OS 3 : 2 as a measure for barley. the hogshead. is the area which a team ofoxen can work in a day: it is mentioned as a mexsu~emenf in Is 5: IO and in the corrupted text of 1 S 14: 14. however. It is the commonest ““it of measure for solids. the kor is a large measote for flour ( I K 5: 2). The Alexandtian rtadion. one-tenth of an ‘ephah(Lv~:11. Elias digs a ditch round the altar. The acre (+wwd). are definitely to” short for the distance between Jemsalem and the pat of Jamnia. Two Hellenistic measures appear in the books of Maccabees. . The area of a piece of ground was also calculated by the amount of grain needed to sow it. I K 18: 32. barley “t toasted corn. For liquids the equivalent is the bath. The ‘ephah in the vision of Za 5: 6-10. Pr 2”: IO) . Agticukural mea~oremcnts were empirical. and is an estimate of the v&c of the field. for that would mean a vast atea t3:wmt”msANDMBnsuaat 199 could be bought for a ridicoloosly small price. kor and /ah with the Mesopotamian measures of the same names. The position of the <‘ah= sdtu is equally puzzling: according to the Assyrian system. 28: 5. 14). whether the Eomer was the equivalent of the kor. is hypothetical. and therefore equal to the ‘ephah= bath. This gives the f&wing reties: (wwr ‘<ppk?h=barh ‘omer= ‘i&won bomn= ‘cphah r”ah ~mltcr qrzb = 30 = 180 km bath ‘i~fd” 18 I f IO 3 ID3 IO - I 6 - I i i s The position ofthe hi and the Iof can only be deduced from sources which ax even later: the comparison made by Josephus with the Graeco-Roman metrology. Apart from Ez 4: I I. 5. The tn~~t one could attempt would be to determine the value of a particular unit at a particular period. But Mesopctamian metrology enables us to establish another series: in the Neo-Babylonian period the proportions between the three unitr of measure are: I gur= 30 s&u= 180 pa. Their interrelation is only a hypothesis. 1 i . we must insist. The gloss of Ex 16: 36 reckons it as one-tenth of an ‘ephah. The Assyrian nomenclature was as follows: I i&u = IO s&u= IOO qa. it would be surprising if the s”ah of the mo. The resemblance of the names justifies our drawing up the following table for the exilic and post-exilic period: fur=kor. no one an say whether they record measurements which had fallen into disuse. though we do not know their relative values.. And even of these last. This makes it doubtful. though the text ofEz 45: 14 is obscure. Leaving aside the lerhek and the shokh. IO r”ah h i ” . and in any case is valid only for a very late date. which are bate1 . . and so we can draw up the followmg table: This table. The Hebrew homer has the same name as the in&.b I k i / = r”.arcbical period had the same value as the ‘ephah= bath. also mentioned in ancient texts. a word meaning ‘sheaf’. one of which is founded on the decimal system and the other on the sexagesimal. . IO. : : : : : ‘omcr = ‘~fcv~n IO0 qab Ill&7 180 18 6 Eomer= ‘rphoh = kor bath I I 3 6 : I .h 30 180 : I These proportions are confirmed by the documents of the Jewish period and the Talmud. 7. The only useful term of comparison would be the Assyrian system. s it was later defmcd in Ez 45: II. If we try to arrange these t~rnu in order of size.. it should he f6 of an i&u= bomn. The 102 is a smaI1 unit for liquids. Lv 23: 13. which also means ‘an ass-load’. the half-& (Nb 15: 9. which would then be one-third of an ‘ephah. which are too seldom mentioned to concern us. IO 24 12 - I I 720 72 4 I I IO I Iw IO I 1 F I This is all that can be deduced from the Hebrew text alone. the complete table would be as follows: i. The qab appears only in z K 6: 25 : during the siege of Samaria a quartcr of a wb of wild onions is sold for five shekels of silver.. It must be admitted that we have no meam ofdrawing up a table. The ‘ii&r& (onctenth) is a measure of meal in the liturgical texts (Ex 29: 4 0 . now uhpov is the ordinary tranrlation of f’oh. Nb 15: 4 . These gaps in our knowledge make it impossible to give. These two series. the oldest being those ofEze&iel. where one-sixth of a kin represetxs the minimum a man needs to drink in a day. the interpretations of St Jerome and Talmudic data.=q. for the Old Testament period. one-third of a hfn (Nb 15: 6. 7. All the same. a table ofequivalents with our modem systems. in spite of Ez 45: 14.L?aa n: CIVIL MSmmONS I3 : WBIGErn AND MBASURES 20x I I The hln is a mexwre for liquids. As it is generally agreed that the qa did not change its value in Mesopotamia. or foretell a reform which was perhaps never put into effect in biblical times. mentioned only in the ritual for the purification of lepers (Lv 14 p&m). one-quarter bin (Exzg: 40. for proportions in use before the Exile. for offerings of wine and oil: the whole hln (Ex 30: 24. I I). the gloss of Ex 16: 36 indicates that the ‘omn is one-tenth of an ‘ephah. which renders an ‘ephah by Tpia uhpo. which preceded the NecBabylonian used above. From them we conclude that I qab=4 fog and I bath= 6 hfn. Ez 45: ~4. which corresponded to the gur. 28: 14). 7. According to Ez 45 : I I. the in&u is almost half the Babylonian sPtu. are apparently independent. . It depends on identiftcations which are sometimes uncertain and always late. founded on the Greek version ofEx 16: 36 and Is 5: IO. The ‘omer. the ‘ephah and the bath are of the same capacity and are equal to one-tenth of a Eomer. . On the other hand. 46: 5. however limited in its accuracy.). the htn is only mentioned in rituals.I. is used only in the story of the manna (Ex 16passim): every man gathers an ‘omn a day. we can deduce that the komer and the ka are equivalent. Lv 14: 10. Ez46: I4). etc. We can compare the Hebrew measures Eomer. r&u qc. and probably the ‘tenth’ (i&n%) is also one-tenth of an ‘ephah. so.000 both. but certainly nor the IZ bushels. according to whether they were buying or selling. and rhc number of hnw in the ‘pt is nor certain-perhaps 40. or a little more. some of the Ugariric rcxts reckon in ‘heavy’ shekels and in Mesopotamia there was a series of ‘royal’ weights. weights of 50 shekels were used. usually of hard stone.62 pints (0. and a fragment inscribed br comes from Tell Beit-Mirsim (Debit?). whose capacity is nearly IO gallons (45 ‘33 litter). 6 gallons (zag litres). Moreover. there is a reference to shekels which were ‘current among the merchants’ (Gn 23: 16). should be rcspecred: a honrcr. that from Tell ed-Duweir.r. It has therefore been suggested that the latter wrrc of double capacity and represented rv. Unfortunately the largest fragment. the probabilities.2~. ‘To weigh’ is rhapol and the rheqel or shekel was consequently the basic nnit of weight. according to recent calculations. quite wrongly. 26). the equivalent of one mina.202 n: CnlL INSmnJTIONS 13 : WElGaro MD hsc&tSuBBs =3 known. Different authors reckon the hnw between 43 and 8j pints (2. In the NewBabylonian period. it would only hold good for rhe Roman period. before the institution of the State. Ez 45: 12. may nor be an indication of capacity at all. and the f’ah to 14. but we may note that at Ugarir it is attested only in Akkadian texrs offoreign origin. at least. The multiples of the shekel arc the n&a and the talent.7pllssim.92 litter). If such rabies must be given. But the fragments marked br certainly belong ro rcceptaclcs smaller than the jars marked hnlk. two kinds of weights (Pr 20: 23). stamped ItnIb.5 and 5 litter). which would make the log just about one pint (0. The mina (maneh) appears only rarely and is apparently late ( I K I O: 17. which contained I bath=3 /ah.18:16). But it sometimes happened that traders had large and small ‘stones’ (Dt 25: 13). precious materials and metals were weighed.o both. after comparison with Graecc-Roman metrology and after consnlring the Talmud. But we do nor know exactly cithcr the value of the cubit or the form of the receptacle.Inallthese references it is the weight which conforms to the offkial standard. often used in the . Having been engraved before baking. or by Ugariric translations of&m: in practice. the rt?rtr (=?a/~? ‘ep. or else a tit of the same name but heavier. double the ordinary weights. does not allow of our calculating the capacity of these jars with any accuracy. In the Assyrian system the i&w= !to~~ter would be 29 gallons 3 pints (134 litres). The weights. but their values are even more doubtful. vary as much as IOO%.7 litrcs. Unfortunately. Mi 6: 11. The talent (kikkar) takes its name from rhe fact that it is a weight of circular shape (root: kn).wo bat/t (I K 7: ~3. The original text of 2 S 14: 26 speaks of zoo shekels ‘at rhe king’s weight’. and the parallel passage in 2 Ch 4: 5 gives a capacity of 3.04 lirres): the basic unit. U&X_ rrmvely. the jars stamped 61 or br lmlk had the same capacity. In a cave at Qumran an unbroken jar was discovered on which is written in charcoal: ‘z <‘ah 7 /og’.ka/z?) 2 gallons 7: pints (13 ‘4 litres). In a story from the patriarchal period.42 pints (0. the lowest figure proposed. Esd 2: 6g. The mina is often mentioned in Mesopofamian texts. these inscriptions are evidently meant to indicate a recognized official capacity.38:24-26. Pr 16: I I) . This could agree w+h the ~~&. This unit is cormrmn to all ancient Semitic metrologies. pints (IS ‘30 litres). and if. the estimate of the qn is uncertain and other authors value it as I . One might think that a start could be made from the apparently precise data of the Bible: the sea of bronze in So1on1on’s Temple had P diameter of IO cubits. While foodstuffs were measured by volume. the Lor was equal ro 53 gallons and & pint (24rw1 litter). which means both ‘stone’ and ‘weight’. rhis inscription.C . we could then arrive at the approximate size of the bath. an inscribed vase recently found at Pcrsepohs would point to a 4’ of I .L~~:1~. a depth of 5 cubits and it contained z. ~4. Other vases had only the stamp bnlk. If this stamp certified that these jars conformed to an off&l measure. (Is_ litre) arinure of the lmlk jars. Here we need only say that the tables which have been drawn up for rhis period. but simply the anmnnr of provisions put in rhe jar. and are then. lt has been possible to reconstruct entirely only one example. At Tell ed-Dnweir (Lakish) the upper part of a jar has been found on which has been engraved br m/k (royal bnrh): the same inscription can perhaps be restored on a handle from Tell en-Nasbeh. and a series of post-exilic texts mentions the ‘shekel of the sanctuary’ (Ex 30: 13. applied to the Israelite period. 3 gallons (450 litres) suggested by an altemarive reckoning. The facrs about the bronze basins ( I K 7: 38) are even less adequate. But at Tell cn-Nasbch there is an ahnost complete jar. wirhour filling it. this would demand a higher capacity for the ‘ephnh than anything ycr proposed. Egypt hadameasurec&d’pt= ‘ephah for solid and bns= hbz for liquids.15 pints (8. being originally an ass-load. Dn 5: 25). A final piece of evidence comes from the Roman period. perhaps radactional. were called ‘eben. may have been u much as 5 bushels. Such a string of hypotheses hardly lads ro a certain conclusion.Nb3:47. as used to be thought. they were kept in a purse (Dr 25: 13. wcn taking rhc lowest estimate for the huts. 1t is a unit for gross reckoning. however. The inscriptions br lwlk are of the eighth century B . with the sane rneasurcmcnrs in cubits. This makes it useless for fixing a metrology. 71. which contains only 40. also from Tell cd-Duweir. Its capacity is about 61 pints or 35 Litrcs.~7:j. NC 7: 70. Archaeology alone might provide us with more reliable information.81 limes). Small things were weighed on a beam-b&we with two scales.64 liws) and & /ah about 2.35 pints or I ‘34 litres. the +I was 2. the size of the beth would then be about 4 gallons 7 pints (22 or 23 litrus). and some of the stamps lmlk are rather later. cf. being traced in charcoal and nor inscribed before baking. 7 grams). ounces(~~~28 grams). and none bears the name ‘shekel’. 100 . a fine of 30 shekels is imposed in a case where the Code of Ham. Another term occurring only once in the Bible. At Ugarit the talent is only 3. Lv 27: 25. like the Babylonian mina. it is replaced by a symbol. But there are notable differences of weight between specimens belonging to the same type and apparently to the same period. Half a dozen weights connected with this series are inscribed gym: the word can be recognized.4: 2~. “is-ONS I3 : WHIGHTS AND MBAOTJm. 20 : : : : : 7woo : : : : : I. it represents two-thirds of a shekel (cf. this would be a ‘royal’ weight. 38: 24-w).41 ounces (11. along with the mina and the shekel: it is the p’res. in 1 S 13: 21. literally a ‘frxdon’. . familiar to archaeologists.600 shekels. The mark is &at of the shekel. Nb 3: 47. these inscribed weights can generally be dated. The mina is 60 shekels and the talent is 60 minas= 3. or both together. . Evaluation of the mina is more d&cult: the Hebrew ofEz 45: IZ. But there are also special names for the small units of weight. 18: 16. .3 grams).ZCQ I I . At least twenty-five examples are known. the shekel weighed 0. . We mwt remember that the name of the mina is very rare and that here we have its equivalent in shekels.w n: av”.42 ounces (12 grams).’ . which would give a weight of 0. A small bronze weight. and runs as follows: talent I These values seem to be confirmed by the penalties of 100 shekels (Dt 32: x9) and 50 shekels (Dt 22: w) and the tax of 30 shekels imposed on the wealthy by Me&em (2 K 15: 20). from two-thirds to a twenty-fourth of a shekel. but the metal may have lost some of its weight through oxidization.5 grams). In the system most commonly used in Mesopotamia.10 and 25 shekels. which gives a total of6o shekels. is mentioned in 1 S 13: 21. Reckoning the shekel as aogerah Ez 43: 12. and is a half-shekel.w . The gemh (probably ‘grain’) is the smallest unit ofwkght (Ex 30: 13. the last representig half a mina of 50 shekels. Ez 45: I& the shekel contains mph.m 2 I 50 1 I This value for the mina seems to be found in an ancient text: according to Ex a: 32. but it appears from the series of weights that it was only jo shekels. as Ez 40: 5 would revalue the cubit and Ez 45 : I I would perhaps revalue the ‘ephah and the bath. a text which was for a long time incomprehensible. 18: 16. with the phual or :+/in (IP=o reP resenting half a mina or. as we said.. Thepayim. is marked lmlk with a figure 2. It actually weighso. From the data given by Ezechiel. reads: ‘the mina shall be for you 20 shekels and 25 shekels and 15 shekels’. is mentioned only in Gn 2. half a Finally we must mention the q’&h. but there was a series derived from the ‘royal’ talent in which all the units weighed double. 4 or 8. The basic elements of these units are found among Israel’s neighbours. perhaps its double. 2. several &actions of the shekel are mentioned: a half-shekel (Ex jo: I j). shekel bsq. and Ex 38: 26. The manner of counting is odd. towards the end of the monarchy. . some of which bear a numerical mark OI the name of a unit of weight. 28 (Arama&). is quoted in Dn 3: 25.39 ounces (11. The longest series of inscribed weights bears the symbol and the numbers I. as at Ugarit. the following values are given by the texts : according to Ex 3 8 : 25-26. One depends on Ex 38: 25-26. found at Gerer.4 grams). At Ugarit a collection of weights postulates a light shekel of 0. obtained at Ugarit. and stands for two-thirds of a shekel. which has produced a large collection). Za 13 : 8).” murabi imposes half a mina. but is perhaps explained by the existence of weights of 15.600 :. and the texts speak of a ‘heavy’ shekel.30 ounces (8. and found in the same site (e.g. and the first three texts make clear that this is the shekel of the sanctuary. Ez 45: 12). Only the small units are represented by inscribed weights. From Lv 27: 23. .5 20s historical books but seldom in the Pent&u& (Ex 23: 3% 37: 24. we can produce another table: talent mim shekel gnah I 60 : j. followed by the later texts. as we have seen. . excavations in Palestine have yielded nwnemus weights. a dozen of them for eight units. and so there were 60 minas in the talent. cf.34 ounces (9. followed by a number. a shekel is about 0. more probably. Judging by what they weigh. Nb 3: 47. by epigraphic criteria. and. Ezechiel seems to try to revalue the mina. For Israel. but known in Akkadian. Though their archaeological context is rarely beyond dispute. the word ‘shekel’ must also be supplied in many reckonings in the Bible. The best plan is therefore to draw up two tables. 6. The beqa’.67 ounces (18. Jos 24: 32. the value ofthe mina is not given by the texts where it is mentioned. which would give a shekel of 0. M otherwise unknown unit of weight. and repeated inJb 42: II by a deliberate archaism). one-third of a shekel (Ne I O: 33).000 shekels and the beqo’ is a half-shekel. For Israel. .000 shekels. would then be part of the scheme of reform.ti j. The system is of a respectable antiquity. at Tell cd-Duweir. In ~esoportia they are arranged on a sexagesimal basis: the shekel contains 180 ‘grains’ and is also divided into multiple fractions. To transpose these weights into our modem systems is very di&ult. Since it was the commonest unit. and they weigh about 0. the talent is worth 3.14 grams). a quarter-shekel (I S 9: 8). used by Jacob when paying for the field of Shechcm (Gn jj: 19. 09 ounces (2. Paymeno were always made by weight. chiefly.. At a very early date in the Eastern Mediterranean. 2 S 24: 24: I K 16: 24. the royal secretary came and the silver found in the Temple of Yahweh was melted down and calculated. The reckonings of Ed 2: 69 and Ne 7: 69-71 arc made in gold drachmas. it can be accepted at sight. but the unit is not the Israelite shekel. metal was soon adopted as the means ofpayment. For the sake of convenience. Jr 32: 9). then. 21: 2.3~3 pounds (550 and 6on grams). The dark bad no rival as a gold coin. bars. To pay for the cave of Macpelah Abraham ‘weighs’ 400 shekels to Epbron (Gn 23 : 16).). 1 S 13: 21. who paid it out (2 K 12: 10-13). I K I O: 29). Perhaps the VP weights found in Palestine were lost there by ‘Cammite’ traders. Solomon paid Hiram in kind ( I K 5: 25) and Mesha used to pay a tribute ofrheep and wool (2 K 3 : 4). The earliest form of trade was bartering merchandise. pp. the fust references to coinage in the Bible appear in the post-e&c books. marked + nzp. 35. This seems to mean the ‘half’ of a unit. to the muter-builders.213 and 1. This should be compared with what Hercdoms relates about Darius: ‘The gold and silver of the ttibute are kept by the king in this tubion: he has them melted down and poured into earthenware jars. the quality and weight of which determined the value in exchange. we possess a dozen weights inscribed n$p. When the vessel is fidl. III. for the purchase of land (Gn 23: x4f.54 grams). a natural alloy of gold and silver. It belongs. forjudging by what they weigh the n. Naturally.5 grams) in the weight system: in the Ugaritic system. the @l@fi of Gn 33: 19 is not ‘coinage of the parriarchal period’. and zhvays. in which the faithful deposited silver of every shape. 43: Izf. and perhaps by certain uninscribed weights. brooches and rings. I3 : WKIGRTS AND MBASURES =-? usage. sometimes it was wrought. King Joas placed at the entrance to the sanctuary a chest. or into discs. in Mesopotamia and in Syria. it seems. sometime. in goods which could be measured or counted-so many tneawres of barley or oil. sometimes in ingots. To fmance the repairing of the Temple. so many head of cattle. but this was not yet coinage. The metals of exchange were copper. the talent between 75 and 80 pounds (34 and 36 kilograms). and 2 n$p respectively. the day covering is taken offand. they represent . The ancient mim must have weighed between 1.206 1. which refers to the time of David. Jercmias ‘weighs’ 17 shekels to his cousin for the field at Anathotb(Jr 32: 9. when the king needs money. etc.C. and the custotn spread through the Near East. in Egypt. Metal was used in large quantities for the payment of tribute (2 K 15: 19. prototype of our church alms-boxes. ‘half’ of the ‘heavy’ shekel. argent in French and ‘silver’ in Scottish I_ cf. A coin h P piece of metal stamped with a mark which guarantees ia denomination and weight. especially the Athenian .34 ounces (9. thus came to mean both the metal itself and the medium of payment. a Eomcr of barley and a lerhek of barley (0s 3 : 2). This remained the only method of payment among the Israelites until the Exile. without weighing or checking. The verb rfinqal means both ‘to weigh’ and ‘to pay’. silver. at first. 18 : 14. the t?p would be a ‘light’ shekel. etc. and the shekel became the basic unit in the Jewish monetary system after fust being the basic unit of the Israelite weightsystem. Gold darics are mentioned in Esd 8: 27 and. then.18 ounces (5 grams) and others 0. The coinage Study of weights leads us naturally to that of the coinage. Croesus invented a bimetallic system of gold and siiver waters. The word kwph. It was invented in Asia Minor in the seventh century B.72 ounces (20 grams). It is useless to be too precise in what hu always been a fluctuating metrology. In theory. Ex 38: 26).). Then they sent the silver. The weight of the silver or gold is often mentioned on Egyptian monuments and is described in one of the Ras Shainn poems. The earliest coins were made of elecmun. silver. but the use of the Median shekel was not w&spread and it did not compete with the Greek silver coins. also represented by a small weight. after checking it. like krrspu in Akkadian. and is perhaps represented by a weight of 0. Merchants arc called ‘weighers of’silver’in So I: II. but it is found in the Ugaritic texts together with the shekel. therefore. The six known specimens weigh roughly 0. bearing signs certifying their weight and purity. The two methods ofpayment might be combined: Owe acquired bir wife for 15 shekels of silver. In Ezcchiel’r system the mina would have weighed about t ‘54 pounds (700 grams). by an anachronism. 5.1 uncertainty about the exact value of the shekel and the theoretical nature of Ezecbiel’s classification prevent us suggesting more than approximate values for the mina and the talent. weighing 0. at My-e. etc. h Cyprus. But between Joas and Darius came the invention of coinage. When they saw the chest contained a large amount of silver. but a weight of unknown value. The silver drachma was the Greek coin most highly valued.p averages 0. The State acted in exactly the same way.4~ ounces or IZ grams.. n-78. The name is never found in the Old Testament as that of a weight.: CNIL INsTlmONS The weigh@ inscribed bq’ evidently represent half-rhckcls (cf. he has so much metal broken into pieces as is required for each occasion’ (Hirt.. which was collected in the sands of river-beds. especially in the Pact&s.35 ounces (IO grams). gold and. to another system. Clearly. Besides tbcsc. in small amounts for individual transactions with foreign cowmies (Gn 4~: ~5.~1 ounces (6 grams) and suggest a shekel of at least 0. 96). some of which weight 0. and payment was made. largely through the ineuence of the Persians. These ‘croesids’ were replaced under Darius by ‘da&s of gold and shekels of silver. in I Ch 29: 7. the metal was melted into ingots of different shapes. became in old age the friend of Ptolemy I around 313 B. . Ir hears the inscription bq’ in old Hebrew script. which continued under his successors. hur this is only a hypothesis. It is obvious that these coins from remofc lands were not current in Palestine. among silver coins. Wwd. the cm&ion being due to the redactor.4 gram). then.51 ounces (14. More authentic are two silver pieces with the legend yhd. but they are certainly not Media” shekels. As in sin&r concessions made by the Sdeucids. imme&tely after the conquest of Alexander or at the very end of the Persia” rule. 10: 33 refer to a weight or a coin. of approxbnately 0. It was o”ly when Simon Maccabaeur was recognized by Andochus VII Sidetes as priest uld edmarch of the Jews that he received the right to strike a coinage (I h4 15: 6). around IID B. eventually struck its own coinage. The first Jewish coin seems t” have bee” a small silver piece of the fifth century B .. after the conquest of Samaria. for these were never cwrent in Pale&e. no bronze coins of his age have reached us: the silver and br0”z. aad were “ever in wide circulation. that is. uld weighs 0. that the ‘drxhmas’ of Esd a”d NC are darics. and circulated only for their value 1~ ingots.“. and Simon died shortly after.C. which was valued for its alloy. It seems certain. of unce& series. the c&&l name of the Persia” province of Judah in the AraazicEsd3:1. 13 ounces (3.88 gram). the silver drachma of o.14 “unces (3.. circulated almost to the exclusion of alI others. This followed the Phoenician standard. Jewish coinage began only with Simon’s successor. like other provinces of the Petian Empire. It was an inferior bronze coinage. or to a copyisr’s fault. Their coins have an inscription in Hebrew and are dated from the years of the ‘deliverance of Sian’ or the ‘deliverance of Israel’.~:13. but it is scarcely probable that the Ptolemies would have authorized silver coinage t” be struck locally.6 grams) and the tetradrachnu. originating from Hcbron uld sin&r to those.c c&s which were for a long dme attributed to him date in fact .C . John Hyrcanus. The oldest coins discovered in Pale&e are Greek Macedonia” coins: a” elcctr”“l coin dared circa 300 B. from Arabia and Philistia in the sane period. who very soon tuned ag&st him (I M 15: 27). and it must have bee” revoked by the same Antiochr~.ries of Judaea. in 134. the entire Near East. which is approximately the weight ofthe Attic &a&ma. The coin must date from the time when E&as ad&wed the province of Judaea.7:I4(cf.D”2:~3. in A . Ir has bee” ascribed to the time when Nehemias wa governor of Judaea. in A . 66-70.‘.“. This is probably the priest Ezechins who. The other two coins inscribed YhCd are earlier.8. The Jews began to strike bronze and silver coins again during their two revolts against the Romuls. according to Josephus. and it is not we” certain that the coin is Jewish: the type is “of characteristic. thin only extended to a bronze coinage for Ical use. Tyrian money. coma from the latest excavations at B&u (Shcchem).C . and a silver four-drachma piece struck at Aegaea about 480 has been found in a tomb at Athlith.C. In any case. We cannot tell whether the silver shekels of Ne 3: 15. estimated by their weight. or shekel. This event took place in 138 B. uld indeed.C . . the ‘owl’ of the f&h century KC.208 n: CnlL lNSTIRpFIONS 13 : WElGHls AND MEASURES aog drxhm. But the gold dradmv were struck only rarely. the” cane under the monetary systems of the Se&ids or the Ptolemies. the Humoneanr. The history of this coinage and its successors under Herod and the Procurators does not concern us here.fiom the First Revolt. P&&e. But Judau. and then only when he considered him_ self independent. 66-70 and 132-135.. But this has taken us far beyond the Old Teswnent era. uld the Phoenician alphabet was then in “se far beyond the bou&.6:’4).Asilvercoinfoundat B&w also carries the stvnp Y‘had and the proper name ‘Ezechia?. But Simon did not “se his privilege. .III MILITARY INSTITUTIONS . and copies of peace treaties record the titles. by progress in the development of armnmentr. it is true. Lastly. of coutse.THE ARMIES OF ISRAEL E have a fair knowledge of the military organization of the Egyptians. some very old traditions in the books of Josue and Judges. but it war nearly six hundred years later. the Asryro-Babylooians and the Hittites. to the Camant‘tes. for they are subject to many P’ “. R&e& paintings and drawings portray their soldiers. do contain passages committed to writing very soon after the eveon took place. Even the fortifications and weapons brought to light by excavations belong. but &se two books were written in an age when there was neither independence nor an ntmy to de&d it. There ate. inscriptions describe their campaigns. by the enemy it may . The period between the Conquest under Josue and Nabuchodonosois siege of Jerusalem is longer than that which separates the Hundred Years’ War from the second world Wu. Quite the most detailed information on the military organization under the monarchy is to be found in Chronicles. Our information about the military organization of Israel is by no means so complete. when the militaty history of this pcdod received its final literary form in the books as we possess them to-day. of course. their battles. their camps and their strongholds. as the movements ofa well-disciplined army. by the varying requirements of policy. just before the Exile.. and the historical books of the Bible xc full of wars. on the other hand. There are. govemmcnt. fimcdoos and careen of particular individuals in the army. and though the orgaoiwtion of the army and Tu . perhaps there never were any. but the vivid and lifelike character of these passages does not compemate for their lack of pr+ c&ion about military derails.we to face. provided they are carefully tested and dated by literary and toncal cnunsm The military institutions of a people change more rapidly than any other form of its social organization. But these narratives are not contemporary records of the events. numerous texts. and. 1 kinds of influence. whom the Israelites conquered and displaced. for the most patt. The army is affected by every change in the type of :. Such are the sauces of our information. The books of Samuel and Kings. cemorien later. the Exodus itselfand the wandetings in the deserts were described. Not a single relief or drawing of a military kind has rwvived. and yet they can be used to good purpose. Ehud: 6: 34. Moreover. we must first concern ourselves with their non-sacred apats. Dan and Ascr for remaining neutral. as when Saul cut to pieces o yoke of oxen and sat their quarters to every part of the tcrritory of Israel with the threat: Whoever does nor follow saul to battle will have his own oxen treated in the same way’ (I S II: 7). md takes to task Reuben. which record the setdcment of Reuben. bur the concept underwent many transformations until it emerged as P kind of holy ideal. neighbaring Peoples wage war against them.mdied man can join in a raid and must be prepared to defend the tribe’s property md rights against an enemy. and Saul himself was a leader of the charismatic type. 2: 1-31 and I O: 11-28 show them marching through the desert in formation. but from time to time scvcral tribes will unite for a common enterprix. tells how Baraq mobilized &b&n and Neph&& &nst the Cbtites. but there is no stable military organization. who I. mmmons to arms not only his own tribe. and nomads make raids. etc. Gideon. Saul). smashing the Ammonitcs in P way which recalls the military successes which marked out the greater Judges.m: ?. that the military institutions of Israel must be studied in the order in which they developed. as long as it was leading a semi-nomadic life. with the parallels in Jg I. and the very ancient notes preserved in Nb 32: I. or messengers were sent around the tribes (Jg 6: 35. Gideon. the Conquest is presented as the achievement of a unified Israelite army. This was probably true of 1srae1 also. The religious character of these military institutions will bc treated at the end of this part of the book. who was too young to bear arms. and the people had a king ‘who would lead it forth and fight its battles’ ( I S 8: 20).) rakes up arms (Jg 20). 20. 16. to avenge the outrage committed at Gibcah. For&e battle of Gilboa. Ex 12: 37. the general cbamcrcr of the scmrces must be taken into account: the texts are religious texts. 7: 24). As a rule. 11 . and as a rule they are not concerned with merely military matters such xs the constitution of the army or the technique of war. Secondly. Sometimes a trumpet was sounded (Jg 3: 17. II): this is the reason why David’s three brothers went to the war (I S 17: 13). Judge or King. is cursed (Jg J : 23). each tribe acts on its own. We are somewhat better informed on the period of the Judges. I. and expresses nothing stronger than reproach or regret about the tribes which chose to stand aside (Jg 5: 15-17). h he end he calls upon Ephraim too (Jg 7: 24) where men were compl&+ because they had not been called to arms at the beginning (Jg 8 : I). CT p. the response to these appeals depended on each group. and the subsequent victory ensured him the throne. political unity ~1s at last achieved. Each tribe is securing its hold on its own territory and defending this land against the counter-attacks of the Canaanites who formerly held it. Giiead. The ‘Judges’ were ‘saviours’ marked out by God to set his people free. but these pictures are idealizations composed in a later age when the entire people was called to arms in times of national danger. There was never any question of an organized army. By this. but Aser. though certain passages. to call the people to arms. such as Judah and Simeon and the house of Joseph. The Song of Deborah twice insisrs on rhis freedom to fight or not to fight (Jg 5: 2 and g). Manasseh. give a more realistic picture of what acrually happened. 13: 18 and 14: 1pz20 picture D people in arms marching out ofEgypt. Gad and Manasseh (E&tern half). In the sane way Saul called ‘all Israel’ to arms against the Ammonites (I S II: I-II). Saul called upon the entire people for the holy war against the Amalekites (I S 15: 4) and assembled ‘all Israel’ against the Philistines (I S 17: 2. Indeed. which made its own decision. and this is particularly true of the older texts. The prose narrative in Jg 4: 6f. are irfa similar character. 22. therefore.uLrr*xl~ INsrmJn0NS 314 field tactics evolved more slowly in ancient times. When the men of Gibeah so maltreated a Levite’s concubine that she died. too. Saul had gathered ‘all Israel’ (I S 28: 4). were bound together by the pact of Shechem (JOS 2. where he would meet defeat and death at the hands of the Philistines. all Israel.) in&da in io list contingents from Ephraim. conquering their part of the Holy Land indcpendcntly of each other. Certainly things had changed considerably since the period of the Judges. the king even called auf ‘the entire people’ to pursue David when he took refuge in Q&h. Sometimes the tribes. for war was regarded as a sacral undertaking with a ritual of irr own. but it is not easy to perceive the true situation which underlies the stories of Exodus and Numbers. those six centuries saw extensive changes in both.4) join together for d_ tary enterprises. but it was a smooth evolution. A people under (mm Among nomads~ there is sw distinction between the army and the people: every abl&. Sometimes the message was underlined by a symbolic action. moved by the spirit ofYahweh(l S 10: IO and especially II: 6). Sin&rly. for example. It is obvious. There are customs of war and rules far fighting. M&r and Issachar as well. In Josue. this notion of a holy war persisted to the very end of Old Testament times. the Levite cut her body into twelve pieces and sent one to each tribe in order to rouse the entire people against the men ofthat town (Jg 19: 29-30). I S 13: 3. but the Song of Deborah (Jg 5 : 14f. Benjamin. 3~42. These latter texts show tribes or groups of tribes. under his she&h or another commander. 9. except the ma of Yabcsh in Gilead (Jg 21: 8f. leaving in Berblehem only their aged father and David. even the texts aeating directly of war need careful interpretation. According to I s 23 : 8. a town in Nephthali which did not f o ow its tribe.. There were various ways for the leader. Zcbulon and Nephthali as well (~g 6: 33). During the period of the Judges. Nb I: 3. Mcroz alone. His troops covered their torches with jars until the signal for attack. I S 18 : II. &body. Jos I: I). 40.216 m: MILITARY lNsTrnmONs for Nephthali was the first of all the tribes to take up arms. the Israelites took advantage of the fact that the Camam‘te forces were scattered. Pitched battles were fatal for the Israelites (I S 4: I-II: 31: r-7). Jericho in Jos 6. and only IO. cf. 18: 13).16.). They infdtqted where victory was theirs. 19: 9). then the T&made with its Levites. This brings to mind the urangemcnt of the cz. and Jg J: 8 gives 40. he sent home all who had no heart to fight. iar ‘eleph (I S 17: 18. 4: I3 and Jg 7: 11. Jg 7: 16) and 50 (I S 8: 12). and divided them into three columns. succeeded in worsting enemy forces which were superior in numbers or in weapons. According to the tradition recorded in Jg a: 6-q the expedition against the mm of Yabesh was not a ptitive expedition because of their abstention.rri0n (I s 17: 4-7). The bronze helmet and the breast-plate which Saul wanted David to wear produce a splendid literary e&ct. even during their days in thedesert.ooo men marched against Benjamin (Jg 20: 17).~~. The units of the army were based on those of society. Jg I: 19. he chose 300. Gideon’s action against the Midianites is even more typical. when the trumpet-sounds and the war-cries were calculated to throw the enemy camp into confusion by creating the impression of a vast force. When the people take up arms. in the very first stages of the conquest.ow men out of all 1srae1 to wage war on the Philistines (I s 13 : 2) and he gained his first victory with a force ofonly 600 (I s 13: 15. then 600 of Saul’s men fell upon the enemy.Jos~z:~~. but his shield is mentioned only in David’s elegy (2 S I: 11). The men ofDan who set offto conquer land were a mere 600 (Jg 18: I I). Jonathan and his armour-bearer went forward unaccompanied to attack the Philistine post at Mikmas and threw the place into pmic. these small groups of troops. as one meaning of the *:mBmMms0*IsuEL 117 Arabic hat&h (‘five’). the formation ofan army with a vanguard. they tell us that qoo. of these. compare I S I: IO (‘eleph) with verse 11 (miskpaFah). Threats might be utorcd against those who refused to do their duty (Jg 21: 5. Jonathan. are symbolic. wbich(apartfromEx 13: 18 and Nb 32: 17. the ‘Hebrew’ auxiliaries deserted from the Philistine side. They provided their own arms. A&which was already in ruins-in Jos 8. the Midianites lost their heads and took to fight (Jg 6: . this latter figure.ooa men ofJudah answcrcd the call of Saul ( I S II: 8). ism (I S 17: 38f.. By the skilful use of daring attacks. corrected by the ancient versions) occurs only in Jos I: 14.e. it recalls the ~amurhEm in the Midianin camp (Jg 7: II) and the ma&g order described in Nb I O: 11-28: first the division of Judah and Reuben. they are referred to a~ the ‘thousands of Imncl’(Nb3~:~. Arabic dictionaries give. in &art cloaks). but stopped short at the edge of the plains.3o. Whenever the capture of a town is related in any detail. and that the withdrawal ofEgypt bad left a void. Dt I: 28). it is always prepared by espionage. cf. that xqc. the Israelites from the hill country ofEphraim joined in the chase. two IYanks and a rearguard.mp in the dercrt. In spite of this mass call-up. and at the battle of Mikmas only Saul and Jonathan bad a sword and a lance (I S 13 : rg.Thaeuniuwerecommvldedbya ‘leader of a thousand’. They could be divided into small units of IOO men (I S 22: 7. Yet.Jg~:8). Bethel in Jg I: 23-25). where fortified cities andcbariotr barred their way(Jos 17: 1z. bold tricks and ambushes. 14: 2). Ex 17: 9. the number of fighting men was small. The Phil&tines disarmed the Israelites at the beginning of Saul’s reign.. The men assembled in battle dress bal&fm (literally. however. ‘unclothed’. of a very simple kind. on the other hand is shown as an archer ( I S 18: 4. 1 S II: 7). 4: IL) These ill-armed and pcaly trained troops were terrified at the fortified cities of Canaan (Nb 13: 28. Saul’s spear became the symbolofbis royal rank (I S 22: 6. The term limush&. I S 23: 23. Exaggerated numbers have crept into the older narratives.000 men. though in fict the number was far smaller. where. w: zof. which in theory provided a contingent of 1. But thne figures.OM).. More probably. To compensate for their inferior armament and for their lack of military formation they would attack with a small group of picked men (cf. of the 32. Jg XI: 16).COO remained. 4: 13..ca as the greatest number which could be mustered from all the tribes.000. The Canaanite endaves which survived were only gradually absorbed. i.16. which was guarded by the Levites-five tie in all. four divisions ($&n) sur_ rounded the Tabernacle. and the use of ‘a thousand men’ for ‘a clan’ in Jg 6: 13. 2 S I: 6. I S 13: 5. Saul picked 3. The unit was the clan (mishp&h)..000 men who answered his call. is sometimes explained by the fact that the atmy was divided into groups of fifty. lastly the divisions ofEphraim and Dan. too. is also the six of the entire army of Israel facing Jericho (Jos 4: 13). 2 S I: 6) and at the heavily armed Philistine w2. and victory itself is secured either by treachery or by guile (cf. The trick succeeded.. 2 S I: 2~). Reconnaissance showed him that the morale of the enemy was low. The usual weapons were swords and sliigs (the tribe of Benjamin had some expert slingers. according to Nb 2: 2-31. but we do not know what sanctions were in fact applied. Jg 1: ~27-35). that 3cqoca Israelites and 30. (Compare also the Fnnturhlm ofEx 13: 18. 26: 7. but they are probably an machron. the word refers to soldiers drawn up in ‘five’ corps on the march and in amp. its sole purpose was to find wives for the rest of the tribe of Benjamin without breaking the oath which the other combatants had taken. at iron-clad chariots (Jos 17: 16-18. under the firm control of good leaders. Other texts are more sober: Jg 4: IO reckons the joint forces at Zabulon and Nephthali at not more than ID. Nb 31: 3-4). ‘stripped’.x infmtrymen followed him when he marched on the Am&kites (I S IS: 4). and the Philistine defeat was turned into a rout (I S 14: l-23).zz). and he made careful preparations for a night operation. . In Deborah’s day there was’not a shield or spear among the forty thousand men of 1srx1’ (Jg 5: 8). They came from everywhere: among the Thirty heroes of David (z S 23 : 24-39). the soldiers were professional soldiers. Nevcrtbeless. hut this was outside the territory of Israel (Jg II: 3). The individual feats of arms attributed to David’s hcrocs (t S 21: 15-x) can be explained in the same way. This study of military institutions before the time of David has not taken into account their religious aspect. These customsused to obtain among Arab tribes. men from his own tribe. the Canaanites and the Philistines..a single combat between the two of them before both armies. Though the story combiies a series of distinct episodes. p. There was also a contingent of 6. including an Aramaean from Sobah. (a) The corps of mercmdes. too. and Gideon’s tiny force harassed the survivors right to the edge of the desert (Jg 8: 4-12). whom we shall discuss later. Jos 15: 14) and f/id+! horaphah (2 S 21: 16. Such a military organization was incompatible with the spirit and the traditions of the federation of the Twelve Tribes. At the most critical moment in the conquest of Algeria. Benjamin (cf. Jg 9: 4).. I S 22: 7). collected a band of armed supponers. During the war between Saul’s partisans and those of David. It has recently been suggested that the special term for these mercenaries may have been preserved in the expressions y’lidg ha’anaq (Nb 13: a. 44). and even foreigners.~~:18.C.~ The other uses of the word y&d. serf’. it gives a fair idea of warfare in the period of the Judges.. from Judah (I S 16: 1st. even now. the Epbraimites cut off the c+ny’s retreat (Jg 7: z3-25). 2x9 Jcphtbab. in the Qumran scroll it meam light infantry. the setbacks encountered in the war against the Philistine proved to the Irraeliter that wholesale consaiption of the nation would not provide a force capable of effective opposition to a professional army. I. the latter might be the smaller force. The hypothesis is not without interest. CT p. with whom he went over into the service of the Philistines (I S 27: 2). David recruited among them~dndthdrvass~acorprofK’rerhiuldPlerhi(~S8:18. a man from Manusch. hut there was also an Ephraimite. 110. but it would be well trained and ready for action at a moment’s notice. and would be applied to professiona soldiers because they gave up their freedom to enter a military corps.a18 m: &lmrrrnY MS-ONS 33-7: 22). There were exceptions. 2 S II: 3f. some foreigners. and persisted until modem times. From time to time. These mercenaries did not enjoy the rank of free men.1 the majority came from Judah and the neighbowing regions. were called ‘Irh habbemym. had standing armies. The creation of a similar army was the work of the first kings of 1srae1. which will be d&used later. hut he took men from other Israelite t&a also. ot by engaging an equal number of soldiers picked from either side. when the Duke of Aumale had been sent by his father Louis-Philippe to take over command of the army. 1. and Gn 14: 14 shows they were used for military purposes. 23. but for lack ofa sufficient number of clearer texu it cannot be classed as certain. ofcourse.). hut ‘dependent. an Ammo& and Uriah the Hittite. T:TmAm. ‘the man-between-two’ or ‘the man for combat between two’ (I S 17: 4: 23). and Saul’s kingdom was poor. I K I: 38. I. 18: 2). CT. in the expression y’lid! bayfh would be a confirmation of this hypothesis: it refers to slaves who have a particular status in the family. The Philistine’s challenge to the Israelites in I S r7: 8-10 is quite clearly a proposai that the fate of the two peoples should be settled by a ringlc combat. and their numbers increased as the victories of David widened his field for recruiting and provided the neccrsary income to pay them. After brakin$with Saul. 18). because all twentyfour were killed and a general fight ensued (2 S 2: I4f.). The term is never found again except in the Qumran work entitled ‘The Order of the War’ and there ia meaning is not the same. but these can be explained. he took him into his service ( I S 14: ~2). the Emir Abd-el-Kader suggested to the Duke that they should end the war either by . They were never very numerous. pp. cf. pmumably. 22: 18). other Israelite contingents took part in the pursuit (as in I S 14: 22). some native-born. These partisans stayed with him when he baame king ofJudah and of Israel. He preferred. There follows the exploitation of victory. There is evidence of this custom as early as the 18th century B. but he was only h&Israelite by birth and was scheming to set up a kingdom on the model of the Canaanites. but no decision was reached. 28. a man from Gad and several foreigners. that the warrion of Israel were upheld by their Grm b&f that Yahweh fought with them and that he could grant them victory whatever the odds against them (I S 14: 6. David recruited mercenaries for himxlf: he had 400 men at first (I S 22: 2). an Egypt&~ story about a certain Sin&t says it was practixd among the Canaanite semi-nomads.x men from Gath in Philistia (2 S 15: 1st).msoPlsllABL . They were Saul’s ‘men’ (I S 23: 25-26) or David’s ‘men’ 1. including bath infmtry and charioteers.~~:7. the husband of Bathshebx (cf. Saul began the recruiting of mercenaries: whenever he saw a brave and fearless man. such xs the corps of Anaq or of Raphah (the meaning of these words remaining open to investigntion). like David. two enemy forces would agree to settle the issue by single combat. After conquering the Phil&tines. for they had to bc paid (cf. The enemies of Israel. They were directly under the king. like thcEdomite Doeg (I S 21: 8.’ But it must not be forgotten. it menu. Abner proposed to Joab that they should decide the issue by a fight between twelve picked men from each side. and later 600 (I S 25: 13). 17: 47). Irs-la. By this policy David was copying an institution of the canunite and Philistine principalities. The word yalid would not mean ‘descendant’. The champions. Abimelek recruited mercenaries (Jg 9: 4).1. . When the king died. 4: a). professional soldiers. IO compared with I K I: 38. who were dis tinct from the national army ( I K 20: 14-19). the national army) comes up in support and gives chase to the enemy ( I K 20: 13-20). But thegibb&lm seem to be the same as the K’refhi and the Plerhi (2 S 16: 6 compared with 2 S 15: 18. and thegibb&im of 16: 6. for when the term is to be take” in a strictly military sense.9: 20: 6.’ We cannot say vlything precise about its organization.x IZ~. possibly recruited from Canaan. it is probable that they were the bravest of David’s companions in the early days.zo). 23 : 27) and in the pursuit of David ( I S 23 : zsf. the ‘champions’ (gibb6rlm) arc motioned in 2 S 20: 7 alongside the K’&i and the Pkthi. ‘troop of thirty’ among the immediate attendants of Ramses III. Among these ‘champions’ two groups were outstanding for their bravery.. and remained distinct fro”1 the contingents which Israel and Judah furnished in times of emergency. Since the majority ofthem came from Southern Judah. They are mentioned. 23 : 8-23). the servants (‘abadlm) of Saul (I S 18: 5. He used his mercenaries for the capture of Jerusalem (2 S 5 : 6) and to defeat the Pbilistines (2 S 5 : 21. and I K I: 8. The latter seem to constitute the entire bodyguard at the time:theyareput~o”gsidethearmyofthepeoplein~S8:16. and the” 1srae1 (i. Thev were a . also 2 S 4: 12.) These sold&s.. IX: ~66) and the contingents of lsrael and Judah are held in reserve until the fmal assault (12: 29). I K I : 38. and to the ‘r”““ers’ and the &rites under Athaliah (2 K I I: 4). They must therefore have been numerous enough to be divided into companies. but Benayabu was also the leader of K’rerhi and the P’lefhi (z S 8 : 18. I 3 . are sometimes called ““&I.) and no one knows precisely what distinguished them from the rest ofDavid’s ‘me”’ (I S 23: 13. for guarding the palace in Jerusalem. they were not. II. 21: IS) and daring feats of bis champions became the subject of a story (2 S 21: IS-U. Although they sometimes acted ‘& &cise reliion I : Tm mms OP ISw. They formed the royal bodyguard.44).5. for it seems to have been rather flexible..z.8. ‘runners’ (I S . but in the military sense of ‘cadets’.30. 18. These professional troops formed a special command. 20: 23 . commanded by Abishni (z S 23: 18 and 24-39). along with the squires (shalirhim) it the story of Jehu (2 K IO: 25). and Benayahu is commander of the Kerethites and Pelethites. Saul’s so”. attacks are launched by the guards (II: 14-17. or a group of them. are sent off first to launch the offensive. (An Egyptim text mentio”s a. they accompanied him (I ‘S 21: 3. uld thegibbdrfm done are mentioned alongside the people’s army in 2 S IO: 7. I K I: 33). 18:7. II . of the household troops (z S 8: 16.). as the mercenaries of 15: 18. and Benayahu commanded it under David. literally. When David fled for bis life.~o:~3. 19). They were responsible.a~: 17): Doeg the Edomite was protably their commander (21: 8. 0” the other hand. cf. CT p. litally.The ‘cadets’ ofz S 16: z seem to be the same as the soldiers of the guard who accompanied David on his fight. They are called ‘abdim and. In the list ofDavid’s offI&& there are two soldiers: Joab is commander of the army. faced each other at Gibeon (2 S a: 14). his mercnurier passed to his heir: thus the ‘servants’ of Saul became the servants of Ishbaal (2 S 2: 12. 13: 14. by granting them lands. We have already referred to the ‘~unncrs’ of Roboam (I K 14: 27-28) and ofJehu (2 K IO: 25). together with the karite mercenaries. apparently.). and indications ofracial origin.like the ‘abadh in 2 S I I : I I. it means simply professional soldiers (cc also NC 4: IO). meaning. Lastly.: 17)orDwid(1 Sz5:4o:zSz: 17. 2 S 18: 13). The same tactics are used in the Aramaean wars of Achab: the ‘cadets’ of the district commissioners. Saul too had his cadets (I S 26: 22). Apart from the general term “abaih’. 111-11. Israel and Judah camp in huts while the guards sleep in the open country (II: II).. whose leader was Ishbaal (2 S 23: 8-x2). corrected). M: 7. The forts blult by Roboam were 1. 3o.. The word had a military sense in Canaanite. Saul used his household troops against the Phil&tines (I S 18 : 27.zto m: b”LITARY INsIITUnONS ( I S 23 p&m. Later. the fifty runners who went before Absalom and Adonias when they were affecting a royal retinue (2 S IS: I . perhaps for the same reason. ‘those who obey. and that they were formed into a special company of picked men when he was living at Siqlag. oersonal bodveuard. who amwcr the call’ ( I S 23: 14. and passed into the Egyptian language. collectively. David was its leader under Sad. 24: If. 20: 23). I K I: 33). ‘youngsters’. the soldiers who cornwsed this bodveuard are referred to by different names. we meet the ‘cadets’ of the district commissioners. cf. figure as me” who carry o”t the king’s orders for revenge (like the ““arim in z S .~ 211 as squires or armour-bearers (I S 20: zlf. 2 S 23: 33). Saul’s (and later David’s) personal bodyguard is called. The detailed account of the Ammonite War throws light on the relationship benuee” the fwo forces: both the household troops and all Israel are sent into action (2 S II: I). This last text reminds us that the professional army continued in existence long after the reign of David. cf. 33 f. 13. 2 K 11: 4. or a claim on tithes (I S 8: 14-15). young recruits in contrast to veterans. II:~. and they are called the ‘abadim of David and Ishbaal in thesamepassage(z S 2: IZ-13). that is. They were stationed “ear the king at Jerusalem under David (2 S I I : 9. or centuries. 3:zz. Saul had r&z. etc. the mirhma’arh. 25 : of. I K I : 5). The king acknowledged their servicer by exempting them from taxes or forced labour (I S 17: zs). the Three.~ like . which had a room for the ‘runners’ and a gate called the ‘Runners’ Gate’ (I K 14: 27-28.44). The ‘cadets’ of David and Ishbaal. but the professional army did not really show its capabilities until the reign of David.6. II. a” escort platoon. where t~a’arutw means a” army corps. but during the investment of Rabbah of the Amman&s. but we do not know which thex “am& bear to each other. and the Thirty.e. in this context. 27: 3. The “umber of chariots is quite feasible: at the battle of Qarqar. there were two riders.Y lNSRTunONS undoubtedly manned by professional soldiers (2 Ch II: 1x-12). one to hold the reins and one to fight.. t. t S 13: 3.could ~llllloeuvre.cf. where there was a ‘Horses Gate’(~Kxt:16)uldinthe’Chariottowns’(rKto:26). at the time of the Israelite monarchy. the driver (called simply rakkob or ‘charioteer’ in I K 22: 34). Megiddo.000 chariots into the field(~Chg:~3.xa. the principal chariot garrisons (Hazer. Egypt and Syria-Palestine. who are “ever once mentioned in his reign. these places formed a defence network which straddled the main roads leading to the heart of the kingdom. but afterwards they reverted to a three-man team. The chariot force of Judah seems t0 have been increased in the eighth century. and of chariots too numerous to count’ ( IS 2: 7). In the middle was an open courtyard with drinking troughs. Tamar. hence they were unable to adopt this new md important weapon for some time. These troops were quartered in Jerus. put into the field z. however. this number was r&d to four at sane date between Tiglath-Pileser III and Assurbaipal. The ‘third’ was called. It was fiat introduced by the Indc-Europems who helped to build the state of Mitanni in Northe~ Mesopotamia.27. king ofJudah. Hittite chariots had a driver.aSt~:18).hekeptonlyonehundredofrhem(~S8:4). Gezer.ca chariots.C. Megiddo. when Isaias says: ‘Its land is full of hones. and non-biblical texts inform us that each chariot hzd three horses attached. two in hamess and one in reserve. To set up . They were not disbanded. the courtyard was used to exercise and to train the horses. for. This is the last unquestionable r&axe to these mercenary troops. Jg I: 19. Of these towns. but it seem that the king bought chariots in Egypt (where they made excellent ones) and horses in Ciicia (which had a reputation for stud-farms). for it is “ever once mentioned in the accounts of his campaigns. The new weapon was quickly copied by the Hittiter. Solomon’s prefects organized the supplies of corn and fodder for this force (I K 3: 8). recruited mercenaries in Israel.4w chariots uld 12. The stables discovered at Megiddo could hold 450 horses.’ When the kingdom was split after the death of Solomon.lem. he must have raised this chariot force from the money in the exchequer. The king’s armout-bearer or squire enjoyed a special rank and was rather like an aide-de-xnp. (b) The &m&y. These armaments came from Egypt. ue listed in I K g: 15-19: Hnzor. they were me” skilled in breeding horses. 30: 16. according to I K IO: 26.Thex’T”wnsf”r chariots uld horses’ “I garrison t”vms. chariot. xt least the first four were formerly royal cities of the Canaanites. in Assyrian.md to m&&n a chariot corps was an expensive undertaking. This force quite overshadowed the mercenary foot-soldiers. uld in the early days the Israelites were poor. When the Israelites were still consolidating their position in the Promised Lad. 2 Ch 23 : 6f. Since Solomon had “or made any conquests himself.1Kx:3). we do find that both Absalom md Ado”& when each was plotting for the throne. The Pbilisdnes uld the other ‘Peoples of the Sea’ who lived along the coast of Palestine scan had their charioteers. Again. and war so”” adopted throughout Mesopanmia. Judah bad very few chariot troops left. uld the new Aramaeul states which were just coming into being in Syria could not afford to be without chariots either. rhdshu(rokbu) or tarhlirhu. from about 1300 B.He tnay have acted in the sa”~e way when he axxd Cvlaanite cities. 223 Achabb. The number of horses. On the other hand. and in this way he may have built up a small chariot force for his own use. and the Annals of Samacherib mention the auxiliaries of Ezechias who deserted during the siege of TOI B. states that Amasias. 4: ‘3.. and Joram had chariots which were defeated by the Edomites (2 K 8: 21).C . As a result. 3: 9).. ad all lay close to level country where the chariots. the combatant md the ‘third’ (rhallsh: I Kg: 22. and we do not know whether Roboam posted any in the new tow”s he fortified. a combatant and a” armour bearer. he had 1. the horses ofJudah fought side by side with those of 1srae1 in the war against Moab (2 K 3 : 7). Israelite chariots also carried three men. 2 S I: 6). where Judah had once more I : Tim *muEs OF ISPABC - . Every little Clnamite state had its chariots and its charioteers. but they were relegated to a secondary position.OM) may have originated in a tradition which estimated that Solomon could put 4.theglossontKj:6). which had once possessed their own chariot force: Solomon was continuing a tradition. The text of 1 K 10: 28-29 is far from phi”. Baalath. Excavations at Megiddo have shown what these ‘chariot towns’ looked like: part of the town was given over to enormous stables with a separate stall for each horse. king of Israel. The “umber IZ. drove Out i” a. they had to contmd with the war-chxioo of the Cmaaites uld of the Philisdna (Jos 17: 16-18. the team had three me”. the chariot force must have been very tmimportmt compared with bis foot-soldiers. and the king “fDunucus. but in the Neo-Hittite states the number was reduced to two. and in the art of making light but strong twc-wheeled chariots. too. 2 K IO: 25). so that the situation was exactly the reverse of what had obtained in David’s reign. in 835 IX. and curses those who place their must in horses and a large chariot force (Is 31: I . Gezer and probably Lower Beth-Horo”) fell into the ha”ds of the Israelites. seems too high: reliefs. cf. Lower Beth-Horo”. I” Assyria. In Egyptian chariots. with rumers going before them(zS1~:1.2 “I: r4mTAP. arm in the military forces of the Near East. Fortified by co”scripts of the national labour forces (I K g: 13). Nevertheless. After his victory over the Arvnacvls at Sob& David had the captured chariot horses hamstrung (cfJos1t:~. &a&try had become the essential. but ifhe did. and they were known by the IndcEuropea” name of nraryannu. and sometimes the principal. Solomon’s great military innovation was the establishment of a strong chatiot force.cca hones. Mi I : 13. paintings. This text should be compared with 2 Ch 26: I I. cc p. the termpararhEm. 38: 4 (the army of Gag). and at the most critical moment in these struggles. and the horsemen referred to in Ez 23 : 6. consequently. though not very many (cf. and I&s seems to bc condemning this recourse to armaments as something new. cf. but only of ‘men of war’(‘ansh~(hm)mil&mah.C . often translated ‘horsemen’ or ‘cavalry’. The greater part of Solomon’s chariotry fell to the kingdom of Israel. I:TxEmtaEsOPIE)IABL We have seen that. cf. Much later. 25: 5). According to Dt 20: 59 there were several sh&‘rfm.18: 4. 111. Among the prisoners there was also a scribe (dphpher).5: 5. There were still some chariots at Samaria (2 K 7: ‘3. or a vineyard which has not yielded its first harvest. one ofwhich was commanded by Zimri (I K 16: 9). 7). are men of Judah who had been called to arms and who would return to their homes and the fields after the war (Jr 40: IO).C . The Egyptian army never had any cavalry except for mounted scouts. The dismissal of the faint-hearted (Dt zo: 8) is perhaps an addition inspired by Jg 7: 3. 25: 5). IS). In the stories of the monarchical period. ~. The latter were normally the heads offamilies 01 clans. but these soldiers. Nor did the Israelites. p. cf. Under El& they were divided into two caps.1 to remain the principal fighting arm of the Scythians.wo horses if he could fmd horsemen to ride them (2 K 18:23). more detailed and unquestionably more exact than the parallel in 2 K 23 : 30: when Josiar was wounded at Megiddo. IO: a). md a distinction was drawn between the contingents from Judah and those from Benjamin (2 Ch 17: 14-17. The description of the war-horse given in Jb 39: 19-25 is inspired by foreign customs.J ) . as in Egypt (2 K 9: I7f.wo cavalry. and later defended itself. or ‘os~mi&mah. Instead.. 1t seems that chariot troops were never again raised after this time. mounted troops retained a greater measure of importance. who boasted that he captured 300 chariots at Hamath. and therefore by localities (2 Ch I~: 14. IIS. means either chariot teams or the men who rode in chariots. for the supreme command was exercised by the king himself. Jr. . The same text makes provision for a certain number of mm who are to be exempted: those who own a new and as yet unoccupied house. where we are told that a register of the army of Ozias was made under the secretary Yeiel and a rhdpr or clerk* named Maaseyahu. Nb I: 3 . IZ (Assyrians). obviously in different districts. These texts. The recruits did not briig their own arms. M 3 : 56. A corps of Jewish cavllry appears for the first time under Simon in 136/r35 B. Emohncnt was by family groups. the mercenary and mounted troops of the kingdom of Judah were not m-formed after the events of 7or xc. C . in the early Maccabean wars.5 : 19 Nabuchodonosor took prisoner a high ranking official.19. 2 minister of national deface. a saris. though it had long been used among certain Northern peoples and ~a. These are the only soldiers mentioned in the accounts of the capture of Jerusalem by Nabuchw donosor. The country did not benefit thereby. 8: 6. date from after the fall of the monarchy. Sennacherib’r envoy made the ironical proposal to Ezechias that he would give him z. Za I : 8-1 I). but only 6. I. It shows that the king had two chariots at his disposal.1 ‘set over the men of war’. Esd 8: 22 and Ne 2: 9 (Persians) are all foreigners. where Canaanite traditions still persisted. in all probability. Moreover. Joachaz had only ten chariots left (2 K 1.e.ITAPY INsnTullONS 224 tumedinquestofanally(Is3I: I. We hear nothing of mercenaries or chariots. but the reverse suffered in the Aramaean wars weakened this branch of the army wry considerably. or ‘men of war’. the territory secured its freedom.: 7). gained only 50 by his conquest of samaria. and sonu elements of cavalry were introduced into the Assyrian a. as in olden times. ‘charged to enlist the people of the country’. Jr4o: 7f. but it does not prove that there was a chariot corps. It is true that officers and theirmenare spoken of(z K 25: zjf. the men were put under the command of their officers (f&x Dt 20: 9). After enlistment. Sometimes men did jump on horseback to flee more quickly (I K 20: 20. i. with an army of conscripts. moreover. Am 3: IS). in 2 K 2s: 4.rtny about the sane time. . and also in the ostraka from L&h). perhaps he was a commanderin-chief. Herod had jo. horsemen could beused as scouts or despatch riders. 2 K 7: 6). they were provided by the king (2 Ch 26: 14)..) Mobilization affected everyone aged 20 or over (2 Ch z. or a civilian in charge of the administration of the army. 6: ~of. but it was still very small ( I M 16: 4.. who were responsible for recruiting.. According to the Annals of Shalmaneser III.. 2 K 24: 16). . and men who are engaged but have not yet married: according to Dt 24: 5. the I..m: hm. Is 30: 16. The only witness is the text of 2 Ch 35: 24. About moo B. for in 701 Sennacherib captured every town in Judah except Jerusalem without fighting a single batrle in which chariots were engaged.I: 4. but troops in chariorr still preponderated.: they were too costly to maintain. newly-weds had a deferment for one year. 13: 2. they took him out of his chariot and carried him to Jerusalem in his ‘second chariot’. mounted cavalry made its first timid appearance in the Near East. According to 2 K z. the Jews could field only infantry against the powerful Greek cavalryand elephantmounts (I M I: 17.wo infantrymen in his army. Warriors on horseback are represented on the bas-reliefs of Tell Halaf at the beginning of the ninth century B . AM ..ca Israelite chariots took part in the battle of Qarqar. The losses were never made good: Sargon of Assyria. (The same rules were applied by Judas Maccabee when he raised the liberation army. The accounts of the defeat at Bethzacharia (I M 6: 29-47) and of 22s Jonathan’s victory over Apollonius ( I M IO: 73-83) are particularly sign&_ ant. 26: 2). we shall return to this lrter. he brought about rhe mobilization &a neighbouring tribe by fixing a sighting picket on the top of a hill. ot perhaps even ceased to exist. each degel must have included several thousand men.000 men.& conscript army was an innovation of J&as. but a division of the army. 24: z). for there were several ~?gallm in the colony. and anyone should be wary of using the text of I Ch 27: I-IS.z3:zg:2s:4-s). The nes. In the Qumran text. Except for these names which indicate numbers. The information certainly does not date back to the reign of David. according to Ex 18: zt and Dt 1: rj. I I: IO. 17: 18) and among the mercenary troops (2 K I I : 4). who came with ten men to assassinate God&s just after the fall of Jerusalem.r3). is not really an ensign. if we suppress the figures and the names.2Chaj:9. We may note. drawing his inspiration from Solomon’s twelve prefectures. according to t Ch 27: I. 50 and to men. and that the conscript army (alone. The same custom exists among rhe Arabs. ot sometimes (and the meaning is closely allied). The figures quoted are too high. Another argument in support of this theoty is the use of ‘a thousand’ for mishpaboh.~0:2. This is the right meaning in Nb I : p. but. The last statement. however. and thirdly (and this meaning is not very unlike the others). p. and that the notes scattered throughout Chronicles. according to Nb 2 and IO. the idea may have originated with the Chronicler himself. soldiers sent on a raid into enemy territory (2 K 5 : 2. . necessitated a corps of professiollll otTicers permanently in the wtvice of the king: they were part of his ‘abodlm ot iarin (z K 24: 12. and only a few years ago. but in the Elephantine documents it must be smaller. Nb 2: 2. it may have been tme ofa later epoch. If degel means a ‘division’. 2 K 13 : 20. If it is a legitimate use. 13). etc. which have been used in the last few pages..Ex17:1~). is not wholly arbitrary. 1t is perfectly true that the mercenary troops had lost their importance. The units were composed of 1. 116.000. the supreme head of the army and took an active part in operations (tK22:+9. 100.). it is also the sense given by the ancient versions.zK3:9. cf. Information however. when a surveyor named Schumacher was making topographical surveys in Galilee. CT. the word ‘0th (‘sign.m*rtY MSTmnlONS rB’shl hn’obSth (z Ch 26: 12). the dqel comprises about I. is lacking. but the ensigns of other nations were usually religious emblems. Leaders of fifty men are mentioned in the story ofElias (2 K I: 9. One recent suggestion is that. According to 2 Ch ~66: II. The commanders of one hundred and of a thousand men are listed in the statistics of 2 ch 23 : 5.cf. but a pole or mast. the words used for army units are of uncertain meaning. where it may be a translation of the Latin signurn. then it may be noted that the proportion between oficers and soldiers in a Ch 26: n-13 would give each officer roughly 120 men to command: thegdrld or ‘company’ would be roughly equivalent to a hundred men. often translated ‘banner’. it appears) ensured the defence I. often brigands (I S 30: Sf. there are good parallels to &is custom among the Bedouin. signal. IS). that they may even have ceased to exist towvds the end of the monarchy. 2.Jr4:6. This conclusion is unfounded. and the same organization of the conscript axmy dated back to the period of David. was a leader of a group of ten (Jr 41: I.27. This organization dated back to the desert period. But when the mercenaries had fallen in numbers. a troop of mercenari~(2S4:2. 159. his household and his troops for a month of each year ( I K 5: 7-8). who had quite a different function. Perhaps Ishbaal. the army was divided into fdi. 2: 2-34. CT p. and it is used with this meaning in the papyri ofElephantine and in the Order of the War from Qumran.226 In: Mu.z This national army was never called to ~tms except in time of war. I ’ 1. III other passages the word means a troop of armed men.cf.OOO men.d. 13: 2.t4:11. On the other hand. IO: 14-2~. The structure ofthe army and its e&iency in du Geld. 14. for units of one hundred and of D thousand men were already in existence when the entire people used to take up arms (I S a: 7. the word is never used in texts concerning the army or in accounts of battles. Jr 52: IO. The only questionable point is the size of this unit. The degel seems to have been a higher unit. 2 Ch 26: II).butapartfromtheserefetencesin the prophets. The king remained. and this may have been the reason which dissuaded the Israelites from copying them. however. the Ark of the Covenant played a similar role. and the names of the commanden of these classes are the names of David’s champions. the men of the twelve tribes formed only four Sgallfm and even if we do not accept the colossal figures which are cited in Nb 2. each of which supported the king. 6: 23 . but there is no certain evidence for the use of& word in the sense of military ensign except in the Dead Sea Scrolls. there is little evidence left for the existence of standards or ensigns in the Israelite army. however.Theuseofthewordin2Ch26:1I to denote the formations of the conscript army is quite exceptional. as in the time of Saul and David.5t:1z. perhaps s K 25: 19). as so many modem dictionaries and translations interpret it. 12.eventhoughhemight(ag~in like David) lrwe a general to command his troops (2 Ch 26: II. probably a certain number of recruits were kept under arms in peace-time to ensure the security of the territory and to garrison the fortresses. each of which did service for the king for one month of the year. which was raised on a hill to give the signal to take up arms or to tally together (Is 5: 26. miraculous sign’) may mean the emblem or standard around which men of the same clan camped. which says that David divided the people into twelve classes of 24. The main argument in favour ofensigns in the army of ancient 1srac1 is that all &Eastern armies had ensigns at the time. should all be referred to this age. This word does not mean a standard or ensign. In one text only. cf. On the other hand. that at the beginning of the monarchic period.~ h. 18: 3. II. The people ofIsrael and the people ofJudah were involved in the aIIiance between Josaphat and Achab (I K 22: 4). and the system of conscription forced itself upon rhem in the end. war. years before. After their conquest or occupation of these towns. During the Aramaean wars. so that no pkgue may break out against them cm the occasion of the census’ (Ex 30: 12). Thus the tradition of a people under arms persisted. where the destruction had been complete. protected by gates and bars’ (Dt 3 : 5). but the mass response to a di from a leader inspired by God had given place to mobilization organized by the royal administration. These latter fortifications. The Egyptian illustrations of campaigns under the Pharaohs of the New Empire give a picture of what they looked like. but it is quite certain that he secured the defcnces of other places as well.228 m: hsIuTARY lNSmuTloNs of the country during these times. they rebuilt the ramparts in new ways.5: 31). and O&s (z Ch 26: 11-13). was becoming a nonreligious matter. Every town (‘ir) was normally encircled by a rampart. Solomon’s chariot . brought a plague down on the people (2 s 24: m-15). 1t is understandable that these heavily fortified towns struck fear into the Israelite invaders (Nb 13: 28). Lists of strongholds and isclared references to them occur in the Old Testament. There is no reason to doubt that military registrations took place under Asa (2 Ch 14: 7). by disregarding this right of God’s. and repaired them if necessary. verxs 3 and IO). are the only ones which interest us here. The Bible mcntions no similar work outside the capital during his reign. and applies only to certain periods. David.. Jr 34: 7 and many other texts). they preserved intact the parts which remained. Josaphar (2 Ch 17: r4-18). they were ‘strongholds enclosed by high walh. David’s first objective after the capture of Jerusalem was to build a wall around it (2 S 5 : g) : we should take it to mean that he merely repaired the Jebnsite ramparts. the Israelites took care to rebuild the dcfences (though archaeological evidence of this begins only at the reign of Saul) . 8 : 14). Cnnmm Two FORTIFIED CITIES AND SIEGE WARFARE T HE ancient cities of Canaan. for their mmparts reached ‘to the sky’ (Dt I: 28). cf. The entire population of the ncighbourhood would seek protection behind these defcnces in times of danger (Jr 4: 5 . and archaeologists attribute to him the building of the ramparu at Tell Bcit-Mirsim and at Beth Shemcsh. however. each of which was the centre of a tiny State. each one of them must pay Yahweh the ransom-price of his life. and a profanation [cf. were encircled by ramparts and defended by towers and fortified gates. a census is a move fraught with danger. cf. and they applied these new methods in the towns they themselves founded. and in that between Joram and the king of Judah (2 K 3: 7). But this same conscript army was already in existence. The first indication of this development can be seen as early as David’s reign: his census (2 S 24: 1-9) had a military purpose and wa equivalent to drawing up a register for conscription. Lv z. certain details show that the Chronicler has made use of ancient sources. Yet no one will deny that he has introduced into his text figures which are improbably high. Am&as (2 Ch 23: 5). The new texts from Mari throw light on passages from the Bible such as this: ‘When you make P census of the Israelites. alongside the mercenary troops. 19). the information is incomplete. which distinguished it from M open village (baser. Putting names on a register was seen as a usurpation of a divine prerogative: Yahweh alone keeps the register of those who are to live or to die (LX 32: 32-33). a census was made of the entire ‘people’ as well as of the ’ youngsters’or ‘cadets’ (I K 2: 15. but though these texts throw some light on the system of protecting the territory.pd excavations in Palestine allow us to study the plan of these defaces and the techniques employed in their construction. But a town which was defendcd by solid constructions was called a ‘fortified town’ (‘ir mibpr: cf. against which one must take religious precautions. but this step was condemned as an abandonment of the rules of a holy war. replanned or erected by the Israelites. mentioning Lakish and Libnah by name (2 K 18: 17 and 19: 8). who posted troops in them (2 Ch 17: 2. 18: 9-10). Etham. 227).. The biblical account. We know only that Josaphat stationed troops in the fortified towns of Judah and that them were at Jerusalem a garrison and an officers’ corps to form the backbone of the conscript army (cc z Ch 17: 2. The penury of biblica information is due to the Judahire origin of the historical books. states that Sennachcrib attacked the fortresses in Judah and captured them (z K 18: 13). It is sound historical information. the information may stem from an ancient source. Teqoa. Basha of Israel attempted to fortify Ram& about six miles north ofJerusalem. as some authors have propdred.. and at Megiddo. The Bible gives us very little information about the northern kingdom. these two places are also mentioned in an osuakon found at L&h and written at the very time. 19: 5).e. Northwards from Gath. We know for certain that shortly before the tinal ruin of the kingdom of Judah. but built along mutes where resistance was practicable. The northern front still lay open. Is 22: 9-11) was continued by Manlsseh (z Ch 33 : 14). without counting the towns which David and Solomon had fortified and which were still in cxistencc. One passage of Chronicles. it was only by a miracle that Jerusalem itself was saved. the southern front wu protected by Adomyim. Manasseh posted o&err in the fortified towns of Judah. Jeroboam I fortified Shechem and Penuel in Tramjordan (I K 12: 2s). Under Achab. and archaccloeical evidence confirms this. M a r e s h a h . but Asa ofJudah drove him out and brought his own frontier forward to Geba in Benjamin and to Mispah. according to I K 15: 23 and 2 Ch 14: j-6. but we do not know how the st&iig was organized. From Ziph to the west. Hebron. Thii.4f. Samaria had powerful defences. The walls of Terusalem were not rebuilt until th. archaeologists have found a gate and rampart contemporary with the stables. and excavations have confirmed the fact. After their victory the Chaldeans razed to the ground the fortifications of Jerusalem (2 K 25: IO) and ofevery town in Judah (Lm 2: z. and those of other to&s. which has no parallel in the books of Kings. 19. Lakish and Azeqah. According to 2 Ch 33: 14.7: I-IS that the strongholds were held by contingents of conscripts who served by turns for one month of each yea. Likish and Gath. Ziph. In his letter to the leading men of Samaria (z K IO: 2) Jehu writes that they have on their side a ‘strong place’. but. It has been argued from I Ch 2. Ijb-19). like Gezer and B&u. and in times of crisis. but there is no mention of troops being sent with them. too. 5). p. but the meaning and value of this text are far from certain (cf. the list is probably incomplete. Besides rebuilding its chariot force. . two cities. built forts in the desert and improved the methods of dcfence (z Ch 26: IO and IS). A line of fortified towns guarded the ridge road running from the south towards Jerusalem. and should not mislead us: there is no doubt that the northern kingdom had a defence system just as elaborate as Judah’s. (2) Azcqah. in addition to h i s w o r k a t J e r u s a l e m (z Ch 26: 9). (4) Ayyalon. The defence work undertaken at Jerusalem by Ezcchias (2 Ch 32: 5. We have already mentioned the abortive enterprise of Basha at Ramah (I K 15: 17Q. recording a fact which is relevant in the reign of Roboam: the campaign of the Pharaoh Sheshonq in Palestine (I K 14: 25) had proved that the country needed to reinforce its dcfences. they would man them with defenders raised on the spot. and dominated the Eastern desert: Jerusalem. These fortresses WCIS not strung out along the frontiers of the kingdom. Bethsur. ad it is possible that in these last days of the monarchy the garrisons of the strongholds were reduced to token forces: they would employ forced labour (following the very old and extreme example cited in I K I 5 : 21) to keep the defences in good repair. and at the most favoumblc strategic points. He restored other strongholds in Judah. fortified) in Moab by Omri and Achab. he is referring to Samaria alone. As long as the chariot force and the mercenaries existed. the principal passes into the hill-country of Judah were closed on the wcstcm side by: (I ) Gath. time of Nehemias. Sennachedb boasted that he had besieged and captured 46 fortified towns in Judah.) We do not know to what extent the destruction caused by the Assyrians was wet made good.Soko. giveJ a list of fifteen places fortified by Roboam (z Ch II : 610). we shall return to these last texts further on. 17: 5. which he equipped for defence (I K 15: 17-22). Bethlehem. however. Jericho was rebuilt and fort&cd with a gate ( I K 16: 34). (A most interesting Assyrian bas-relief is extant which dots in fact represent the capture of L&h by Sennacherib. the stele of Mesha speaks of the towns of Ataroth and of Y&s as ‘built’ (i. the people placed its trust in strongholds (Jr 5: 17) and that. for it mentions only the new ones built by Roboam.230 In: btn. 2 K 6: 2. The numbers quoted ate fantastic. for the boundary between the new kingdoms of Israel and Judah was at first undecided. There is no good reason for assigning this text to the age of Josias. were still holding out against Nabuchodonosor (Jr 34: 7). during the siege of Jerusalem.lT*RY “WcITUnONS garrisons~ were obviously quartered in fortified towns. as is proved by the long sieges it withstood (I K 20: If. and there is no reason to doubt this precise information of the Chtonicler. not until the Hellenistic period. cf. these apart. Judah ‘built many strongholds’ ( OS 8: 14). Outside the Bible. They were still in commission under Josaphat. but there is no doubt that the singular should be retained. in the eighth century2. too. is after the destruction of the military power of Judah by Sennacherib. Adullam: (3) Sotcah. O&s. The Massorctic text is often corrected to the plural ‘strong places’. these professional soldiers provided the garrisons of strongholds.. 133 m: b!anAF.Y INslTNnoNs 2. Ramparts E 2: ...._l__ 233 them at Misph. At Gezer, along a rampart of the tenth or ninth century, &e exterior and interior redans do not correspond, but go in opposite directions, which gives a series of reinforcemena, of wide towers, all along the rampart. These flanking constructions, salients or towers, were called ‘angles’ or ‘comen’(pinnoh, 2 Ch 26: 15; So I: 16; 3: 6). Rampam of this kind could be protected by a glacis, which would put to good use the slope of the hill (as at Mispah), or by a forward wall built some distance below (asatLakish). This forwardwall is the belspokenofinIsz6: I; Lm 2: 8; Na 3 : 8, in contrast to the EGmah or rampart. The text of 2 S 20: 15-16 is eloquent, and needs no correcting: during the siege of Abel BethMaaka, they heaped up an embankment on tbc forward wall (heI) and began runcUing to bring down the rampart (@mah). We do not know the shape of the top of these walls. On the basis of a find at Megiddo, it has been suggested that they were surmounted by crenelated batdemcnts-a view which could claim the support of some Assyrian rcpresentatiom; but the connection of the stonework found at Megiddo with the rampart is only a hypothesis. The word shemerh could mean ‘crenel’ in Is 34: 12; Ps 84: 12, but it can also mean (from its ordinary sense of ‘sun’), round shields, r&aches, which were fixed on the top of the walls. They are shown on the top of the rampart in the Assyrian bas-relief of the capture of L&h. We may compare with this Ez 27: I I : ‘They hung their shields all around thy walls’, and Ct 4: 4: ‘Thy neck is like the tower of David P thousand shields arc hung around it.’ AU the Israelite fortifications which have so far been uncovered by excavations were built in the first half of the monarchical period, between ,100 and 900 B.C ., and it is difficult to lay down my characteristics for ramparu of the following period. III some towns, e.g. in the two capitals and in the garrison towns, as long as there were any, the Israelites kept the defaces in good repair, but elsewhere they allowed them to deteriorate. Men were happy enough with the indifferent protection afforded by the half-ruined ramparts or by the line of houses built over their ruins; the houses would be squeezed against each other, with no windows on the outside. Only a few strong points were retained, such as the gates, or a tower or bastion. The majority of the ‘46 fortified towns’ ofJudah which Sennacherib captured in 701 must have been just as feebly defended, and archaeology does not justify (no more than history did) the confidence which the men ofJudah placed in their ‘countless strong places’ during the eighth century (OS 8: 14; Jr 5: 17). lxxamBD CmEs *ND SlBGB wmRpm3 Archaeology conuibuter to a better undentanding of the biblical evidence by revealing the lay-out and the construction of defenccs. We have mentioned that the ~sraclita refitted some of the old Canaam‘te fort&cations: apart from these. two distinct types ofIsraelite ramparts can bc distinguished, asemated ramparts, and ramparts with redans. A casemated rampan is a wall along which stand blind rooms, which used to bc filled with earth or rubble, or which served as stores. The purpw of &se rooms is to widen the rampart, and thereby to saengthen it, while economizing in building by furnishing tbc store-morns necessary for any garrison town. Splendid examples of this type have been brought to light at Tell Be&Minim (the ancient D&ii), and at Beth Shemesh, both dating from the reign of David or Solomon; similar ones have been discovered at Tell Quileb, near Jaffa (going back to the first Israelite occupation, probably under Solomon), at Hazer and at Gezer (&I from the time of Solomon). This type of fortification seems to have originated in Asia Minor: there is evidence of it at Boghazkoi and at Mersin in the 14th-13th century B.C ., and, at a slightly later date, in the fortresses of Senjidi and Cbarchemish. In Palestine, it was generally replaced by the type with redans, but a magnificent specimen of casemated rampart is still to be seen at San&a in the palace walls, which must have been built by Achab in the ninth century B.C. Another casemated rampart, also from &is period, has recently been uncovered at Ramah Rachel, just south of Jerusalem. In building their rampam. Canaam‘te architects were anxious to follow as closely as possible the escarpment of the hill; consequently. they would often follow a curved line, or break the straight line of the walls; they thus obtained a series of r&m. This procedure was adopted as a principle in certain Israelite fortifications, even when the configuration of the terrain did not demand it. The most obvious reason was to provide a series of salients which would give more effective defence a.gaimt an enemy which had come dose to the walls. But &se salients were sometimes so unimpressive that they hardly increased the range of weapons at all; clearly, the main advantage of the pmcess was to sncngthen the rampart without incrcving ia thickness: several angles well knit together and firmly anchored in the soil offered more resistance to the rams 01 to the undermining techniqucn used by assailants. Mcgiddo is a very fme example, probably later dun Solomon: the entire town was m&led by a rampart four yards wide, divided into stretches six yards long, which arc placed. alternately, half a yard forward and half a yard back. The rampart of Tell en-Nasbeh= Mispah follows the sane design, but it is less regular: it may be dated to the time of Asa, who fortified Mispah ( I K 15: 22). There is a similar plan at Tell cd-Duweir=L&ish. Thex walls with redam were reinforced here and there by towers: there arc a dozen of The gate was fortified in a special way. In Canaanite towns. the gate with tcnailles was a classical type: two or three pairs of pilasters protruding in the bay made narrows (tena&) in the entry. The object ws to strengthen the 234 m: MILlTILRY xrwllnmONS walls and to establish successive barriers. The Israelites kept this type of gate in service, with ot without mod&cation, at Beth Shemcsh, She&m. Megiddo and Tirsah. and themselves built a few similar ones at the beginning of the monarchical period. Very soon, however, their pilasters began to protrude far more than the Canaanite ones had done, and so formed small rcans at the entry where the guards could lodge. Solomon’s gate at Megiddo is a wry fine example; it had four pain of pilastcts, though tbis is cxccptional; an identical plan, from the same period, was adopted at Hazer and Gezer also. (Note that Ezccbiel foresees the same plan being used in the porches of the Temple, cf. Ez 40: 616). The gate of Esyon Geber, also from Solomon’s reign, had three pairs of pilasters, and the first Israelite gate at Tell cd-Duweir perhaps had three as well. In the following period, the gate of Megiddo had only two pairs, like that at TcU en-Nasbch and the oldest gate at TcU BeitMinim. Sometimes, as at TeU en-Nasbeh, in the modified gate at the northcm Tell cl-Far’ah (= Tirsah), and later at TeU cd-Duwcir, benches were fmed against the wall: this at once brings to mind the biblical texts about the Elders ‘who sat at the gate’ to give judgemcnt in law suits or to se& municipal affairs. * As a rule, tbc gate was flanked by towers, either at each side or jutting out in front, and sometimes there was yet anotbct bastion before it with a prcliminary entry, as at Megiddo. The axis of the gate generally ran at right angles to the rampart, but at Tell en-Nasbeh it runs parallel, and you entered through a wide detour in the line of fortifications. Towards the end of the monarchy, another type of gate appears, a gate with indirect access: it had been foreshadowed in the Solomonian gate at Megidda. A good example of this type of gate has been discovered xt Tell ed-Duweir: a bastion covered the entry, and you had first to walk along the rampart until you entered a courtyard; from here a simple right turn took you through the ordinary gate which stood open in the tcwn wall. Further development led to a zigzag gate, one example of which is the last gate of Tell Bcit-Minim; it reappears in far later times in Eastern towns. 1n addition to the dcfcnccs provided by the fortified gates and by the towers on the rampart, the capital cities had a second surrounding wall and bastions which shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings; it was the acrcp&s of& town. The clearest example is in Samaria, where a casemated wall Ranked by a massive tower surrounds the palace with its arscnah and stores. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which was the former citadel of Sian (2 S 5: 7 and g), Rabbah of the Anmmnites had its acropolis, too, which David stormed after Joab had captured the lower city (2 S tz: 26-29). Other towns had at least J citadel built on the highest point, and the citizens would gather there for their last resistance. Excavations have uncovered sane which date from the Israelite period, but unfortunately they 23s arc badly damaged. The oldest is at Tell cl-Ful= Gibeah, Saul’s capital; it was a rectangular building, with a casemated wall and towers at the comers. Others can be recognized at Tell Zakariy&= Azeqah, at Tell el-Hery= Eglon(?), and at Tell Ta’annak=Tanak. The plan is always polygonal, with small towers and buttresses to reinforce the walls. These fortifications inside a town’arc called by the name migdal. The term is usually translated ‘tower’, and iu fact it does denote towers or bastions raisedonorncartherampartr~~Jr3t:38;~Cht4:6;26:g,t~;3z:s:Ne3: I, II, zs-all late texts. 1n older texts, however, the word migdnf is better rendered by ‘citadel’ or ‘castlc’, in the sense of the Latin ra~rellwx This explains the story about Abimelck at Tebcs: the town had been captured, but ‘inside the town there was a redoubtable migdal where all the men and wumen and the leading figures in the town had taken refuge, et,;: (Jg 9: sof.). There is no doubt chat we should interpret the mure ditficult story of the destruction of Shechem, which comes immediately before this (Jg g: 45-49). in the light of this text: the town had been taken, but the inmates of the aigdol of Shechem took refuge in the crypt oftbe temple of BaaI-berith, where, in the end, they were burned alive; this migdal is the citadel of Shechem, with a fortified temple, and it has been cleared by excavations at TcU B&a, the site ofancient Shechcm. It has been suggested, however, that Migdal-She&m is a place-name, and that the place was distinct from Shcchcm. Similar ‘castles’ are mentioned at Pcnuel (Jg 8: 9 and 17) and at Yizrcel (z K 9: 17). The sense ‘castles’ (Latin caste/lo) would also give a good meaning for the migdalh which Ozias and Yatham built in the desert (2 Ch 26: IO; 2 Ch 2,: 4). One of there little forts, perhaps even earlier than O&s time, is recognizable at Qedeitat near Qadesh; its plan reminds us of the citadels at Tell Zachatiyah and at Tell el-Ful. Another has recently been identified at Khirbet Ghazra, about 20 miles czst of Becrshcba. This provides an explanation of place-names composed with migdadal: they would be little places grouped around a small citadel. (One might compare the French place-names canpounded with ChSteau, ChStel- or Cartel-.) When the second clement is a divine name, such as Migdal-El or Migdal-Gad, this ‘castle’ would be a fortified temple, like that of Baal-betith in Shcchem. Yotham built mifdhn and lEraniyy~t/r (2 Ch 27: 4). The two words seem to be almost synonymous, the latter being a more modem word (cf. 2 Ch 17: 12). For example, in later texts the singular blrah takes the place of migdal when the reference is to a citadel inside a town: thus it is used of the citadel of Jerusalem under Nchemias (Ne 2: 8; 7: 2) and the same term is used abroad for the citadel or for the whole of the fortified town of Susa (Ne I : I ; Dn 8 : 2 and frequently in Est) and for the fortress of Ecbatanc (Esd 6: 2 b?rta’, the Atatnaic iorm): In the palaces at Tirsah and Samaria, there was a more heavily fortified part called the ‘arm& (I K 16: 18; z K 13: 25): it was the keep. In the plural, 2: FORIIW CxnBs AND SEGE w*RF*r@ 236 m: hm.rrARY INSTtnJnoNS 2: PomtAED CtTlES AND SlEGE wAPP*m 237 the word means the fortified dwellings in Jerusalem (Jr 17: 27; Lm 2: 7; Ps 4~: 4. 14; 122: 7) OI elsewhere (Am 1: 4, 12; 2: +. 5. etc.). ~unputs and bastions gwe towns effective protection against assailantr whose only long-range weapons were bows and slings. The latter had to resort to stratagems or to resign themselves to the prospect of a siege. Stratagem is the method which figures in the accounts of the conquest. Josue sent spies to reconnoitre the defaces of Jericho; the spies made contact with R&b, and agreed on a sign (Jos 2) : this story is apparently all that remains of a tradition which explained the capture ofJericho by an act of meawn on the part of R&b, a tradition which was eclipsed by the other tradition about the miraculous collapse of its walls. The text about Bethel is clcu: a traitor tells the spies of a passage-way, where the Israelites gain entry (Jg I : ZJ-Z$ At other times they coaxed the defenders out of the town: at Ai, the Israelites pretend to run away, the whole town gives chase, and a contingent which Josue has concealed then enters the town and sets it on fire (Jos 8: 3-22). It was a classic trick, which was successfully employed on another occasion at Gibe& in rhe war against the Benjamites (Jg 20: 29-41) ; the king of Israel suspected the Aramaeans of the same trick when they raised the siege of Samaria (2 K 7: 12). Lastly, a group of determined men could effect an entry by surprise: this, apparently. was how David conquered Jerusalem (2 S 5 : 7-8) : Jab climbed up the tunnel which led from the spring to the interior of the town. A powerful enemy could dispense with such subterfuges: it could intimidate a town into opening its gates or accepting its conditions (cf Dt 20: IO-I I). The inhabitants of Yabesh G&ad would have been prepared to surrender to N&ah the Ammonite if only his demands had not been so cruel (I S I I : If.). W h e n Ben-hadad pitched his camp below the walls of Samaria, Achab accepted the very first demands he made ( I K 20: If.). Sennacherib’s envoy tried to bring about the surrender of Jerusalem by describing the power of the Assyrians, the futility of resistance and the horrors of a siege (2 K 18 : 17f.). If the town could nor be captured by stratagem oc surprise, and if negotiations failed, then the assailants had to mount a regular siege. They pitched camp near the city (z S II : I; I K 16: 15-16, etc.), blocked the roads, occupied the watering-places (cf. the late text of Jdt 7: 12, 17-18) and waited until hunger and thirst got the better of the inhabitants (2 K 6: zsf.; Jdt 7: zof.). The assailants would harry the defenders posted on the walls (2 K 3 : 25). The besieged might try to break the grip by making sorties (2 S II: 17; I K 20: IS-X), or, if they thought they were beaten, might try to escape (2 K 3 : 26; 25: 4). If resistance was too stiff, or if the defenders showed signs of weakening, the besiegers might hasten a decision by mounting an assault. A mound would be thrown up against the wall to provide a ramp giving access to the town; sappers might try to break through the wall (the operation is described at the siege of Abel Beth-Maakah under David, 2 S 20: 15-16). The technical term for this ramp or embankment is solnlob (ct once more 2 K 19: 32, Sennacherib atJerusalem: Jr 3~: 24 and 33: 4, the Chald cans at Jerusalem, and the texts of Ezechiel which will be cited later). Attempts would be made to set ftre to the gates (Jg 9: sz). When the assailants reached the foot of the rampart, they were exposed to the onslaught of the defenders, who would redouble their efforts at this critical moment: at Tebes, Abimclek was killed by a millstone thrown by a woman og 9: 53). But the defenders. as a rule, had only these chance weapons or ordinary arms. True. according to 2 ch 26: 15. O&s ‘built machines designed by engineers, at Jerusalc~ to install them on the castles and corners to shoot arrows and big stones’. It has often been thought that this was a kind of artillery, of ballistic machines or catapults; and those who have refused to allow Oziar the honour ofpossessing machines the Assyriaas themselves did not possess have simply denied the historicalvalue of the text. In fact, this text refers to something quite different: there ‘engines’ were simply frames arranged as cotbelling along the curtains of the walls and bastions, so that the archers and slingers could shoot at the foot of the wall without exposing themselves to the encmy missiles. It was tk equivalent of the hoardings which were used in military architccturc during the Middle Ages. And, in fact, these contrivances do surmount the walls of L&h in the Assyrian bar-r&f of the capture of the city. The Jews never used machines to attack 01 to defend towns before the Maccabean wars, and then they were copying the Greeks against whom they were fighting (I M 6: zo, >I-52; II: 30; 13: 43f.). The religious rules for siege warfare are given in Dt 20: I+ZO. When the town lies in foreign territory, it must first be offered peace terms: if it thereupon opens its gates, the population may be subjected to forced labour, but to nothing else; if it refuses, then it should be invested, its menfolk put to the sword, and everything else, people and property alike, could be taken as spoil of war. Where the town is a Canaanite town inside the frontiers of the promised Land, all its inhabitants were to be put to the sword without giving them the choice of surrender. During the siege of a town, fruit trees were to be left standing. but other trees might be felled and used for the siege-works. These commands were not always followed in early times (z K 3 : 19. IS), and when Deuteronomy was promulgated under Jo&, there was scarcely any occasion to apply them: there were no Canaanites leh to exterminate, and the IS&ites were no longer likely to besiege foreign towns: they had quite enough to do in defending their own against the Assyrians. The Assyrians were past masters of siege by encirclement, and their an inscription was carved in the rock to mark the event. all of which wets used: (a) a tunnel from inside the town. down to the spring of Giion. At Beth Shcmesh a well ten feet in diameter went down 67 feet. We have seen that solofah meant a ramp. whcrc the ordinary meaning (sword) is out of place: &zrab$d~. which was modified several times during the period of the ~sraclite monarchy: a large rectangular well with flights of steps led into a sloping shaft. The Canaanites had already faced the problem and had resolved it in different ways. that at Etham may be connected with the fortification of the town by Roboam (2 Ch II: 6). alternatively. ‘and will dismantle thy castles with his !uraL&k’. which still survives as a water supply.5: 3).e. Those inside the city would throw flaming torches and stotxs down on thcsc ma&inn. this canal. and then builds around it a trench. and the stay is told with pride in 2 K 20: 20. (b) deep weUs dug inside the city down to the underground water level: (L) reservoirs and cisterns to collect rain watct. a weU protected by a .rrARY INSTI*ulmNS 238 monuments give a vivid picture oftheit methods of attack. in common usage. the collfiguration of the terrain eventually made a much mcrc practical system possible. where it means ‘chisel’). and the water supply was a problem which had to be tackled. On the crest of Tell cd-Duwcir. In his prediction ofthe siege of Tyre (Ez 26: 89)). Jr 6: 6). running under the ramparts to a water-supply outside the town. When Ercchiel is ordered by God to do a mime of the siege ofJerusalem. breaches and tunnels’. toc~. The infantry moved up to the assault behind the machines. and the tams arc called karim. they had to live there. The text would then mean that Joab climbed up it into the city. there were only three possible solutions. a very rudimentary Canaanite shaft was replaced by a most elaborate installation. Here we shall discuss only the hydraulic installations built. At Megiddo. ramps were constructed and machines brought up. In another text the same prophet shows Nabuch+ donasot drawing lots to march to Jerusalem ‘to bring rams against its walls. and the Annals of sennachctib state that the king captured the towns ofJudah ‘by using earthen ramps. it was dug out like a tunnel. Faced with the threat of an Assyrian attack. to dig a trench (Ez 21: 27). there is a tunnel. a long wooden beam with a metal-covered head for battering the wall. and a well cut through the rock. and the inhabitants of Beth& wcte fainting from thirst after thirty-four days (Jdt 7: zwzz). The coUective n&r is used for siege operations as a whole. The shaft which has recently been uncovered at Gibeon followed a sloping line to the spring. and Jerusalem withstood Nabuchodonosor for a year and a half in 587. makes a ramp and sets up mms (Ez 4: 2). disaster was inevitable: in the story ofJudith. he takes a brick to represent the city. and remained in use until the end of the Israelite period. they would scale the walls with ladders. it brought the water from the spring at Gihon to a pool in the Tyropocon valley. except for the central part. as it did at Samaria during a siege by the Aramacans (2 K 6: 2s). though there is no question of a famine. Since the towns were built on hills and never had a spring within their walls. the assailants could enter there: altctnativcly. Once the rams had opened a breach in the walls. infantry attack. for Samaria held out for over two years against the Assyrians in 723-721. mines. by the Israelites. The besieged city was encircled by a mound. can mean this type of canal and. but in neither instance arc we told they were short of water. at Etham and at Yibleam at a date which cannot be fixed for certain. a canal running from a water-supply outside the town which would bring water into the town. running from the spring of Gihon. The biblical texts provide the corresponding Hebrew words. tams taken up to the walls. however. at Gibeon during the Israelite period. the mantelct or great siege-shield is the sinnah. this ramp could be covered with stones ot wooden logs to enable machines to pars (cf.m: Mn. the water flowed to the end of the horizontal tunnel. 2: FoRrrPlHD “TtES AND SlBGB WARFARB 239 1t was not sufficient for the besieged to lie behind the shelter of a solid rampart. and were given covering tire by archers: these xchcts wetc in turn protected by movable mantelets held by se~yants. Ex 20: 25. attempts were made to reach water-level by digging deep wells inside the town. i. The installations at Etham and at Yibleam have so far not been explored. At Jerusalem. the Israelites had dug out a canal along the side of the Kedron Valley. it was dug out by the Canaanites. however. which was a deep trench covered by flag-stones. in tbii context. inside the ramparts. which is used here. The bas-relief of the capture of Lakish shows these different methods of attack in action. Si 48: 17. Famine eventually raged inside Jerusalem (2 K z. It was a masterly piece of work. to pile up a ramp. ot m-used. then into a horizontal tunnel which continued as fat as the the water pool. ot try to immobilize the rams by means of grappling hooks. There is archaeological evidence for these at Jerusalem and at Megiddo from the Canaanite petiod onwards. the army of Holofemes had occupied the springs outside the city. must mean either rams with pointed heads or sappers’ picks (cf. (b) Elsewhere. (0) Water Tunnels. These machines were mobile redoubts sheltering archcrs and men who manccuvrcd a ran. It has been rediscovered by archaeologists and 2 S 5: 8 probably refers to this. thcrc are two obscure terms in addition to these others: ‘he will direct against thy walls the blows of his 4&d (clearly a type of ram). It was solved. lay outside the rampart and would have served the enemy rather than the city during a siege. If such precautions had not been taken. When the old Canaanite shaft had been abandoned. The encircling mound or trench is called dayeq. Ezechias had a tunnel dug under the hill of Ophcl. w&ch lay within the ramparts. At Jerusalem. 2 Ch 32: 30. when the water-supply was normal. the name was extended to similar installations. the word ?inn8r. 45).but only a few weapons have been found in the course of excavations. but it remained in use until the capture of the town by Nabuchodonosor.). which became the symbol of war (Is 51: 19. The Philistine Goliath. but when they came up against the dripping water. and hung from v . this ambitious project war never fulished. (c) Finally. At Gibeon. uld Jeremias said the invaders from the north would use it (Jr 6: zj= 50: 0). whatever the precise meaning of gamed. like the Assyrian sword. The &m-b of Ehud (Jg 3 : 16. I S 17: 5’. It is usually nanslated ‘javeIin’. Illutmtions in Egyptian monuments portray a long sword. and more especially from the plastered esplanades near the governor’s rcsidcnce. since the two weapons have the same shape uld ue distinguished-quite arbitrady-merely by their length. The main offensive weapon was the breb. they stopped the project. these two towns would have had no other water supply at all. however. I Ch x: 27. I S 21: *IO). Progress in the xt of making waterproof coatings allowed the Israelites to build mote cisterns as the number of dwelling-houses or public buildings increased. perhaps the first idea was to install P system like that at Megiddo. or perhaps a little mote. The sword was carried in a sheath (nadan or fa‘ar. onwards.1 In all military texts. Archaeology might be expected to help. but it was never used by the Israelites. it was probably Canaanite to begin with. We do not know how the Israelite engineers found these deep-water supplies without a considerable amount of digging. During a siege. the very words used for military equipment are far from precise. 21-u) WLU obviously a dagger. It dates from the last days of the monarchy.. the flow was too small. indeed. reservoirs and cisterns could be provided inside the city. The word is ured for both dagger and sword.m: MUITARY UwrrILmora 240 r&cot pxt of the rampart reached water level at a depth of tzo feet. about 20 inches long. Perhaps the spring at Gezer originally flowed into the open on the side of the hill At Gibeon. 33: 6.C.C and may have been in use at the beginning of the Israelite period. 24: IO. may have had one. but one in never be sum that the Israclitcs were always using the same kind of weapon as their enemies. The biblical texts do not describe their wenpons. CHAPTER Tman ARMAMENTS _ E R Y little is known about the equipment of Israelite soldiers. specimens of this type have been discovered in Greece and in the Aegean. but the meaning would fit the biblical texts aho: a type of sword longer and broader than the bereb. a large circular well ha recently been discovered: it was reached by a flight of steps leading into a sloping shaft which ended in a cave where watet dripped from the rock: this well at Gibeon seems to have been in use at the sane time as the sloping tunnel mentioned above. when they starred to rebuild the fortifications. The excavations at Tell en-Nasbeh and Samaria have shown that they were particularly numerous from the ninth century B. At Gezer. they decided to dig a large ditch in the form of a cube 20 yards square and deep. still within the ranparts. Jr 14: 15. the word may be tramlad as ‘sword’. At I&ish. but we must remember that it VILE a short sword. the work seems to date from the very early part of the second millennium B. Josue wielded the fame weapon at the battle of Ai (Jot 8: IS-ti). Illustrations from Egyptian and Mesopotamian monuments are certainly helpful. so they then dug a shafi going straight to the source. which was used by the Peoples of the Sea. Ez 7: 1s. Ez 21: 8-10) attached to the belt (2 S 20: 8). Jr 47: 6. perhaps it was only begun after the first attack of Nabuchodonosor in 397. and their meting is often uncertain. which was later wrapped up in a cloak and wao quite unique (cf. a series of steps over 40 yards long led down to a cave where a spring flowed. It has been suggested that the late text of Qumtan drew its inspiration from the Romaoglodiur. but the Order of the War discovered at Qumra~ seems to describe the kld8n as a sword one and a half cubits long and four fmger-breadths wide. which gives its length. etc. Goliath also carried ‘between his shoulders’ a &Ed& of brow (I S 17: 6. it war to drain off all the water from a particular quarter. ~. the lance could then be stuck in the ground (I S 26: 7) and its butt could be used as a weapon (CL perhaps 2 S 2: 23).2S1:6). M. a harpe. 1t seems to be a shorter and lighter lance. it is only once mentioned in the hands of an Israelite (2 S 3: 23). this was taken to refer to the size of the lance. PE 18: 35. Jg 5: 8. It is mentioned in the lists of weapons given inzchr.t4:7. that part of a weaving-loom around which the threads arc wound. the kFd&r seems to be an unusual weapon which (except in Jos 8) is newt found in the hands of an Israelite.0~1:7. Ne 4: 7. and Goliath carried one (I S 17: 7. and. The statistics of Chronicles record archers on the general strength of the army ofJudah only from the time of Ozias (2 Ch 26: 14. Among the Israelites. in Ps 35: 3. through the inI%ence of the Hyksos.242 In: MlLITARY INSIITUTIONS P cross-belt slung ‘between the shoulders’. as there had been two centuries earlier at ugatit. Goliath’s !mEth also had a leather thong. it was simply a pointed stave. it was about seven or eight cubits long. where it may well stand (pars pro 1010) for the pike itself. which is usually mentioned in old texts. the wooden rod which suppotts the hcddle by a series of kinks ot snarls. fmally. The bow (qerheth) is one of the most primitive weapons. but it is never mentioned among lists of weapons ad. but in other texts it bears only the general meaning of a weapon carried in the hand (2 Ch 23: IO. like those shown on monuments and discovered in excavationo. may be preserved in the exptcssion ‘the sons of hrph’ (2 S ZI : 16. I K 2. the sword and bow symbol& ever/ kind of weapon. war itself (Gn48:~~. Jl 2: 8) . the same word in Jg 3 : 2 and 2 S 22: 35).~:~o). forchariot tacticscutouthand-to-hand fighting anddemanded the me of long-range weapons (I S jr: 3 compared with 2 S I: 6. Nb 25 : 7-8).~K6:~~. Yet neither Saul’s army nor David’s household guard used bows. In the relief of the capture of L. there was never such a thing as a ‘bronze bow’: the term refers to the metal coverings of certain bows. cf. 13 : IS. To begin with. in accounts of wats. 1t was a splendid weapon. az): the phrase would then denote a corps whose emblem was a scimitar. In spite ofz S 22: zs= Ps 18: 33 and Jb 20: 24. This method of throwing war known at a very early date in Greece and in Egypt. however. the socket which held the iron in place is called the legor: the term is also found. is also a projectile. the bow was simply a piece of pliable wood held bent by a taut string.oncemorerS19:9. 20: 33. Specimens have been found in excavations. the Temple guards were equipped with it (and z K I I : IO depends. bows were at first used only on a small scale in war. but the archers of Benjamin had been famous long before that (I Ch 8: 4o. no doubt. alongside !mlth. have been discovered in Phoenicia and in Palestine. in fact iibecame the normal weapon in Egypt. 2 s I : 21). there is no mention of it in the Books of Samuel. this was its length in Egypt and Assyria.e.18. though I C h 12: 2 mentions some archers ofBenjamin among the picked troops ofDavid. one should remember that arrow-heads inscribed with the names of their ownets and dating from x3-00 8.J0~24:1~.Ez39:gandeveninthevcry old Song of Deborah. but the weapon is never described in detail.~: 32-34. cf. but at a very early date a metal head was fixed on by a pin or socket.~~:~. 12: 2. a bow was invented which was a clcvct combination ofwood and horn. The &mirh. as if it wcte as big as a yam-beam. On the other hand. It was Saul’s personal wcapon(cf.26:~4. the harpe in Greek.&h by Sennaehetib. but in the Near East it passed through an evolution which we can trace with the help of texts and monuments. 2 S 21: 19). Originally. A rcecnt writer has suggested that the Philistine name for a scimitar. Until recently. however. with a loop at the end. A better explanation has recently been put forward: the mondr is the heddle-bar. the ramparts are manned by archers. IO).Ne4:1o. and eame into widespread use in the middle of the second millennium B . at least. and this had a considerably longer range. this explanation confirms the view that the bontth was used as a projectile. the ~rtaelites therefore described this strange weapon by comparing it 243 with an instrument they knew well. The infantry would have been provided with bows as a result of this change.26:71. The word mm& (pike) is often mentioned. I S 18: II. on this reference). and it remained the weapon of leaden and kings (2 K 9: 24. t7). According to the Order of the War. but this doer not prove that the same material 3 : ARhmMENTS . More probably. the k2&n was a scimitar. in imitation no doubt of the pattern set by the Assyrian infantry. for their general military training (cf. both for hunting and for war. which could also be thrown like a javelin (cf. In the Order of the War. In the biblical texts. aud this information should not be lightly disregarded. The bowstring is called yether (Ps II : 2) or drhm (PS ZI : 13). 45: 6). this proves that there was a class of professional archers at the time. where there is no need to eotrcet the Hebrew text). but in biblical times it -of have been much longer than the height of an average man. is not the same as the romab. and the meaning dart or javelin would suit in 2 S 18: 14 (corrected in the light of the Greek.:t~.C . To balance the weight of the head and to make the throw more accurate. z Ch 14: 7. but the other peoples of the Neat Eat did not know of it. The wood ofthis giant’s lance was ‘t&c a weaver’s man&‘. It was a weapon for handto-hand fighting (ci. whereas the Masroretic vocalization and the ancient versions have all taken it to mean ‘sons of Rapha’ (as ifit were a proper name with the article). and increased iu range. 2 K 9: 24). an ‘Egyptian’ was armed with it (2 S 23: 21).DavidlselegyonJonarh~ was used ‘to instruct the Judahites in the use of the bow’ (2 S I: IS). 1t was Jonathan’s weapon (I s 20: 20. The she/& by etymology.22:6. Certain details of the Order of the Wat seem to refer to ptee&ely such a weapon. the lower end was iron-shod. To keep a balanced view.Accordingto2Ch 23 : 9.. 32: 5: NC 4: I I. i. 17: 17). The bow probably came into general use in Israel when the chariot force wasintroduced.. In a whole se&s of texts. the same words ate also used for tent-ropes. the wood was later reinforced by ligaments. indeed. it made it easier to throw. tolled round the shaft. etc. At the end of the monarchy. magen and +nh. Jb 39: 23). 27: IO.IT*R* INSTIT”TlONS 3 : AIIMAMBNTS 245 was used for both purposes. they were kept in housing (Is 22: 6). were equipped with them.244 m: MtI. fixed to the shaft by a pin ot socket.e. 2 Ch 26: 14). have been preserved.41 (the . which in its turn is similar to I K I O: 17. and it never went out of use. Shelet is a tare word. For purposes ofparade.~4:7. but bronze tips later gave way to iron ones. cf. According to I K IO: 16-17~2 Ch9: IS-r6. the sane verb in Za 9: 13). ot from reed stems. since the Primary meaning of the root is simply ‘to stretch’. The only question is whether these helmets were of leather ot metal. the attows in the tight (Ez 39: 3) ot in a quiver (‘arhpoh: Is 22: 6. later ofiron. however. Incendiary arrows wcrc also known (Ps 7: 14). It has two names. the sling (@a’) was a thong with a wide centte (the ‘palm’ ofthe sling. 38: 5. and since these two names occut together in several texts. they wcrc also made of catgut 01. but it is questionable whether Saul had one for David to tty on (I S 17: 38). It is recorded as part of the equipment of foreign troops in Jr 46: 4. and then pressing it down with the foot: Egyptian illustrations portray the technique. It is almost certain that the Huttiter introduced it into the Neat East during the fit half ofthe second milletmium B. This last text refets to 2 S 8: 7= I Ch 18: 7. The tips were at first made of bronze. and some have been unearthed by excavations. i. I S zs : 29). In our tans. in the same bar-t&f. like the helmet. The helmet was called koba‘ or qoba’ and this inconsistency in pronun&. non-Semitic &gin of the word and of what it represented. there may be a reference to a boss reinforcing the centre of the shield.Ez~7:~~. at the same period. Is 21: 5) and stained red (Na 2: 4).? helmet was found during the excavations at Lakish. and it has even led sane people to suggest the meaning ‘quiver’. there were shoner arrows. but there is no doubt that it belonged to an Assyrian soldier. ~srael’s neighbaun used flax cords or plaited hair for bowstrings.nnah.inna/r of Goliath was carried by a servant) and by Ez 26: 8 (where the same word is wed for a siege mantelet). offoreign origin. heavy arrows came into use. The crest of a brow. primitive weapon. but in Palestine no specimens have survived from pre-Roman periods. This no doubt explains why this type of shield is most often associated with the pike (rom~h)asintChtz:9. and is said to be part of the equipment which Ozias issued to his troops (z Ch 26: 14).~1:t~.Itm~thavebeenlike the enormous coveting shield of the Assyrians. The same years saw the appcarancc of Rat. with the tight hand or left (Jg 20: 16. Ps 127: 5. ‘scales’ which were sewn on to cloth ot leather. this would represent the difference between heavy and light infantry. some had a barb at the side. 49: 2. coated with fat (2 S 1: ~1-22. triangular in shape and designed to pierce armour. Goliath wore a bronze helmet (I S 17: 5). there were bronze shields (I K 14: 2. but the shields wed in battle were made of leather. They were rounded to the shape of large olives. and this may be the explanation of the ‘iron chariots’ of __ . slingers used lead balls also. except when they were specially ttimmed for the purpose (2 Ch 26: 14). I Ch 12: 2). ~st ofall.don reveals the foreign.~Chtt:rz. It was made of small plates. but the defenden of L&h are shown with bronze helmets in the Assyrian bas-relief so often referred to. used by shepherds (I S 17: 40). This was the only type in service at the beginning of the monarchy. corresponding to the handle on the other side. Jr 5: 16.~~:14. The bow was bent only when action was imminent. 17: 17: Ps 76: 4). Arrows (her) wete made of wood. and one of them has been found at Shcchcm: little holes were pierced in the blades. 2 S 8: 7).Jt46:9. but the correct ttanslation of the phrase is ‘~reprre the tondaches’ (cf. The mogrn is mentioned rather with swords and bows (Dt 33: 29: I Ch 5: 18. During the Hellenistic epoch. as well as men.~~:~. three-bladcd arrow-tips were in use. This piece of information has been questioned. The shape varied: some were shaped like spear-heads and were fastened to the shaft by a cord 1s far as a protubetante that is sometimes found on the metal head. The stones used in the slings were carefully picked pebbles ( I S 17: 40).andcf. Countless arrow-heads. 2 Ch rq: 7. a small circular shield ot buckler: Jr 51: 11 is the only text which seems to raise any difficulty. Secondly.andin~Ch~3:9nrogenisaglossforthe rhelef of 2 K II: IO. The text of 2 Ch 14: 7 is particularly informative: the men ofJudah had the ~innah and the pike.Is~:~8.: II: 2. like the shields fixed on the walls in the bas-relief of Lakish (cf. When not in use. It may therefore be trmslated ‘tondache’. a type which originated in the north and whose UC became general during the Hellenistic period. The breast-Plate(sirydn or$irySn) was. from the nerve-strings of animals. but it was also a weapon ofwar (2 K 3: 25.). cf. The bow was carried in the left hand.). According to documents from Nwu. This is confirmed by I S 17: 7. where rndfegpn is used.C . with a diamond-shaped head. tnorc often.. 2. and shields plated with precious metals (I K IO: 1617. hotses and chatiots. barbed atrows. Ez 23: 24. The men of Bcnjnmin had cmck slingers who would not miss by a hairsbreadth. some of the assailants ate wearing a helmet with a crest. to prevent the attow from being pulled out of the wound. It was a simple. which is called in Hebrew ‘steppingonthebow’(dnrakqe~sherh. they must denote two different kinds of shields. InJb I 5 : 26. Defenrive arms The most common defensive arm wxs the buckler or shield. and oil-soaked tow was packed into them. by resting the lower part of the wood on the ground. The Assyrian infantry and cavalry were equipped in the same way. while the men of Benjamin had the mngen and the bow. the mqen WPE far smaller than the $. very similar in meaning to nragen: the two terms ate panllelinCt4:4.Ps7: 1. first of bronze. also Ct 4: 4).z~. The mogen was round-shaped. helmets and breast-plates were issued to troops under matching orders for action (2 Ch 26: 14).246 m: MtLrrrlRY tNSTITt_InONS rheC~terinJost7:t6:Jgt:t9. The wars in the period of the Judges. and later by the Assyrians. the same development took place. king of Heshbon. It is quite cettain that this is an extremely simplified version of what really happened. Jg I). we have already mentioned his sword. next.6). but they did meet opposition. were defensive wars. Under Ozias.-. We do not know what provoked the wars against Moab (2 S 8: 2) and Edom (2 S 8: 13). and this is how the Septuagint translates the atmour of Goliath. - . 6 says he also ware bronze greaves (literally ‘leg-fronts’). The Book of Josue describes the occupation of Palestine west of the Jordan as a militaty operation in three sweeping actions: first. The Greeks and Ranans were familiar with this armour. on the other hand. king of Bashan (Nb 21: ZI-fj). and under Saul. was a period of teconquest and.pethaprNa2:4. and on the Atamaeans for going to the help of the Ammonites (2 S IO: 6-w. unique of its kind. and biblical tradition shows the people taking possession of the Promised T Land by force of arms and with the help of God. and of Og. they were worn only by charioteers. The Israelites first had to withstand the counter-attacks of the Canaanites and of those other peoples out of whose lands they had carved their territory. and it could well be that their provocation and the Israelite victories led David m adopt a policy of conquest of which he had never dreamed. the northern kings are defeated at Metom and their cities fall into the hands of the Israelites (Jos II). to begin with. though they were used in the Aegean.4:3and13. C HAPTER Foun W A R 1. and v. which they had to overcome by force of arms. his lance with its leather thong for throwing. but eventually the infantry too were issued with them. 8: 3. Bronze or iron scales from such breast-plates have been found in Palestinian excavations. The reign of David. It is also true that the Israelites infiltrated in a peaceful manner wherever they could. cf. but they also had coats of chain-mail: the soldiers of Antiochus Epiphanes wore them (I M 6: 35). There is no evidence that greaves were known in the East at this period. Jos 13: 13-17. The defeat of Sibon. In the early days. and the campaign against Midian (Nb 31: I-U) secured a territory for Reuben. and they were issued to the defenders of Jerusalem under Nchemias (Ne 4: I O).cf. who were making inroads from the axst. a coalition offwe Canaanite kings from the south is overthrown and the whole ofsouthern Palestine occupied (Jos to): fmally. the people cmss the Jordan and cut their way through m the very heart ofthe land (Jos 19). later they bad to fight against the Pbilistines. Saul’s breast-plate is as questionable as his helmet (I S 17: 38). A short military history of Inael HE first wars in which Israel took part wete wars of conquest. Some of the assailants of L&h are shown wearing them. but it is impossible to make out whether they ate made of small metal plates ot of strips of leather. . We ate not fully informed of the texms for David’s wars.These breast-plates wete adopted by the Egypt&m. Goliath wore a ‘bteasGplate of scales’ (s&y& qashqashshtm: I S 17: 5) but he was a foreigner and his equipment was quite unusual anyway. that the actions of the tribes wete less concentrated and fat slower and that they did not all meet with equal success (cf. and can bc recognized on their monuments. but it would be normal for Achab to wear a breast-plate in his chariot (I K 22: 34). In Israel. He declared wat on the Ammonites because they had insulted his ambassadors (2 S IO: x-j). Gad and half the tribe of Manasseh. But they also show that they underestimated the ability of its new leader. of expansion. The bravado of the Ammonites and the eagerness with which the Atamaeans went to their aid show that the neighbouring States were growing anxious about the increasing power of Israel. later. until Josias. but we do know that Judah remained a vassal-state of Assyria. when Achaz refused. which is more detailed than 2 K . the city held out until the beginning of 721. preoccupied with his religious policy only. and perhaps he did not need to resort to force to achieve this wonquest. But the overlordship of Egypt did not last for long. under Achaz and Pcqab [the Syro-Ephraimite War: 2 K 16: 5. with assistance from the king of Judah and his Edomite vassal. Joiaqim tried to break away. At that time the supremacy of Assyria was crumbling everywhere. Judah fought against Edom for tbc possession of Elath (2 K 14: 7 and 22. Josias threw &the yoke and freed not only the territory ofJudah but even part of the former territory ofIsrael as well (cf. 2 K 8: 28. there was fighting under Joram (z K 8: zt. the battles before Ram& Giead in I K z. when the Pharaoh Nechao went to the help of the last king of Assyria. The Aramaeans of Damascus were for generations an enemy to be feared. except that Judah was sometimes the victor. 2 Ch 28: j-8). andEzechias (2K 18: 8). 20: 34). and. and Judah boame. Men&em declared himself a vassal in 738 (2 K 15: 19-20) but in 734-732 the king of Assyria occupied the greater part of the territory of Israel without meeting any serious opposition (2 K 15: 29). they laid siege to Jerusalem: this was the ‘ Syro-Epkaimite' War. z Ch 21: 16). Is 7-8). Josias tried to stop him at the pass of Megiddo. 2 K6: z4f.. and thereby stung Nabuchodonosor into reprisals. The strange thing 249 is that &is expedition. Jehu agreed. z K 24: t-25: 21. all Syria-Palestine fell into the hands of the Babylonians. had a common frontier with the Philistines in the south-west. a Philistine stronghold which constituted a threat to Gezer. too. but in later ages. a coalition tried to stop him. Gibbetbon.z3 : 2~30). Joiaqim. Achaz(z Ch 28: x8). they were haoded over to the king ofPhilistia. 9: 16) and the districts ofnorthern Galilee (I K 11: 30. Otias (2 Chz6: 6). The Ammooites declared themselves independent as soon as David was dead. The main prize of these wars was the possession of what remained of David’s Ammae+ possessions in Transjordan (cf. when Shalmaneser V laid siege to Samaria. He alliedhimself with the coastal states and with the still more distant states of Egypt and Babylon. Later still.oca infantrymen. who had been cornered by the Babylonians and Medes. indeed. the vassal ofAssyria (2 K 16: s-9. At the time ofTiglath-Pileset’s attack. On the death of Achab. though its king had been taken prisoner. 7). When the power of Assyria had declined. does not mention any military action in this context. but only because the power of Damascus had been crushed by the Assyrians. sometimes defeated. but we have little information about it. The Assyrians. with wx ahrim and 18. Egypt was more often a worthless ally than an enemy.29. were a still mope formidable enemy. After the schism. was besieged by N&b and by Omti (I K 15: 27. In the following century. 13: 3. Achab took part in the battle of Qxqar. The Bible. 16: IS). and scattered references in Jr). Is 3637).. Nechao annexed Palestine and installed a vassal king. sennacherib’s reply was terrible: in 701. The biblical narratives describe only what took place in Jerusalem.C. Jerusalem alone was saved (2 K 18: 13-19: 37. When Shalmmcxr II made his appearance in central Syria. but more often victory went to the Aramacaos. On the other hand.).2: 3. Thesituation was stabilized onderJoas (2 K 13: 25) and Jeroboam II (2 K 14: zs). and even a punitive expedition by the king of Israel. after a disastrous campaign by Jonm (a K 8 : x-n). 16: 6) in order to keep open the trade route to the Red Sea and Arabia. We do not know how Ezecbias and his son Manasseh made good these losses. The battle was a short one.rrARY lNSTrrurIONs 248 The territory he conquered was badly defended by his successors. and the final ruin ofJerusalem in 587 (cf. the kings of Aram and 1srae1 tried to persuade Achaz ofJudah to join them in their struggle against Assyria. 13: 18. The pace of events quickened: first siege of Jerusalem in 597. HazaelofDamascus even tried to gain complete control of Israel and nearly succeeded (2 K to: 32-33. the king of Moab revolted. is not mentioned in the Bible and is known to us only through coneiform documents. On the Philistine frontier. in 609: he did not want to see Assyria reprieved. however. Edom shook off the domination ofJudah. every town in Judah was captured. or Palestine falling into the clutches ofEgypt. and Josias was mortally wowded (1 Ch 3 5 : m-z_~. in spite of their resistance (which Assyrian documents record) . and in 853 B. Twice the Aramaeam laidsiegeto Samaria(~ K 20: of. Achaz then appealed for help to Assyria. during the second. the only really distant one undertaken by an Israelite army. Solomon did not fight a single war. to pay tribute. the installation of Sedecias as king. Isaias pictures Israel hemmed in by the Philistines and the Atamaeans. sometimes Israel gained the upper hand. cf. Shortly nfterwards. his revolt. for the last time. great Assyrian thrust under Tiglath-Pileser III. 2 K 23 : IS-20). Israel was at war with them for almost the whole of the ninth century B. the artificial frontier between Israel and Judah led to con&t between the brother-kingdoms under Basha and Asa (I K 15: 16-a). in the vllley of the Oronta. and Judah became one of their vassals. Ezechias tried to throw offthe yoke.m: hm. After the defeat of the Egyptians at charchemish in 603. both equally rapacious (Is 9: II). second siege (interrupted for a moment as a result ofEgyptian intervention). without a fight. in 841. Only twelve years later. The kingdom of Israel. The end came in 724. without making any show of resistance. did not bring Moab back to obedience (2 K 3 : 4-27). but we 4: wbll . and Solomon took no action when part ofEdom and Aram broke away from his empire (I K II: 14-2~). who had remained true to Sennachcrib. under Joas and Amasias (2 K 14: s-14). by taking advantage of a general revolt against Assyria. Roboam avoided a war with the Pharaoh Sheshonq by surrendering the treasues of the Temple and palace (I K 14: 25-26). And yet both kingdoms had quite enough to do defending their own territory against foreign pressure.C. The customs of those ages were different from ours: only when a commander had pitched his camp in enemy country and shown his power would he lay down conditions. After David.s. I. the ‘clerk’ who. from the harvest to seed-time. for the army would arrive in enemy territory just after the cereal harvests. sending a mission to Egypt. gave public notice of exemptions from service. but Judas knew it would never be secure unless the nation became independent. but it is unusual. Jl 2: I). The accounts of wars provide no details about mobilization. and he went on with the fight. who wanted to lend unity to his empire by imposing Greek culture everywhere. L&h and Azeqah were still holding out during the siege of Jerusalem. OS 5: 8. they are predicting an invasion. from south of Hebron to Galilee. The War of Independence under the Maccabees was therefore a religious war. exchange of signals between towns. 116. The strongholds which held out were soon reduced. of monarchical times. with small groups harassing the Seleucid garrisons and the reinforcements sent to them. not aggressive. There was no declaration of war. I I We said above that. usually called in Hebrew the dpher. To begin with. more often to protect or to establish a frontier. test our strength!’ (2 K 14: 8). This was simple enough with the professional army. cf.. hence there were no complications over transport or camping. is true of a professional army. which is simply a Hebrew naturalization of the Akkadian (upsharm.. . Excavations at Tell ed-Duweir (Lakish) provide evidence of the destruction of the town s&red during the two Chaldean invasions. he refused to allow the Jews to live according to their own law. meaning ‘scribe’. 1. before the time of David.s.~ Our present task is to see (as far as the documents will allow us) what strategy and tactics were followed by the organized army _. CC pp. p. thanks to the new techniques of investment which the Jews learnt from their enemies. 1.1 Here we are concerned only with its peculiar military characteristics. seen as a whole.4 According to 2 S II: I and its parallel (I Ch 20: I). according to the needs of the operations. Even Achab at Qarqar and Josias at Megiddo wanted only to safeguard the integrity of their country.slLrTAR* . in the NewBabylonian period. They merely state that the king ‘collected’ the army or the people (I K 20: I. zrs-2.~ In the next period certain texts presume that a trumpet was blown and a signal (the nex3) set up. in contrut with all his predecessors. AU this. It was a war of mobile forces. For several centuries the Jews were subject to foreign masters. in the end they wete all attempts to resist expvlsionist policies of the great powers. of course. the dates stretch on to autwnn and sometimes even into the winter. I. with operations extending. CT p. but not so easy with the conscripts. the refusal ofwhich would unleash hostilities ( I S II: If. The osnaka found there give some idea ofthe u&4ty just before the second siege: arranging liaison with Jerusalem. the Jews fmaUy achieved national independence. In the days when the whole people took up arms.+). 6: I. the mobilization of the nations against Babylon is d@bed thus: Raise a signal throughout the wodd. CT p. 2 K 6: . Am 3: 6. whenever possible. 2 K 3: 6). It was natural enough to choose the beginning of the good weather. In Jr 51: 27. ‘90. and warning their countrymen of imminent danger: it is an alarm signal in the strict scnsc. according to Dt 20: 5-8. Religious freedom was once more achieved (I M 6: 5744. a p. that he ‘made a census’ of them or ‘reviewed’ them (I K 20: 27. I K 20: If. cf. Dt 20: xc-12)‘. but Judas Maccabee very soon appealed to all the people of Israel and organized the army on the old traditional lines ( I M 3: 55-56). 261. were easily arranged.WJ m: t. ‘the time when kings begin their campaigns’ is ‘the turn of the year’. 2. The rebeUion broke out under Antiochus Epiphanes.z. ‘73. sometimes at one and the same time. Gather kingdoms against her. According to Jr 34: I and 7. cf. Appoint a recruiting sergeant against her! Most of Israel’s wars. rarely and by way of exception to bring a vassal back to obedience or to keep a trade mnte open. spring. that is. were defensive. too. In this text it refers to the official in charge of conscription. but the war had already begun. Cf p. it was conducted as guerilla warfare. almost all the Assyrian campaigns whose dates are known with precision began between April and June. “‘I. and ‘the yoke of the nations was lihed off Israel’ (I M 13 : 41). Under his brother Simon. for the roads were then in good condition. Ct p. all the wars were defensive wars. In the quotation from Jr 31: 27 ‘recruiting sergeant is a translation of the word !ipsar. the military history of Israel under the monarchy clearly shows that the era of wars of conquest begins and ends under David. 1. but it must have been much harder to mobilize peasants just at the heaviest period of work in the fields. blow the trumpet among the nations! Consecrate nations against her. I.NSIlTwslONS 4: WAR 251 know that operations went on elsewhere. a call to arms or to tlight (Jr 4: s-6. but in the end they revolted. Supplies. however. ‘the secretary who enlists the people of the country (2 K 35: 19) or the sho^!er. war was conducted by the people’s taking up artns. and from the Mediterranean coast to Transjotdan. and so when the prophets speak of the trumpet-sound or the setting up of a signal. they used to send round messengers or to blow a trumpet. and we shall have to consider it later under this aspect. The neatest approach to one is the chalIage flung down by Amasias of Judah to Joas of Israel: ‘Come and let us I I. and of the rebuilding ofthe defaces in the meantime.5 In fact. According to I K 30: 12. the army was equipped with supplies before its departure. he would continue to fight on both fronts while keeping his two combat forces in close liaison to give each other support (2 S IO: S-11). and while his comrades in the household guard are camping in the open air. Clearly. but it would be rash to use this text. whose smoke or light could be seen far away and which gave a signal agreed on beforehand (Jg 20: 38) or a simple warning (Jr 6: I). z S II : II tells us that during David’s war against the Ammonites. Cf. the tt. strictly. Sometimes the inhabitants would bring victuals (2 S 16: rt.e. the supplies were taken from depots (mirk’no^th). penuader the king of Judah to make an alliance with him. then. I.XT= m: MmTAttY nwrmnmtis We have little information on strategy. whether the professional troops were engaged alone. 19: 33).’ IZI mobile warfare. An ostrakon found at Lakish is most explicit: ‘We are watching the signals (ms’t) of L&h according to my Lord’s orders. 20 takes it for granted that Ben-hadad and his army are camped very neaz Samatia.1St1:1~. was repulsed. ‘They camped on ~ahweh’s orders and struck camp on Yalweh’s orders’ (Nb 9: x~.23). cf. i.Altematively. which arc mentioned alongside chariot garrisons under Solomon ( I K 9: 19) and alongside citadels under Josaphat (z Ch 17: 12). In OS 5: 8. 30: 24. and they are represented as an army in the iield (Ex 13 : m-s. 4: WAR 253 instead of this encircling manrruvre. according to 2 Ch 13: II-IS. which were used to call the assembly together and to accompany worship. The baggage was left with guards or reserves behind the fighting line or at the departure point (I S 17: 22. p. in another ancient text. but as a rule the tkoopr bad to live off the land as they went. to estimate the daily ration ofan Israelite soldier. 1r is an interesting hypothesis. the professional soldiers fought in the front line and led the aaack. An Egyptian papyrus gives a vivid description of tltesc same methods. They were in fact carried by the priest Phinchas when Israel opened its campaign against Midian (Nb 3 I : 6). Nb 9: I_+ 23).cf. it szems. Then by a long turning movement across Judah and Edom. for we cannot see Azeqah’: there must have been a code. David. a detachment might be despatched to attack the enemy from the rear (2 ch I. Liaison was maintained by orderlies. but it seems unlikely that these old stories reflect such a modern concept of strategy. systematically destroying everything in his path. The usual tratularion is ‘in the huts’.aiotu. 2 Ch 35 ~0-24). the rsraelitc army withdrew (2 K 23: ZG-~O. instead of attacking Mesha on their common frontier north of the Anton. Perhaps Josixs was trying to put &is old strategy into practice when he allowed Nechao to advance as fat as Megiddo. tactics would vary with the arms and the troops employed: it depended on whether chariots were used or not. According to the Hebrew text of I K 20: 27 (missing in the Greek and often suppressed by critics). The horn was a signal for mobilization or . the commander divided his force into three xwault corps (Jg 7: 16. The war against Moab (2 X 3: 4-27) gives a foe example of an indirect attack: the king of 1nae1. In the tradition about the Exodus and the stay in the desert. : 13-15). Trumpets were also used for signalling. while the professional army was acamped before Rabbah. The Hittita and the Canaanites. to interpret these signals. And the immediate context of 2 S XI: II favoun the ordinary translation: Uriah refuses to go home as long as the Ark and the people are living in huts.). the bulk of the army was held in reserve to exploit the success or to retreat ingoodorder. Our information about combat tactics is equally incomplete. ott the supposition that Ben-h&d or David had established a ‘strategic advanced base’ in the Jordan valley. David had used the same strategy against the Philistines. or both together. which the Egyptian army used in Canaan. One writer has recently suggested the translation ‘at S&ah’. But tlxy also used signals: the maderh was a ftre kindled on a height. ThiswashowdrebattlesofMegiddo (againstThutmoses III) and of Qadcsh (against Rarnses II) developed. We do not know how the army in the fteld received its supplies. the trumpet stands in a parallel with the horn (&par. as a young boy. If both were used together. playing tlte part which the late passages jut cited ascribe to the nutnpet. If a good general were thus attacked from behind. 2 S II: 19. brought parched corn and loaves to his brothers at the battle front (I S 17: t7). and they were to be used for departure for battle. but they were also used to give the order to break camp. the cloud of light which revealed the presence of Yahweh gave the people the signals for marching and camping. I S 23: 7-18). Similarly.thePhilirtinesalsointS13:t7). in the camp pitched before Rabbah or Samaria. **I. while the conscripts were held as uncommitted reserves: these tactics were employed in the Ammonite war under David and in the Aramaean wars under Achab. generally tried to draw the enemy far away from his bases and to come to grips near a strong position where their charioa could launch a surprise attack. combined with I S 23 : 18. 16. a ram’s horn). 17: 27-29. the priests sounded the trumpet in the war between Abiyyab and Jeroboam. 9:43. Ben-h&d uld the kings allied with him got drunk barsukkBth while the envoys were negodating with A&b in Samaria and the young cadets making their successful sortie. where the bulk of the army was held in reserve. the sh+tr alone is mentioned. or the conscripts alone. The text of T K 20: I. w. or when a surprise attack was to be made cm a camp. and sometimes the army would requisition them (Jg 8: 4c. Nb IO: I-IO mentions the two silver trumpets (!+q’r_rah).~St8:~. though on a smaller scale (z S 5 : 23). when the first attack.l army was baxn&kBth with the Ark. 9-m). 25: 13. he invades the territory of Moab from the south and marches on to the capital. on foot (Jg 9: 31. 18: 19) or mounted (2 K 9: I$. led by the king in person. Immediately after the passage about the cloud of light. n-13. .~S7:~4. which Sedecias had confirmed with an imprecatory oath. the . or requests for. though in these two texts.. and his oath (cf..3r.4: WAR 255 I I tallying (Jg 3: 27. Jor 7: 21. The outcome of a victorious war was always conquest by one side and vassaldom for the other: e. But it was also a religious c’y.. according to some exegetes. ot the renewal of a treaty. ! There is ‘a time for war and a time for pace’ (Qo 3: 8). But the horn was also used to order the cessation of hostilities (2 S 18: 16: 20: a).1K~:4. they are the ‘messengets ofpeacc’ (IS 33 : 7).~2~1:+7.). but there was a danger that the soldiers might take to plundering instead of exploiting their victory (I S 14: 24. but dte amount was fixed by the suzerain (z K 18: 14: 23: 33._ .__ . 2s: t3f. ot Sennachctib.49:~. the ~a~o~r~mh also is said to be used forthis(Nb to: 9. Similarly. 2: 2) was originally a savage shout meant to inspire the tanks and to strike feat into the enemy. K 24: 17. from a period of the Judges to the time of the Maccabees. 2 K 17: 3-4). This batde-cry(r’n.. Is 33: 8: ‘They broke the b’rirh’. Nechao and Nabuchodonosot against Judah. ot the Assyrians against Israel. 17: 4). Moab and Ammo”. 2. but includes the idea of friendly relations between two peoples. offering to return to Achab the Israelite tow. he had either to take his place ot to pay a large fme (cf. just as.). ~Kzo: 10. In their accounts of these wars. 2 S 17: 13. tborc between Hirtite and Assyrian kings and their vassals in Syria. I S 13: 3. closely bound up with the rdle of the Ark in fighting (cf. For example.Gn34:~1.. ?. 11:48. was reduced to slavery. This was how the fighting men made themselves rich. 30: 20).zs:!?to. 6: 34. and Deuteronomy lays down that peace terms must be offered to z._. 2 Ch 13: 1x5). foreign city before it is attacked (Dt 30: to). S 20: I). Yet war had to bring profit to somconc.__. Is 33: 7-8). means not only the absence of war. 2 K 14: 14. to mum ‘in peace’ from a campaign is a synonym for *to retumvictorious’(Jg 8:9. such behaviout is frowned on). levelled as if by a hurricane. 2 K 7: 8. The appetite for plunder and for the joy it brought (I S 30: 16) was a spur to the cotnbatams (2 K 3: 23). 27: 9. I M 4: t718). it then became put ofthe ritual surrounding the Ark (2 S 6: IS). tMs:35. OS 5: 8. Few pleasures were accounted comparable to that of sharing in the distribution of booty (Is 9: 2. it made no difference whether the Israelites u. The inhabitants of Yabcsh asked N&ash for a treaty when he pitched camp before their town (I S I I : I) . OS tz: 2: ‘They have made a b’rirh with Assyria. in other contexts. Am I: 14. CT *. dirnantled or burnt.. These relations would be guaranteed by a pact ot treaty (b’rlrh: I K 5: 26). zob). The laws of war were crude. The victor too could propose peace (Jg 21: 13). It was the usual custom also in biblical wars. Jr43: tz). he rued for peace. used in a political sense. or reduced to a heap of rubble. and the latter granted them peace and a treaty (Jos 9: 6. peace could be made even before the ~omnwncem~nt of hostilities. e.. Such treaties existed even when victory was not overwhelming. the &par gave the signal to shout the battle-cry (Jos 6: sf. a vassal of Shahnanescr.tCh 12: 18). From very ancient times.. refers to the policy of the last king of Samaria. etc. if it accepted the peace-terms. peace. and this peace is the fruit of via0 ry.s~. the fortifications were dismantled (2 K 14: 13).Thepeacc was sealed by the conclusion. in a purely negative sense. These offers of.g. I S 4: sf. David against Aram. later. 2 S r9:25. for different reasons. for they had no other way: Yahweh promised Nabuchodonorot the riches ofEgypt as wages for his army (Ez 29: 19). 2 Ch 27: 5). .2K3:25. The story of I K 20: 39-40 could mean that every man had a right to what he himself&d hands on: a man had captured a ptisoner whom he had left a comrade to guard: if the latter let him escape.g. The urual term for tribute is n&&ah. copies of which have survived. 1) . 20: 48. cf. I M 4: 23). and breaking the tteaty is the equivalent of going to war (I K 15: IP_20.. I.At dxvety least.occupied by his forces.266. a ‘present’. who turned to Egypt for help (cf. ThZ‘obligations ofa defeated enemy who acce pted vassaldom had to be fixed. whet> Ben-h&d had been defeated at Apheq. When the battle was about to commence. Dt 20: 14). Edom. tefen. The Annals of the kings of Assyria have a constant refrain of towns destroyed.. Nb 29: I) and cettain Psalms._.zo:16.. Before being burnt. I M 5: 28. and among these ~1s the tribute he had to pay. conquered towns were pillaged (2 S 8: 8: 12: 30. .. and fmally parsed into the Temple liturgy (Lv 23: 24. but Er 17: 13-21 states it dearly of Seder&s: Nabuchodonosor had made a treaty (&rh) with him. a camp abandoned by the cnemy would be pillaged (z K 7: 16. and withholding payment was equivalent to revolt (2 K 3: 4-5. IS). 159. war ends by the establishment of peace. the historical books of the Bible never mention a treaty imposed by the victor..ere attacking other towns ot Israelite towns were being captured by invaders (Jg 9: 45. The word h&n.‘ah: cf also thecorrc+ pondingnounandvetbintS~7:zo. the victors took away everything they could carry (2 Ch 20: 2s.. cf. 35. even the dead were stripped of everything worth while on the very field of battle ( I S 31: 8) . Sededas had broken the treaty. I Kzz:z7-28.. the weaker party. and to allow the Israelites to open bazaars at Damascus like those the Atamaeans had at Samatia: Achab then signed a treaty with him (I K 20: 34). Ps ttg: 162). it means friendly relations between ~oindividuals~g4:t7. flocks were carried offas booty (I S 14: 32.8: rz. In these three instances. Ben-hadad had first sent mcssengets (I K 20: 32) .2~:4~:cf. Jg 7: t6f. Lady. if the superiorpower of one party made the issue virtually cettin: thus the Gibeonitcs sought to make a treaty with Josue. . 16: ~o).Jr4:~g. to the pact between Sennachetib and Ezechias. Conversely. but they ate taking oil to Egypt’.. Not to hear the sound of the horn is a synonym for being threatened with war no longer (or 42: 14). 6-47). David introduced the rule that the men left behind to guard the baggage should share the spoil along with the fighting men ( I S 30: 24-25). he killed every single man and woman (I S 27: 9. for both the community and the individual stood to gain by keeping enemy prisoners alive. We said above that in Israel.1 Apart from the !. and whole popolarionr were deported. This presumes that if a female prisoner is not taken to wife by her master. he massacred all the Am&kiter who fell into his hands (I S 30: 17). but they suffered from it: the inhabirarrrs of the northern kingdom were deported en max afret the conquests of Tiglarh-P&sat (2 K 15 : 29) and after the fall of Samaria (2 K 17: 6). and put to death two-thirds of the population ofMoab (2 S 8: 2). when it says that txes should be spared because they are nor men. II. and the law of Dt was purely theoretical. the leader had a special portion which his men left him of their own free will (Jg 8: 24-25.emn in a holy war which involved all living beings.lvc. The reasons for this conduct were nor purely humanitarian The last two texts do nor clearly stare that this was the motive.’ but she thereby ceases to be a slave. and the law ofDt 20: u-r3 lays down that if a city refuses to surrender.4 The short story in I K 20: 39 stares that the soldier really meant to keep the prisoner as his own slave. as they had previously been enslaved. At the beginning ofrhc Exile. if they had won the battle. one half for the fighting men and the other half for the rest of the community. Even Gideon. When David went raiding in the Negeb. could be used for forced labour. Pr r6: 19). Later on the king reserved the most valuable articlcs for himself or for the treasury of the sanctuary (2 S 8: 7-8. and Dr 20: 19 seems to exclude the idea. I. every male in it shall be put to death. A law is ascribed to Mores according to which the booty had to be divided equally. 25: . According to J14: 3. under Gideon. prisoners ofwar became public slaver in the service of the king or the sanctuary. Am&s executed ro. in all probability. their lot was an unenviable one. the amount of which was probably agreed upon beforehand. But these instances are exceptional. Is 9: 2. would have spared Zebah and Salmunna if he had nor been bound by the law of blood-vengeance (Jg 8: 18-21). Jr 52: 27-30). could have had ‘a young girl. as among other ancient peoples. after both parts had been subjected to a tax for the Lcvites (Nb jr: 2. the Midianite leaders were beheaded (Jg 7: 25).I. nor were the ro~ru~es of whic!r Assyrian rats and monuments offer only too many examplcr. for each warrior’ (Jg 5: 30). Gn 14: 24). in his day. The historical books of the Bible record instances of barbarous treatment meted out to defeated enemies: under Josue. In the early wars of Israel. as it was among other ancient peoples. cf. or two young girls. or as Temple slaves. People. or as public slaves. The soldiers of Sisera. Self-interest would counsel moderation. . They would pay tribute.. perhaps I S 30: 20). war was one of the sources of the slave-supply. AccordingtoNb )I: r8. cf. as well as things. Ado+Sedeq had his thumbs and big roes cur off (Jg I : 6).27afrerthecampaignaglinstMidianthewomenwho were virgins were divided between the fighting men and the rest of the people. political reasons led first the Assyrians and the&e Babylonians to substitute deportation for enslavement. 12: JO). The law of Dt 21: to-14 authorizes art Israelite to marry a woman captured in war.000 Edonlite prisoners of war (z Ch 25: rz). We are better informed about women cxprored in war.1 the massacre of prisoners was never a general rule. I I). Lastly.2S6 111: MILIT‘WY *NSTrTUTr”NS 4: WAR 257 custom was to collect and then to share our the boory (Jg 5: jo. the nations drew lots for the people of Yahweh and sold the boys and girls. 81. and the kings of Israel had a reputation for mercy ( I K 20: 31): they did not kill their prisoners of war (2 K 6: zz-which need nor be corrected). p.3 and that. but at least they were nor slaves. The Israelites never had an opportunity to copy this practice. the allies had a right to share the booty (cf. she remains a Sl. fell into the hands of the victor. they could even be sold as slaves to private individuals. In a confederate army. Part of the population ofJudah was deported after each of the two sieges ofJerosaem by Nabuchodonosor (2 K 24: x4f. five Canaanite kings were trampled undcrfoot and put to death (Jos to: 24-26). ‘purr off her captive’s robes’ and (though she may be divorced) may never be sold. the Greeks gave the name of ‘holy wars’ (irpol v&~I) to those which the amphictyony of Delphi conducted against any of its members who had violated the sacred rights of Apollo. Jr 6: 4. worse. the troops of God ( I S 17: 26).24:5. where the religious aspect was something accessory. The combatants in a holy war left home with the certainty of victory. He him&marched in the van of the army (Jg 4: 14. when they themselves had been ‘sanctified’ for the war of conquest (Jos 3: 6). The history of the battle ofApheq is particularly inauctive (I S 4). which was the signal for battle. so it is brought from Shiloh and the Philistines deduce that ‘God has come into the camp’. which had to be kept ‘holy’ ifYahweh to encamp with his troop (Dt 23: I&IS). the t’n?‘ah (I S 4: sf.’ It had led the Israelites across the Jordan. cf. and this obligation of cleanlin~ extended to the amp.).. under the Maccabea: Israel did not fight for its faith. J14: 9).3: 9C.25). 4) by means of the ephod and sacred lots (I S z. but for its existence.: 9.~8. It was begun at the command of the gods. and when it came to rest: ‘Return. It is incompatible with the idea of Yahwism as the particular religion and the peculiar possession of the chosen people. This title seems to stem originally from the sanctuary of Shiloh. in a broad sense. Yahweh. They werebound to remaincontinent (I S 21: 6. for which they were thanked by an offering of part of the booty. The success of the Pbilistines is attributed to the absence of the Ark.). 25: 28). with its own particular ideology and rites. It is not quite so certain that the title Yahweh Sabaoth should be connected with the Ark and its r6le as a palladium in the wars of Israel.PIER FIVE T HE H O L Y W A R MONG all the peoples of antiquity. IS 30: 26. or the armies ofYalwch(Ex 12: 41. and the national epic was sung of in the ‘Book of the Wm . the holy war of Islam. and its &es when the people took up arms they were called the people of Yahweh or the people of God (Jg 5: 13. 13: 9. sometimes modified. Tradition told how it had been with the people during their many wanderings in the desert.Beforemar&g out to bat& a sacrifice was offered to Yahweh (I S . and conducted with the help oftbe gods who ensured victory. however.4:7. wanderings which are represented as the marches ofan army on the move. sometimes taking on a new lease of life in particular surroundi~~gs or at particular times. But. it is itself captured by the enemy. The enemies of 1srxl were theencmiesofYahweh(Jg 5: 31. war was linked with religion.IS23:4.). When the Ark was leaving. ix. they shouted: ‘Arise. this ideology. precisely because of this essential relation between the people and its God. and single it out among the other wars of antiquity. such was the primitive concept of war in krael but (as with kingship). for ‘Y~wehhad’already’givmtheenemyintotheirhands’~os6:~. I. Df M: 4).‘. these rites. most important ofall. ‘made holy’ (Jos 3: 5.f Yahweh’ (Nb 21: 14. it did retain a religious character for a long time. 2 S II: II). The combatants had to be in a state of ritual cleanliness.. it was accompanied by sacritices. and Nb I O: 35-36 has presenred some ancient battle-cries.Fai~wwaJulindispensablecondition: they bad to have faith and to be without fear (Jos 8: I. We shall attempt to trace the evolution of this process. and had been carried in solemn procession around the walls ofJericho 00s 6: 6f. and this capture is felt as an inexplicable disaster.). the old ideal survived. then.U. every war wzu a holy war. 23: t. a book no longer extant. Even under David. This time.8:t. . give it a specific character of its own. More strictly.a. Nevertheless. or that the title had any connection whatever with the military instimtions of Israel or with their religious arpcct. This last notion of a holy war is utterly foreign to Israel. I O: 8.. Yahweh. the Ark was in the camp with all Israel in front of Rahbath Amman (2 S I I : II). When the Ark arrived at Apheq. 7: 4).IS. . the jihud. andlet thy enemies be scattered . though the assertion is of&n made. A The ronr~pr of the holy war. OI at least with their approval. In antiquity. 2% 1. p. besides..7:9. CC p.1 but tbis cry was also part of the ritual surrounding the Ark (2 S 6: 13) and was a religious cry. the Israelites had raised the battle-cry.C. d. 30: 7f. it is not certain that Yhwh Sba’bth means ‘Yahweh of the armies’ (of ~smel). 12). the Ark does not bring victory. to the countless thousands of Israel. is the duty incumbent upon every Moslem to spread his faith by force ofarms.) and he decided when to go to war. The reason is that the wars ofIsrael were the wars of Yahweh (I S 18: I. Jg3:28. cf. Those who were afraid did not have the necessary religious dispositions and 1. This does not mean that every war was a religious wu--a concept which does not appear until very late. More strictly still.z hut not strictly with reference to the Ark which was kept there. Yahweh was consulted (Jg M: 23. cf. ~2: 7. 2 S 5: 24. manifested by omens. this sawal character faded into the background and war became a ‘profane’ thing. war just as much as kingship or legislation. This means that war is a sacred action.Ex 17: 16).~s: I S 14: 37.erc. 6. all the institutions of Israel were invested with a sacred character. The visible sign of this presence of Yahweh was the Ark. more painful than the massacre of the army itself. 20: z. The destruction of c&c objects in the towns of Canaan is explicitly prescribed in DC 7: 5. Dt 20: 8. i. yet there is no doubt that bath the notion and the practice of the hem are of great antiquity. the &vn was more or less restricted: it applied to all human beings. We discussed above1 the strategy of Gideon against the M&mites. I~-IS. The bat&-cry (t’rdah) was: ‘ T h e . The poem sings the praises ofthosewho freely answered the call. 3: 6-7 and probably 20: 16. II:I~ and probably IO: zSf.NSTu”TIONS 5 : THE HOLY W*R 261 were to be sent away (Jg 7: 3 . who had no faith to support them. which was not the original reason for the custom). It was Yahweh and not Israel who emerged victorious (7: 2). striking panic into the enemy. had been sent away (7: 3).vars as genuine holy wars. the town and all its movables were burnt. the recurrence of the same form&. Df 20: &7).e Book of Josue. but that examination did not take into account the religious element. Gideon had received the spirit of Yahweh (6: 34). 1t is remarkable that tbw should bc laid down in Deuteronomy. God’s champions (5: S). and the army itself had then been reduced to a tiny group. though in these two references a special reason is given). Jg 5: z. who had intervened twice to assure him of success (6: 3640. even before the fighting starts. Yet the way in which some of the stories are grouped. striking a&divine terror’ into them (1 s 14: IS).260 m: MtLIT*tlY . of those who had faith in their victory (5: 2. They are found in the old story of the war of the triba against Benjamin (Jg 21: II). 7: 22. and the common spirit which pervades these texts all stamp these . to the whole picture of the holy war sketched out in the preceding paragraph. Both the prose account and the song are close enough to the events to have given us a faithful version of what the participants thought of this war: for them. in contrast with the reference to towns in the Holy Land. in a more general way. but the cattle and movable goods could be kept as booty (Dt 2: 34-35. The character is clearly seen in the war of Deborah and Baraq against Sisera. and in the prophetical tradition about S&s war against the Am&kites (I S IS). In theory.9): the fighting men were.0: I S 7: I O) and threw the enemy into confusion (Jg 4: 15. What we have just said about the herem applier also. Akan. the anathema was to admit of no exception and Saul was condemned for not having interpreted it strictly. brought down a curse upon the people.. I S 7: IO. cf. boasts inhis inscription that he had massacred the entire Israelite population of Nebo. Ez 44: 29). sometimes women who were virgins might be excepted (Nb 31: r4-18. king ofMoab in the ninth century~. which he had vowed to anathema (verb: Fnn) in honour of his god AshtarKemosh. is marching ahead of Baraq. When a foreign town was captured. 7). Elsewhere. it was a sacred action. there is not one where all the several elements are found. On the o&r hand. and among all the accounts of the early wars &&I. the anathema carried out on the vanquished enemy and his go& The meaning of the root and the usage of the cognate verb show that the word !wem denotes the fact of ‘separating’ something. 7: 99. 28. it admits of no exception whatsoever: at Jericho. the stars themselves fought on his side (5 : 20) and the enemies of Yahweh were annihilated (5: . both in the prose account (Jg 4) and in the Song of Deborah (Jg 5). the people of Yahweh (5: 13) come to Yahweh’s aid (5 : 23). The precise farm of this varies in different texts. 7.). During battle. forbidden to man and consecretated to God.. the metal objects consecrated to Yahweh (Jos 6: I& 24).e. so that notaman will escape (4: 14-16).25. published at a period when the holy war was little nxxe than a memory. where the dismirral ofsuch men is explained by a psychological reason. which is an essential factor in Jg 6-S. only the male population was put to death (Dt 20: 14. had to be put to death. too. 8: 3. It is hard to say ro what extent these prescriptions were in fact applied. The term found its way into the general vocabulary of worship (Nb 16: 14. all living things. and that the concrete examples should be found in tl. Jos 6: 2. 14: 20). but here the word Ferem is not found and the text does not refer to a holy war. by transgressing the Eerem. hc was therefore punished and the goods he had stolen were destroyed (Jos 7). As a general rule. who really did conduct holy wars. neither the ward nor the custom is found in the stories of the Judges. it was Yahweh who fought far Israel (Jos 10: 14. I). Itwas Yahweh who delivered Midian into the hands ofIsrael (7: 2. In addition. 24: 7. Jos 8: &27.c. alternatively. The &rem was to be applied with the utmost rigour against any Israelite town which had denied Yahweh (Dt 13: 13-18). but originally it belonged to the ritual of the holy war: it meant leaving to Gad the fruits of Victory. then. of taking it out of profane use and reserving it for a sacred use. Jg a: II. The features which go to its making are borrowed from vati& books. Let us take a few examples. Jg XI: 35). we have one parallel from outside theBible: Mesha. But victory war neither the last act of the holy war nor its culmination. Lv 27: 21. Yahweh gave Baraq the order to march and promised to deliver Sisera into his hands (4: 67) . the final redaction of which ir equally late. This occurs in the Eerem. 20: 17. in order to make the divine intervention even more striking (7: 7). In Saul’s war against the Amalekites (I S IS). however. it may be the result of a vow by the people (Nb 21: 2). He called into service the elements ofnature 00s IO: II. it may stand for the thing which is ‘separated’ in this way. the timid. by way of exception. the herem originates from an order of Yahweh (Dt 7: 2. I S 15: 3). It was Yahweh himselfwho went forward in the earthquake and in the rending of the skies (5 : 4). Yahweh has already handed over Sisera. 42. men and beasts. Yahweh was no longer consulted. Yahweh threw the enemy camp into confusion (7: 21). But everything we have so far said shows that. who is nevertheless leader of an expedition against Moab (2 K 3: 13-14). and a panic sent by God fell upon the camp (14: IS). This too was a war of Yahweh. in the Deuteronomic framework of the Book of Judges (Jg 2: z-3). 20: 17-IS). Jonathan and his amour-bearer went unescorted to attack the Philistine post at Mikmas. and even if the saying ‘Yahweh gives the victory’ (2 S 8 : 6. Yahweh gave the victory to Israel’ (14: 16-23). who transgressed the ritual laid down for a holy war (I S IS). however. but prophets did intervene with the king ( I K 20: 13-14. was not a war of religion. about the opportuneness of war or about the manner in which it should be waged. but not with Siscra and his gods. The holy war. Similarly. A fast had been ordered for all combatants. These prophets still used the time-hottoured vocabulary of the holy war: Yahweh woulddelivertheencmyintothehandsofIsracl(tK~o:13. the Israelites fought only defensive wars.262 nr : MlLlTARY INSnTmONS 5 : THE HOLY WAR 263 sword for Yahweh and for Gideon!’ (7: 20). To begin with. in the prescriptions of Deuteronomy on the herem (Dt 7: z-5.14) was still heard. 1” the following century. Eliseus accompanied the kings of Israel and of Judah in their expedition against Moab and passed on to them the word of Yahweh (2 K 3: 11-19. the prophets were no longer anything more than the religious audlivics of the king. 22. It is represented also by the quite independent account in Jg I : Judah and Simeon undertake the conquest of their territory after consulting Yahweh. 1n the Ammonite war. the wars in the time ofJosue and the Judges were not undertaken in order to spread belief in Yahweh. in the Book ofJosuc. and it happened under David. in the Book ofJudges. the state’s concern: it was ‘profaned’. But the conquest of the Promised Land is certainly described ar a holy war. and the people associated themselves with this action by an act of faith and by conforming to a definite ritual. and in the still later redaction of the war of Moses against Midian (Nb 23 : 17-18. During the period of the Judges and under the reign of Saul. and ordered a census ofthe people formilitary purposes (2 S 24: I+). ofnecessity. and whatever the date of its redaction or the part to be attributed to its redactors. In opposition to a false prophet who foretells that Yahweh will deliver Ramoth of Gilead into the hands of Achab. but for its existence as a people. 2 K 3 : IS). they were asentially religious: in these wars. not Israel which fought for its God. the accounts of the conquest do not contain a single allusion to the gods or the worship of Canaanites. It is no longer Yahweh who marches ahead of his people to fight the Wars of Yahweh. also 2 K 13: 1st). the Ark accompanied the troops. as the jihad is undertaken to spread the Moslem faith: nor was their object to defend a faith against a foreign religion. who gives them the land (Jg I: t-2. as the holy war. WC must admit that arms played at least some part in the setdement in Canaan. and the panic among the Philistines increased until they took to flight: ‘that day. Gideon destroys an altar to Baal. mere trappings. But these rites became accessory things.~8. The wan against the Philistines will provide a last example. sometimes the king would even ask them for an oracle ( I K 22: 3-12). 28).2~:6. but precisely because the wars were no longer holy. who engaged a large number of foreign mercenaries. ifonly Achaz would have faith in Yahweh (Is 7: 4-9). According to the ancient texts. in Israel. they certainly did not invent this tradition. ~saias stood out as the defender of the ancient concept of the holy war. the earth quaked.4). 12). but whereas in olden times it had been the leader in war who was inspired by God. by drawing lots. certain rites of the holy war were retained. whether they were many or few (I S 14: 61. 31: 15-16). Yahweh wxs fighting for the life of his people. One could say that this strictly sacred character of war disappeared with the advent of the monarchy and the establishment of a professional army. In the &st prophet&J school the idea of the holy war lived on. had to fight for his people. and Eliseus refused to consult Yahweh on behalf of the king of Israel. The combatants ate no longer warriors who volunteer to fight. for Yahweh would give them victory. Israel is not fighting (directly) for its religious freedom. and that this conquest created a climate of opinion particularly favourable to the idea of the holy war: then above all Yahweh the Warrior (Ex 15: 3). in the Book of Josue. even if these holy wars were not wars of religion.~~. and Uriah (a Hittite mercenary!) kept strict continence (2 S II: II). Saul consulted the oracles (14: IS). This is the principal fact: it was Yahweh who fought for Israel. David ‘consecrated’ to Yahweh the silver and gold of his conquest (z S 8: II). War became. the prophets often stood opposed to the king. but the epijode has no connection whatever with his holy war against the Midianites. Religious preoccupations appear only in texts which ate of late redaction. It is worthy of note that. a sign assures Jonathan that Yahweh had delivered the enemy into his hands (14: 10. and .). In addition. cf. a true prophet predicts disaster (I K 22: I$-28). When Aram and Ephraim launched their attack on Judah. The Song ofDeborah contrast Yahweh and his champions with Siscta and his chariots. it war certainly David who secured it by human means and who received the glory which ensued (2 S 12: 28). but the king who leads his people out and fights its wars (I S 8: 20). or consctipts recruited by his &i&b. the Master of War (I S 17: 47). against those who would appeal to political motives. and it has recently been suggested that the holy wars oflsrael were always defensive wars. but prw fcssionals in the pay of the king. he foretold disaster forthem. Tlti transformation was obviously going to precipitate a crisis: the ground was prepared for it under Saul. 25. Judas and his brothers conduct ‘the fight of Israel’ (I M 3 : 2). Characteristics of the holy war tecur in &se passages: there is a certitude of victory. 7: 2. ‘Remember what Yahweh your God did to Pharaoh and to all Egypt. Dt 7: 5. ‘It is not the uprightness of your behwiout nor the tightness of your heart which will win you possession of their country. and decided. It is impossible to imagine anything mote opposed to the ancient ideology of the holy war. in the books of Maccabees. And the past is a pledge against the future: ‘Yahweh your God. does fit in with a concrete historical situation. for it is Yahweh your God who is marching with you’ (31: 6). the revival of the national spirit and the overthmw of the Assyrian yoke gave new and lively hope to the people. theysoundedthettumpet. in anger. Again.25). The entire history of Israel is presented as a holy war.). had no religious character. The teason wxs that Yahweh had deserted the camp of Israel. and mobilized the army according to the rules set down in Dt 20: s-8. Thy mcaiu will stoop low to wotst tbcc. as it had once done for the holy war against Benjamin (Jg 20: I) . which the disaster ofMegiddo quenched utterly. In the second book. During the Jewish period. What is even mote remarkable is that the rules of the holy war should have received their clearest and most complete expression at the end of the mow achy in the redaction of Deuteronomy. I S 14: 45). he even fought against them (Jr 21: 5) and issued orders to the Chaldeam ‘to attack. 5). the age of conquesta and military triumphs was long past. whose shield is thy help. Against Egypt. Isa& tells his contemporaries: you counted on human means ‘but you have not looked at their Author nor seen him who made all things long ago ’ (a : I I). 6.264 11. but thou shalt ttamplc on their backs.). But out pattialar interest at present is to study the new spirit which minutes these laws. I&s and other prophets probably borrowed their concept of the ‘day of Yahweh from this ancient ideology. for ‘Yahweh Sabaoth would come down to tight on mount Sion and on its bill’ (31: 4). The last wxs of Judah and tbc desperate resistance against the Chaldeans.: MlLlThRY INST. it is because of their perversity that Yahweh yout God will dispossess these nations to your advantage’ (9: 5). Jeremias lived through these events.4 ( I M 4: 24-25. Judas overthrew altars it.). and this justifies the UEC made of it above to describe the practices of the holy war. in the heart of a consuming fire. so Yahweh your God will deal with all the peoples you are &id to face’ (7: 18-19). I S 17: 46). but the same ideas ate found: they prepare for battle by prayer and fasting (2 M 13: IO-I& and Iudas’ whoa&m to the troops mm: ‘The enemy trusti his arms and his . faith in Yahweh. or : ’ Salvation lay in convenion and calm. Philistine tetritoty. And the book closes with the Blessings of Moses. Before the battle of Emmaus.1 Mispah. though transformed by the progress in theology.TUTIclNS J : m HOLY WAR when Sennachctib was threatening Jerusalem. who unleasher the elements and strikes his enemies with terror: we can still hear an echo of the Song of Deborah. Judas exhorted th. cf. cf. I&s assured the people that God would save the city (37: 33-35). to capture and bum Jerwalem’(Jr 34: x. 3: 67. do not bc afraid. Yet this new r&cdon on the idea of the holy wx. ‘No one will hold his ground before you. since there was no longer any ephodotprophet. shouted the batde-cty (ct Nb IO: 9 and the r&h). just as you have seen him do in Egypt’ (Dt I: 30). we meet once mote some of the cbaractetistics of the holy war. When Deuteronomy was edited. and sought to know the will of God by opening the book of the law. and he has no place for the holy wat in his preaching: the contrast with Is&s is striking. and there was no longer any occasion to apply its prescriptions about the siege of foreign towns (Dt 20: m-m) or the execution of an anathema (Dt a: 34-35. of the conquest stories and of the period of the Judges.x. peopIe not to fear and to call upon God: ‘All the nations shall acknowledge that there is someone who saves Istxl’ (I M 4: E-II . which ends (Dt 33: 29): Happy att thou. it would be a day when Yahweh would come for a victorious battle. But it was only a t&ment~ry blaze. to chastise his people (2 K 23: 27. ‘Be strong and hold fast. an old song breathing a warlike spirit. Against Assur. a warrior action on the part of God. and after the victory they blessed God for the ‘gtcat salvation’ he had wrought in 1sta. burnt their idols and sacked the tmws (I M 5: 68. Yahweh would come from afar ‘in the heat of his anger. will fight for you. He condemned military pteparations (22: 9-n) and the seeking ofhelp from abroad (31: I-~). 24: 3. But these new ‘wars of Yahweh’ take place only in the visions of the ptophets and ate no longer the wats of Israel: the latter have become utterly profane. the echo of ancient texts rings fainter. Yahweh your Gad will make you feared and formidable throughout the length of the land your feet shall tread’ ( II: 25). and the Egyptians would lose heart and mm against one another (19: I-Z ). and it is by no means impossible that these texts ofDeuteronomy inspired the king when he tried to halt the march of Necbao (z K 23 : 29: 2 Ch 3 3 : zof. The raising of the liberation army recalls many ancient memories (I M 3 : 4&60) : the asxmbly met 2. and you did not want them’ (30: IS). who marches in front ofyou. and which dominates the speeches at the beginning and end of the book. whose sword ir thy victory. The book contains many very ancient elements. they fasted. 0 Israel-who is like th&? People victorious through Yahweh. your power lay in perfect confidence. he would come on a cloud. in a stotm of rain and hail’ (30: 27-30). recorded in the books ofJeremiv and Kings. Under Josias. under J&s. and God answers this prayer when an armed rider appears on the road to Bethsur (2 M I I : 6-a). J : THE HOLY WAR An astonishing document has recently been found which shows that the ideas of the holy war gained a new lease of life among a group of Jews: it is the ‘Order of the War’ found in the caves of Qumran. 1n its pages. three refer to fexfi used above (Nb IO: 9. God did not order rhe war and he does not intervene directly in it. and gives rules for the war which will take place at the end of time between the ‘Sons of Light’ and the ‘Sons of Darkness’. The vision is not of a religious conquest of rhe world. the readers could feed their hatred for the Sons of B&l. those of the Qumran community. The book dates. by the total victory of God and the Sons of Light. from the first century B. had its own rites. marches along with his faithful. I : 52). and there are in addition may expressions which recall the ancient ideology. the old notion of the holy war takes on a particularly violent character. The most one dare ask is that he should send an angel (2 M 15: 23). between the faithful Jews. 267 writing the struggle is evidently regarded as a holy war. cm &e one hand. The Maccabeer and their men are not inspired by God. ‘God’s moment’. ‘&d’s sbughter’. and the soldiers ore volunteers called to fight the battles of God. like all the others. The army is ‘the people of God’. the ‘miscreants’. of course. possibly it was inspired by the fanaticism of those Zealots who took part in the revolts against the Roman% and who may have thought that the time was come for the final struggle between the Sons of Darkness and the Sons of Light.. as happened in the French wars of religion during the sixteenth century. expands to cosmic dimensions. Judv arks the Lord ‘to send a good angel before us to sow fear and fright’ among the enemy (2 M 15: 23). but the enemies of God and Israel will f&y be annihilated.7:5:9:25. accompanied by the army of angels. Judas fights for the people and the holy place (I M 3 : 43. visionary drexns are mingled with practical arrangements that could be taken straight from a Roman military text-book. But in spite of these resemblances. and to the deliverance ofJerusalem Gem Sennacherib (I M 7: 40-e. is undertaken and won by merely human means. 3: g-5. z M 8: 19. of a conversion imposed by force of arms. One can. This ‘war’. who is called ‘The Hero of the Fight’. and fragments of many copies have been found.4:2. and in Holland during the seventeenth camxy. Victory it certain: there may be mmncnts of distress. the Mxcabeer vow to fight against the ‘wicked’. The combatants fight for religious freedom. point to external similarities with the Books of Maccabecr. whom they recognized in the pagan occupants of the Holy Land. the ‘sinners’ (I M 2: 44. yet the authors of the work were apparently convinced that this war was certainly coming. the spirit is no longer that of the holy war. But it is a war of religion. IS: a). It was inevitable that both sides should soon introduce into it political interesti. Always and everywhere.59). between Good and Evil. and yet is referred to the end of the present era of time: it is an apocalyptic war. The world is zt the moment divided between Light and Darkness. for ‘the town. muter of all things’ (2 M8:18). The rebellion began when Mattathias CUT the throat of a Jew who had agreed to offer sacrifice on the altar at Modin (I M 2: 24). and the eternal reign ofLight will begin. Mattathias calb upon ‘everyone who is zealous for the law ad who observes the Covenant’ to follow him (I M 2: 27). 6: 21.e. but in the Qumran . it is worthy of note that of the five explicit citations of the Old Testament. cf. who were allying themselves wxh plgans(tM3:t~. there is nothing resembling the Moslem jihad.II:2x-2s).Itw1Saw~afreligionwhich set the ftithful Jews fighting against their fellow-Jews who had rallied to the cause of HeUenism and against their foreign protectors. Against the b&ground of this dualist thought. Dt 7: ~1-22. But this heavenly envoy plays only a symbolic part: this fight.‘HelpfromGod’(~M8:~3)or’VictoryfromGod’(~M~3:1~) are the passwords. not only against foreign master who proscribe the observance of the law. It is the Hand of God which is raised against B&a! and his empire. but also against their perjured brethren ‘who abandon the holy Covenant’ (Dn II: 30). holy war. tn battle the standards are inscribed ‘Right hand of God’. but never to the holy wars ofthe conquest and the period of the Judges. it even turns into a ceremony in which priests and Levites have an essential part to play. and God himself. and order can only be established by Ihe total destruction of the forces of Dvkncss and of Evil. 7: 23-24). i. The text was copied time and time again. h this curious text. but WC--WC have placed our trust in God. and ‘who have abandoned the law’ (I M IO: 14. and all the pagan nations on the other. 20: 2-s). 48. and were waiting for it.266 “I: mm*RY INSllTtnlDNS boldness. like the holy war of bygone ages. 1t is significant that the allusions to the help Gad gave his people in ancient times refer to the crossing of the Red Sea (I M 4: 9).C. religion and the Temple’ (z M 15: 17). All this prevents us from taking the Maccabean war as ?. in all probabiicy. BIBLIOGRAPHY . i . . . . on *r dilmicn of.udrh: . . _- .IL. xii . . F” .n .’ . i INDEX TO PROPER NAMES . Iii . . . . . . . . ‘/ . . lxxii . . lxxvi . lxxix . F . “7 lxmiii .